Tribute to Fidel, Today in Villa Clara

Fidel's re-encounter with the people of Villa Clara, when he praised their ability to overcome difficulties and obstacles; his stay in Che's camp; and visits with comrades in the city, will be recalled this morning during a commemoration of the first anniversary of the Comandante en Jefe's death

Author: Ángel Freddy Pérez Cabrera | freddy@granma.cu
November 30, 2017 09:11:18

SANTA CLARA.– Fidel's re-encounter with the people of Villa Clara, when he praised their ability to overcome obstacles; his stay in Che's camp; and visits with comrades in the city, will be recalled today during a commemoration of the first anniversary of the Comandante en Jefe's death and the passage of his funeral caravan through the province, last year, on its way to Santiago de Cuba.

Students, workers, veterans, all who value Fidel's legacy, are to depart from the city's Leoncio Vidal Park in a procession to the Comandante Ernesto Che Guevara, Sculptural Complex, where a vigil will take place led by artists, including the trio Trovarroco, Ernestina Trimiño, Quinteto Criollo, Ensemble Vocal Musas, Abu Ache, Conjunto Danzario Baila Cuba, and singer Gustavo Felipe Remedios, reported Eliot Porta, master of ceremonies.

The Alejandro Sánchez orchestra will join a student choir to perform "Cabalgando con Fidel," as images of key moments in the Comandante's life are projected on a giant screen.

The Foundations of Our Patriotism

“Homeland is humanity, it is that portion of humanity that we see more closely, and in which we were to be born”

Author: Enrique Ubieta Góme | informacion@granma.cu
November 30, 2017 12:11:38

At the end of the 19th century, an authentic social revolution that did not base its dreams of redemption on human beings, a vantage point that sees beyond the limits of race and nation, was unimaginable. Greek democracy excluded slaves and women and – without dwelling on examples from other eras – the ideologues of the bourgeois revolution also disregarded colonized peoples. But neither these, nor the workers and peasants of the “mother country,” could emancipate themselves without a humanist concept that embraced all, including the exploiters and the colonizers. When Napoleon Bonaparte accepted, before the belligerence of insurgents, the abolition of slavery in the colony of Saint-Domingue, and in it alone, Toussaint Louverture, an illiterate former slave, with political astuteness and oblivious to any pragmatic and “realistic” position, protested:

“It is not a circumstantial freedom conceded to ourselves alone that we want. It is the absolute adoption of the principle that any man born red, black, or white cannot be the property of his peer. We are free today because we are the stronger party. The Consul maintains slavery in Martinique and Bourbon; we will thus be slaves when he is the strongest.”

In 1871, José Martí, who was barely 18 years old, denounced the blindness of the heirs of the Enlightenment, who defended in Spain the same rights they denied in their colonies:

“(...) even men who dream of the universal federation, of the free atom within the free molecule, of respect for the independence of others as the basis of their own strength and independence, anathematized the request for the rights they demand, sanctioned the oppression of the independence they preach, and sanctified as the representatives of peace and morals the war of extermination and the oblivion of the heart (...) Just as yesterday, today they request the broadest freedom for themselves, and still today they applaud the unconditional war to stifle the petition for freedom of others.”

In 1895, Martí himself bequeathed a basic concept for Cuban revolutionaries: “Homeland is humanity, it is that portion of humanity that we see more closely, and in which we were to be born.” The independence of Cuba guaranteed the physical and moral space for a republic of justice and solidarity, with the poor of the Earth, although Martí, like Bolívar, also dreamed of a greater Homeland, that would integrate all the peoples inhabiting the lands that extend from the Rio Grande to Patagonia.

No other Latin American Marxist was more deeply inspired by Martí than Fidel Castro. Martí and Fidel were the only leaders, in the short and intense history of Cuba, who achieved the necessary unity of revolutionary forces; a unity far removed from conciliatory pacts, capable of dismantling the reigning acceptance of domination – which proclaimed the incapacity of Cubans, the inferiority of the Black man and of women, and the inevitability of dependence. They built a consensus of emancipation, with virtuous men and women who outdid themselves. Fidel, like Martí, had faith in victory, in his people, in the reasons for the struggle, in the possibility of what seemed impossible. He brought together both emancipatory traditions, that of the colonial and the neocolonial world – one of whose leading figures was our own Martí – and that of those exploited by capital, that of Marxist thought and the October Revolution, whose centennial we have just commemorated.

