President Kibaki with Vice President Kalonzo Musyoka and ODM leader Raila Odinga shortly after the State Opening of the Tenth Parliament . The President said that the new coalition will prioritise the war on poverty besides embarking on legal reforms.
Originally uploaded by Pan-African News Wire File Photos
Story by ERIC SHIMOLI
Kenya Daily Nation
Publication Date: 3/7/2008
Job creation and legal reforms were top on the list when President Kibaki set the legislative agenda for the Tenth Parliament Thursday.
And in what would signal a fresh start in the way Kenya is governed, the House opened without an official Opposition party for the first time since multi-partyism was re-introduced in 1992.
Once the crucial Bills legalising the coalition are passed, MPs from all parties will work as a team to promote national healing. The manifestos of all parties will be used as a framework for new national policies, the President said.
The President urged MPs “to become ambassadors of peace and reconciliation”. He was confident that Kenya would overcome the post-election strife that cost the country over 1,200 lives.
The four key Bills will legalise the grand coalition and set up a Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission. High on the reforms agenda is the Bill to change the way local authorities are governed. The President urged Parliament to pass a law to pave the way for the direct election of mayors.
“My Government will also re-table the Sessional Paper on Employment Policy for discussion in the House on the urgent and critical matter of providing enough jobs for our young people,” said the President.
Priority will be given to activities that improve the livelihoods and conditions of the poor while promoting equitable opportunities for development throughout the country.
Slum upgrading, building of public markets in all urban areas and support for small businesses and smallholders will be top on the agenda of the coalition government.
President Kibaki also revealed why he and ODM leader Raila Odinga signed the power- sharing deal and peace accord last Thursday: They were answering the cries of Kenyans and had recognised that the country was more important than either of them.
The four Bills, The National Accord and Reconciliation Bill, The Constitution of Kenya (Amendment) Bill, The Establishment of Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission Bill, and The Establishment of the Ethnic Relations Commission of Kenya Bill will be given priority to ensure the power-sharing accord is legalised and effected.
The National Accord and Reconciliation Bill will give legal weight to the agreement signed between President Kibaki and Mr Odinga to create the posts of Prime Minister and two deputies. It will also legalise the proportionate distribution of Cabinet positions between PNU and ODM.
Once it is passed, Mr Odinga will become independent Kenya’s second Prime Minister after Mzee Jomo Kenyatta, who held the position briefly. It was obvious from the mood among MPs that the peace deal had eased tensions between them.
Sharp contrast
The atmosphere in the House was in sharp contrast to the chaos and name-calling that marked the swearing-in of MPs and the election of the Speaker in January.
At that time, tempers flared and lawmakers nearly came to blows with each side raising numerous points of order to delay proceedings after the two sides disagreed over the outcome of the December 27 presidential election results.
During the State Opening of Parliament Thursday, President Kibaki was received by Vice-President Kalonzo Musyoka, Mr Odinga, deputy leader of government business Martha Karua and whips from the Government coalition and ODM.
Though Mr Odinga occupied the seat of the Leader of Official Opposition, this time round, MPs from both sides of the House rose when the President made his way into the chamber to occupy the Chair of State from where he delivered his address.
Only PNU/government coalition MPs stood during the swearing-in in January.
This time, there was spontaneous foot thumping during the President’s address.
Minute’s silence
At the President’s request, the House observed a minute’s silence twice — to honour Embakasi MP Melitus Mugabe Were and Ainamoi MP David Too, who were short dead in January — and the more than 1,200 people killed in the violence sparked by the disputed presidential election results.
The President also congratulated the new women MPs, whose number had increased to 21. He also reiterated that the Government would pursue its policy to ensure that women got at least 30 per cent of appointments in the public service.
And to the other MPs, he said: “Honourable Members, you must now become the ambassadors of peace and reconciliation in your constituencies, among your communities and throughout the country. Kenyans need to hear and be reassured by their political leaders that they can live, own property and do business in any part of the country without fear of prejudice, harassment or persecution”.
National security
The President proposed that a comprehensive policy and law to promote national security and social cohesion be passed “for the well-being of the country”.
With regard to local authorities, the President proposed that a Bill be brought to the House to amend the Local Government Act to enable the direct election of mayors and county council chairmen.
“This reform is long overdue and this Parliament should deliberate on it as a matter of priority,” he said.
How Kikwete, new darling of the West, saved Kenya from collapse
By FRED OLUOCH
The East African
What influence and clout did the chairman of the African Union, Tanzanian President Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete, bring to bear on the Kenyan mediation process?