The Cuban Revolution of 1959 could not conceive of itself as anything other than part of the rebellion of the colonized and the exploited of the world, as a step in the long struggle for the emancipation of all human beings. It is true that revolutions are not exported, they are born of unique, specific conditions, but the concept of solidarity, allied with that of justice, is basic in socialism, and cannot be subject to any limit, whether at home, in the neighborhood, or in the country.

Fidel’s Cuba practiced the solidarity of brothers and sisters, without conditions or geopolitical calculations, and did not stop before interests that contravened its principles; this was the case in Asia, in Africa, in Latin America. We Cubans massively donated blood to Vietnam, we gave up a pound of our sugar quota for Allende’s Chile, we fought alongside those who fought for their peoples in other lands of the world, and many fell on the way; we advanced, side by side, along with the Sandinistas and the victorious Bolivarians, in the building of a new country. We built schools, hospitals, airports, taught literacy, assisted poor communities in sports and culture, saved or cured hundreds of thousands of people who lacked medical care. Internationalism was an inviolable principle that was practiced with a clear sense of the historic moment.

Fidel’s Cuba did not stop before ideological considerations, or before opprobrious regimes that conspired to overthrow it, and sent doctors, for example, to Somoza’s Nicaragua when the 1972 earthquake devastated the capital of that country. It created a Contingent that bears the name of a New York internationalist from our first war of independence, to help the people of the United States after Hurricane Katrina. The only ideology it wielded was not articulated in words: it was in the act, in the selflessness, in its dedication. Two hundred and fifty-six Cuban health workers cared for Ebola patients during the worst epidemic of that lethal virus recorded in West Africa and in the world. There they met African doctors, from affected countries and from other nations of the continent, who had studied in Cuba, some even from high school and pre-university levels, like thousands of other young Arabs and Latin Americans. When Hurricane Mitch devastated the Central American Caribbean in 1998 – another ideological hurricane had paralyzed the international left, after the collapse of the “socialist camp” – Fidel re-launched internationalism and, with it, the certainty that another, better world is possible, if there is the political will. Each medical brigade that traveled to a country in a disaster , or that had requested our help, was bid farewell personally by him, insisting on respect for the traditions, beliefs, and political creeds of the patients that they would care for.

Fidel actually reactivated the solidary vocation of any authentic revolution after a dark and luminous decade of resistance, that of the nineties – foundational solidarity, backed by crisis management that always avoided harming the poorest, and that survived amid blackouts and shortages, in actions as simple and significant as the so-called “botella” (organized car sharing) in the streets of the city – and expanded it outward, with the Comprehensive Health Plan in Central America and Haiti (later Venezuela would be incorporated) and at home, with the Battle of Ideas, which aimed to rescue young people from less-favored segments of the population. Both actions of solidarity would always have an impact on the interior of the country: each health worker who saved lives in precarious conditions, in marginal or very remote areas, and every social worker who reoriented his fellow men and women on the bumpy and beautiful path to self-improvement, could (providing he/she had such a vocation) “recycle” their revolutionary spirit.

In this effort, Fidel found an equal: Hugo Chávez. Together they traveled through every plain, every river, every mountain, every urban neighborhood of our America, every Latin American heart. Together they exclaimed: let there be unity in solidarity!

Fidel’s concept of Revolution (which is its moral code) acquires meaning in the context of his life and work. If Homeland is Humanity, Socialism is justice, it is revolutionary humanism. None of the aspects or ideas set forth in this concept can be understood if disassociated from his guiding principle: the struggle against injustice, wherever it occurs, and against capitalism, against imperialism, which require it. Who says that Fidel is no longer alive? His concept of Revolution goes beyond the concept, that is, the words that form it; and interacts with history, with what was and what will be; because without justice there is no Homeland; without solidarity – domestic and abroad – there is no Homeland; without the conquests we achieved, and without those we intend to achieve, there is no Homeland.

Ciro Redondo: An Unforgettable Revolutionary

The people of Artemisa paid homage to Ciro Redondo García, an iconic patriot from the province, on the 60th anniversary of his death, during a cultural-political gala attended by Comandante of the Revolution Ramiro Valdés Menéndez, a member of the Communist Party of Cuba Central Committee Political Bureau and a vice president of the Councils of State and Ministers

Author: Yusmary Romero Cruz | yusmary@granma.cu
November 30, 2017 11:11:31
Photo: Archive

Artemisa.– The people of Artemisa paid homage to Ciro Redondo García, an iconic patriot from the province, on the 60th anniversary of his death, during a cultural-political gala attended by Comandante of the Revolution Ramiro Valdés Menéndez, a member of the Communist Party of Cuba Central Committee Political Bureau and a vice president of the Councils of State and Ministers.

Students from the Eduardo Abela Professional School of Art opened the ceremony with a dance performance in honor of the Cuban patriot, while elementary school children from the Chaveliz Pereda Alfonso institute, reaffirmed their commitment to keeping the young man from Artemisa’s legacy alive.

In addition to music by Eduardo Sosa and performances by other artists from the province, La Colmenita Children’s Theater Company dedicated a moving piece to the revolutionary, member of the July 26 Movement, participant in the Moncada attacks, Granma expeditionary, and Rebel Army combatant – who is buried alongside his comrades in Artemisa’s Martyrs Mausoleum.

Meanwhile, young university student Claudia Mirabal Contino spoke about the duty of younger generations to continue the work of the Revolution.

Speaking during the gala, José Antonio Valeriano Fariñas, a member of the Party Central Committee and first Party secretary in the province, recalled moments that marked the life of Ciro Redondo and his outstanding contribution to the Revolution.

Redondo is present “In every achievement through which we proudly uphold his memory, and whose life and work placed him at the forefront of a new generation: the Centenary Generation, the generation which, led by the historic leader of the Cuban Revolution, is today, the greatest inspiration to continue building the most just society in the world,” noted Valeriano Fariñas.

Also in attendance at the gala were Jorge Cuevas Ramos, a member of the Party Central Committee Secretariat, relations of martyrs and combatants of the Revolution, and Ciro Redondo García’s brother, Sergio.

Raúl Receives Puerto Rican Independence Leader Oscar López Rivera

During the fraternal encounter they recalled the memory of Comandante en Jefe of the Cuban Revolution, Fidel Castro Ruz, on the first anniversary of his passing

Author: Granma | internet@granma.cu
November 27, 2017 11:11:17

On the afternoon of November 25, Army General Raúl Castro Ruz, President of the Councils of State and Ministers of Cuba received Puerto Rican independence leader Oscar López Rivera, making a visit to the island.

During the fraternal encounter, they recalled the memory of Comandante en Jefe of the Cuban Revolution, Fidel Castro Ruz, on the first anniversary of his passing; and reaffirmed the inalienable right of the Puerto Rican people to free self-determination and independence; as well as the importance of unity toward achieving this goal, according to López Rivera.

Also present during the meeting was decorated Hero of the Republic of Cuba and President of the Cuban Institute of Friendship with the Peoples, Fernando González Llort.

Marti’s Loyal Follower

“Our Revolution will go forward…and this time cannot be crushed” 

Author: Abel González Santamaría | internet@granma.cu
November 29, 2017 13:11:06
Photo: Roberto Chile

A daring generation of Cuban youth, led by Fidel Castro Ruz, managed to defeat one of the bloodiest and best-armed dictatorships in Latin America. On January 1, 1959, from Céspedes Park in Santiago de Cuba, the Comandante en Jefe expressed his commitment to the Cuban people:

“Our Revolution will go forward…and this time cannot be crushed. It will not be like 1895 when the United States came and took over, intervening at the last moment, and afterwards did not even allow Calixto Garcia to assume leadership, although he had fought in Santiago de Cuba for 30 years. It will not be like 1933, when the people began to believe that the revolution was going to triumph, and then Mr. Batista came along to betray the revolution, seize power, and establish an 11-year-long dictatorship.

“Nor will it be like 1944, when the people took courage, believing that they had finally reached a position where they could take power, while those who assume power proved to be thieves. We will have no thievery, no treason, no intervention. This time it is truly the revolution, even though some might not want it.”