Those were the questions on the lips of most observers as the country celebrated last Thursday’s historic breakthrough in the protracted negotiations.
His intervention came at a time when the negotiations were on the brink of collapse. But Kikwete came into the scene with confidence, declaring that a deal was in the making — and sure enough, it was.
What did he tell President Mwai Kibaki and Raila Odinga?
One theory has is that he came to town with a terse message from US President George W. Bush to the effect that the power-sharing deal must be sealed by all means.
As chairman of the African Union, Kikwete has recently emerged as a key ally and kingpin of the US in the region.
Although this same message had already been passed to Kibaki by US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, who had visited Nairobi barely a week earlier, Kikwete’s intervention was bound to meet with a better reception in Nairobi considering that he came to the Kenyan capital wearing two hats — president of a neighbouring fellow member of the East African Community as well as chairman of the African Union.
His visit to Nairobi had added significance in the wake of thinly-veiled threats by the US government, the European Union and even the United Nations of an intervention in the country if the mediation talks failed.
It was US top diplomat Jendayi Frazer who early this month on the sidelines of a summit meeting of the African Union in Ethiopia first issued the threat that the international community would impose a solution on Kenya if the mediation process led by Kofi Annan collapsed.
If any such intervention was indeed being contemplated, the person who would have known its scope and full consequences would have been the chairman of the African Union.
Hence, the theory that Kibaki capitulated in the face of the threat of an AU-led military intervention in the Kenyan crisis.
It appears that the US and other Western powers were worried that without concerted and sustained pressure, the AU would treat the Kenyan crisis with the same lukewarm approach it has adopted on Zimbabwe.
Kikwete’s intervention indicates that the Tanzanian president, who came to power in 2005, is gradually becoming the linkman of the US in the region, having replaced Uganda’s President Yoweri Museveni.
Signs that the US now considers President Kikwete its chief regional ally came in September 2006 when it emerged, to Nairobi’s fury, that Kikwete had discussed Kenya’s “instability” with President Bush during a visit to the White House.
Kikwete’s rise as a regional kingpin has been bolstered by a high-profile anti-graft campaign he recently launched that has seen former powerful members of Tanzania’s ruling party, Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM), fall one after another — allowing him to redraw power centres and reform the grand old party.
He dissolved the Cabinet after he had accepted the resignation of his prime minister, Edward Lowassa, and two other ministers, Nazir Karamagi and Ibrahim Msabaha, who were both implicated in a major corruption scandal.
The ministers and several other officials were accused of interfering with an energy contract to favour the US-based Richmond Company, contravening laws and rules on procurement.
Observers also saw the reshuffle as a move to dismantle corruption networks within CCM and reclaim party organs from the control of a wealthy clique.
Having been elected the new AU chairman on January 31 this year at the summit in Addis Ababa, Kikwete’s role in resolving the Kenyan political crisis has given the AU a much-needed shot in the arm after its dismal performance in Darfur and Somalia.
As with the defunct Organisation of African Unity, the AU Constitutive Act adopted in July 2000 in Lome, Togo, prohibits interference by any member state in the internal affairs of another.
But Article 4 (h) gives the Union the right to intervene in a member state pursuant to a decision of the assembly in respect of grave circumstances such as war crimes, genocide and other crimes against humanity.
It is instructive that despite accepting the AU-sanctioned mediation, the Kenyan government had earlier maintained that the country was not at war and that an internal solution could be reached, despite the fact that the political crisis in Kenya has had a huge impact on the economies of Southern Sudan, Uganda, eastern Congo, Burundi and Rwanda.
The new deal involves the creation of the post of prime minister, which will put Kenya on the path to fully adopting a parliamentary system, a goal that has eluded the country for the past 15 years.
However, it is Kikwete’s emergence as an influential figure in the region that could spark a major realignment within the Great Lakes region. Until now, Uganda’s President Yoweri Museveni, who is also the Commonwealth chairman, was believed to be the darling of the West.
However, his victory in the disputed 2006 elections and the harassment of opposition figures before and after the polls dented his image as a reformer who had saved Uganda from sliding into total anarchy.
Similarly, his move to change the constitution to do away with the presidential term limit did not go down well in the West.
In the late 1990s, Museveni, together with the late Congolese president Laurent Desire Kabila, Paul Kagame (Rwanda), Meles Zenawi (Ethiopia) and Isaias Aferworki of Eritrea, were seen by the West as a “new breed” of leaders with the vision to move Africa forward.
While President Museveni still remains a strong ally of the West, President Kibaki has had a love-hate relationship with the West since he adopted his “Look East” policy.
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