The Batista dictatorship had cost the lives of some 20,000, Cubans who had heroically struggled against a dictatorship which had stolen over two billion pesos from the country’s coffers; left a public debt of some one billion; and a difficult social context: one million illiterate citizens, 600,000 children unable to attend school, 10,000 unemployed teachers, 95 hospitals nationwide, with only one located in the countryside.

Only a “Revolution of the humble, by the humble and for the humble,” would be able to resolve the critical situation facing the island, which was intensified by its dependency on, and subordination to, the United States government. The triumph of the Revolution broke the neocolonial model that had been imposed for over half a century in the country and represented a harsh blow to U.S. geopolitical strategy, which saw its hegemonic influence in Latin American and the Caribbean threatened for the first time. It had lost the coveted “ripe fruit.”

It was Fidel who realized the ideas of Martí, the author of the Moncada attack, who sought “to prevent, in time, with the independence of Cuba, the United States from extending itself into the Antilles and falling, with this added strength, upon the lands of our America.”

He knew that this would be his “true destiny.”

In a letter sent from the Sierra Maestra to his faithful comrade Celia Sánchez, dated June 5, 1958, he left a record of the future that awaited him as a revolutionary:

“Seeing the missiles they launched on Mario’s house, I swore that the Americans would pay through the nose for what they are doing. When this war ends, a much longer and greater war will begin for me: the war I am going to wage against them. I realize that this is going to be my true destiny.”

Ninety miles from Cuba’s coast, the Comandante en Jefe astutely dealt with 10 United States governments presided by Eisenhower, Kennedy, Johnson, Nixon, Ford, Carter, Reagan, George Bush Sr, Clinton, and G. W. Bush, all of whom attempted to destroy the Revolution using the most varied methods.

No other nation in history has resisted over 60 years of aggression by a power such as the United States, in its obsessive attempts to re-conquer it; using a great variety of methods, from the most subtle to the most aggressive: including sabotage, assassination attempts against the Revolution’s principal leaders; the application of an economic, commercial and financial blockade; isolating the country politically at the international and regional level; severing diplomatic ties; interference in Cuba’s internal affairs; the implementation of subversive programs; and the illegal occupation, by its Naval Base, of a piece of territory in Guantánamo .

Despite such hostility, and surviving 638 assassination attempts, Fidel always supported dialogue and improving relations with the United States. As such, he would often meet with political and cultural personalities from that nation - Senators, Congresspeople, governors, artists, and journalists, impressing them with his charm and broad knowledge. He held discussions on a wide range of topics, firmly defended his ideas, and treated the U.S. people with respect.

There are copious examples which show that the Comandante en Jefe never harbored any kind of hate toward U.S. citizens. On extending his condolences and offering support to the country following the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks, he reaffirmed the Cuba’s historic stance toward the U.S. people:

“Today is a day of tragedy for the United States. You know very well that hatred against the American people has never been sown here. Perhaps, precisely because of its culture, its lack of prejudice, its sense of full freedom - with a homeland and without a master - Cuba is the country where Americans are treated with the greatest respect. We have never preached any kind of national hatred, or anything similar to fanaticism, and that is the reason for our strength, because our conduct is based on principles and ideas. We treat all Americans who visit us with great respect, and they have noticed this and said so themselves.”

A universal figure, Fidel transcends borders, and ideologies. He used all his energy to combat imperialism in Our America, and struggled tirelessly for unity and integration between all nations south of the Río Bravo. He modestly contributed to building consciousness among the people of the region, who went on to elect revolutionary and progressive men and women in their countries.

Fidel helped to shape a new era in Latin America and the Caribbean at the end of the 20th century.

Thanks to his efforts the United States’ principal tool of economic domination over the region, the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), was defeated. Alongside another giant of modern history, Comandante Hugo Chávez Frías, Fidel was also crucial to the establishment of the first integration mechanism based on cooperation and solidarity and designed to respond to the needs and desires of Latin American and Caribbean countries: The Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA-TCP). With this initiative, which focused on social programs, millions of people have been lifted from extreme poverty, learned to read and write, and had their dignity as human beings restored.

Fidel was always on the front line of combat, from his position as Comandante en Jefe, a solider of ideas.

That is how he is remembered in Cuba and around the world, wearing his olive green uniform, defending the dispossessed, playing sports, conversing, debating, listening intently, and maybe even without even realizing, consolidating the creation of the Cuban nation and Greater Homeland, just as the region’s liberators had dreamed.

With almost 80% of the island’s current population born and raised after the triumph of the Revolution, with Fidel always at the helm, we Cubans continue to feel the pain of his loss one year since his passing.

Millions of messages of condolences and expressions of love, solidarity, and admiration for Fidel have been received from every corner of the planet.

Millions of Cubans paid tribute to their greatest leader, while over seven million signed the solemn oath pledging to fulfill his concept of Revolution, expressing their commitment to continuing his ideas and to socialism.

Fidel remains undefeated and left an indelible mark on the Cuban people, conscious of the fact that “Revolution is fighting with courage, intelligence and realism.” His prophetic words spoken after the triumph of the Revolution on January 8, 1959 upon arriving in Havana, ring as true now as they did then:

"I know that we will never again witness such a crowd in our lifetime except at another time when, I am sure that the crowds will gather once again. The day we die, because when they must take us to our graves, that day, as many people as today will come together once again, because we will never betray our people!”

And he never did. The images of Fidel all over Cuba a year after his death, prove so. He accompanied us in the most difficult moments, the most perilous, at times when we suffered aggression and threats, moments of dreams and hopes, in our work to build a more just society, “by all, and for the good of all;” to create an independent and sovereign nation; to spread revolutionary and anti-imperialist consciousness; in his confidence in youth; and in building a nation of men and women of thought and action, committed to the belief that “being educated is the only way to be free.”

During his speech commemorating the 45th anniversary of the Granma landing, his brother in life, struggle, and victory, Army General Raúl Castro Ruz, masterfully described the historic leader of the Cuban Revolution:

“Fidel is like the Martí of today, the Maceo of today, the Mella of today. I am not referring to the individuals themselves, who are unique and singular, making comparisons senseless; I’m talking about the role that he has had to play over the last 50 years. He has learned our history and acted with similar political ingenuity and organizational skill as that of the architect of the Cuban Revolutionary Party and Necessary War; he revived, for these difficult, dangerous and complicated times, the intransigent spirit of Baraguá and military genius of the Titan of Bronze; brining forth to present times, the forward thinking ideas and dynamism of the founder of the Federation of University Students (FEU) and the first Marxist-Leninist party.”

Today, the ideas of the Comandante en Jefe are crucial to confronting the challenges being faced by revolutionary and progressive peoples around the world. The seeds planted by our elders have germinated and produced their best fruits in the form of the heroic Cuban people. The present and future generations, guided by Fidel’s loyal comrade, Raúl, will be responsible for continuing to build the homeland, protect the achievements made to date, and implement necessary changes in order to continue moving forward.

Let us convert the sadness that all we Cubans feel in our souls into reflection, unity, revolutionary reaffirmation. Let us ensure that nothing, or no one, steals our dream of continuing to build a sovereign, independent, socialist, democratic, prosperous, and sustainable nation. This is the best way that the grateful can honor Marti’s loyal follower.

Revolution: A Constant Dialogue Between Ideas and Reality

For Fidel, a sense of the historic moment is a political construction in dialogue between ideas and reality, aspirations and present demands, between theory and the specific problems of the nation and the people

Author: Dolores B. Guerra López | informacion@granma.cu
November 29, 2017 15:11:45

A close reading of Comandante en Jefe Fidel Castro Ruz’s speeches and interviews, his concept of Revolution seems to take on a special significance, which for decades has marked, and continues to mark, the political life of Cuba. This definition emphasizes a macro-historical change reflected in the process of decolonization and independence in Latin America.

It is worth recalling that after the conquest and colonization, and the 20th century wars of independence, the countries of this continent were subjected to political and economic domination by the United States.

In this context, the Cuban Revolution led by Fidel marked an important turning point. However, the objectives and achievements of this feat were by no means new; just has he did in History Will Absolve Me, Fidel drew a line of continuity between the country’s wars of independence and the Cuban Revolution, which triumphed in 1959, and was understood to be a process of profound change that would only be complete once the island had overcome external threats and achieved social justice for all.

In the closing ceremony of the International Conference for World Balance, January 29, 2003, marking the 150th anniversary of the birth of Cuba’s National Hero José Martí, Fidel stated: “Those of us who on July 26, 1953, resumed the struggle for independence begun on October 10, 1868, precisely 100 years after the birth of Martí, had learned from him the ethical principles without which one could not even conceive of a Revolution. From him we also received inspirational patriotism and a concept of honor and human dignity greater than anyone else could have ever taught us.”

For Fidel, Revolution meant a profound reshaping of the political and social structures of a country, as well as its values system. It represented a world that began with the promise of freedom and happiness, especially for the dispossessed, that would become an enormous and constant effort during which the greatest collective dreams were realized.

Of course, such projects do not function alone, but must be solidified within a broader framework, such as an ideology and a political project. The Cuban Revolution therefore, cannot be understood without considering Marxist-Leninist doctrine and the aim to build a socialist country.

Thus, in the same way that the Revolution makes Cuba what it is today, it has also provided the country with, in addition to the values historically held by the Cuban people, principles which set it apart from other such processes, just like the Comandante en Jefe stated on the 100th anniversary of the start of the Ten Years’ War, October 10, 1968:
“(…) and nothing will teach us better to understand what revolution is, nothing will teach us better to understand the process revolution represents, nothing will teach us better to understand what revolution means, than the analysis of the history of our country, than study of the history of our people and of the revolutionary roots of our people.”

The public speeches in which he refers to the start of the Cuban War of Independence in 1895, reveal the importance of the need he felt to promote a Cuban process of popular ideological development.

The need to understand the times and change and preserve, in equal measure, all necessary elements, on the basis of a platform of principles which must be constantly updated in accordance with its historic function. This is why he described the people as political subjects of the Revolution.

If, in these speeches, one fails to notice the specific intentionality with which he seeks to combine, within the Cuban context, the three concepts of history, revolution, and people, his ideas in this regard are overlooked. Fidel was explicit about the links between one concept and another, depending on what each historic situation may require. In the same way, if his phrases are to serve as his legacy, we must go to the core and take them as a guide to action.

A REVOLUTION WITH A SENSE OF THE HISTORIC MOMENT

Fidel’s greatest ideological legacy, presented publicly May 1, 2000, was his concept of Revolution as a historic event understood as a process, in which a group of people, composed of the majority, resolve to achieve great goals or objectives. If we thoroughly analyze each point, we will realize that his concept of Revolution is a political testament to the Cuban people. Each definition not only describes what Revolution is, but also how to be a revolutionary, the kinds of values a revolutionary should have, and shows us the path to continue his work.

It is noteworthy how the Comandante en Jefe begins his concept by referring to history. This brings to mind how he turned the defeat of the Moncada Garrison attack into a victory and the driving force of the Revolution. And how the delayed Granma landing, and ambush at Alegría de Pío, didn’t prevent the expeditionaries from reuniting in Cinco Palmas, where short of weapons and men, Fidel stated: “Now, yes, we have won the war,” against the Fulgencio Batista dictatorship. And they did.

These are just some early examples of the struggle, of what it means for revolutionaries to have a sense of the historic moment.

Over the years, this concept has, in every moment, provided the Revolution a guide to action even following the collapse of the Soviet Union and onset of the Special Period, when under Fidel’s leadership, we did what needed to be done at that historic moment, and despite difficulties the Cuban people resisted heroically.

Today, in order to develop a coherent political strategy, we must first analyze the realities of what is going on in Cuba and the world, the dangers and opportunities, what every individual thinks, wants or opposes; this is having a sense of the historic moment.

From this perspective, Fidel showed a constant concern for the present and future of the Cuban political process, because the present makes the future viable, through a position directed toward constructively changing reality and promoting active awareness of the great objectives to be achieved.

Hence the importance he placed on arming oneself with ideas and revolutionary concepts for the future; building ideological trenches without disregarding at the same time, trenches of stone, and making the youth the standard-bearers of these ideas.

Fidel was a master at using an educational approach and carefully considered the political-moral behavior associated with the political position he assumed. And he did so with the intention of presenting such content as concrete, historic proposals which encompass the revolutionary doctrine which forms part of national tradition.

In this way he contributed to conveying and detailing the concepts of revolutionary policy in the interest of shaping public opinion, of motivating the people, and closely linked to this, of developing individual consciousness around the distinctive nature of the revolutionary process, based on historical analysis.

This is why, for Fidel the sense of the historic moment is a political construction in dialogue between ideas and reality, aspirations and present demands, between theory and the specific problems of the nation and the people. But at the same time we also see his permanent awareness and consideration of the national and international context, and review of history, creating a reservoir of ideas to guide social action.

Likewise, Fidel Castro never ceased to push the course of history in the direction indicated by his ideological and doctrinal principles, which is why his political thinking goes beyond the present, no matter how important it may be, tending to think about it in relation to the near and distant future on the horizon - which makes him profoundly consistent in ideological terms and politically responsible.

This concept of Revolution shows us that victory is the only option. Fidel entered into immortality with the knowledge and assurance that the Revolution will continue to triumph. His concept of Revolution is an expression of his confidence that the Cuban people will continue to uphold the banners he taught us to defend.

Fidel, the Humanist

There is practically no corner of Cuba, no workplace, school, hospital, sports field, that he did not visit, to talk with those who lived, studied, or worked there

Author: Pedro Pablo Rodríguez | informacion@granma.cu
November 28, 2017 15:11:45

Fidel Castro with adolescents in La Mota, a small settlement in the Sierra Maestra mountains. Photo: Korda, Alberto

There are numerous references by those who frequently had contact with Fidel, or spent time with him, either alone or in groups, about his constant concern to address the most diverse issues affecting them or any other relating to him or his work. Such testimonies recall various examples and moments, from the preparations for the assault on the Moncada Garrison, to his final years, when he made significantly fewer public appearances.

It is admirable just how a political leader who reached global dimensions, and who systematically showed himself to be very attentive to the great contemporary problems of humanity, never ceased to focus on a multitude of issues in his own country and affecting his fellow citizens, whom he often knew on a first-name basis. Nor does his concern for the problems of the world and especially for the poorest and most deprived peoples cease to amaze and move.

It is true that as head of state he had a support apparatus and collaborators, almost always imbued with similar broad humanist concerns. It is enough to recall Celia Sánchez Manduley, who from the days of the Sierra Maestra and until her death, was his most sensitive and effective assistant, whose loyalty and insightful critical eye kept him abreast of what even the most humble and longsuffering Cubans thought and felt.

But there is no doubt that Fidel’s personality justly demanded such direct and systematic contact, from himself, and also from those who surrounded him or exercised any function in the name of the Revolution. That is why there is practically no corner of Cuba, no workplace, school, hospital, sports field, that he did not visit to talk with those who lived, studied, or worked there. As such, those who attribute the work of which they are a part, or in which they are involved in one way or another, forming part of their own careers, to his personal management, and his careful monitoring, are not exaggerating. This is why defending with arms the independence of Angola and contributing to the end of apartheid, teaching to read and write in Nicaragua, expressing all kinds of active solidarity in Venezuela, offering medical assistance in Latin America, Africa, Asia, the islands of the Pacific Ocean, all became part of the Cuban identity.

It is why Fidel’s detailed knowledge of so many matters of the country and the world, his insistent way of addressing the same question to those with the most responsibility for any task, and those with the least, marveled. An unlimited thirst for knowledge? Probably. But beyond this, he was one of those individuals to whom nothing human, including each and every person, was alien. His personality, in order to be fulfilled, required such knowledge, these contacts and shared moments, which were the basis of his action, his aspirations, his desires, his drive to fight for the betterment of human beings and societies.

That original and mature concept of Revolution that he offered us after his long experience of political leadership reveals the influence of Martí on his thought, in more than one of the elements of his definition. To consider that the conduct among human beings in the midst of a Revolution must be based on the human condition itself was the Maestro’s proposal and habitual way of practicing in all fields.

Fidel distances himself from sociological and theoretical thought to conceptualize the Revolution, and like Martí, he does not express it only as a great social movement, but also directs it toward the individual. It has sometimes been argued that in the maelstrom of revolutionary processes, as great transforming moments that drive and mobilize large masses and require profound clashes and ruptures that are felt in the most diverse senses, there is no room for the individual.

Some have said, even from positions considered Marxist, that the individual is replaced by the mass. The phrase of Fidel that I comment on is that of a true humanist: the Revolution – or more specifically the socialist Revolution – requires people to treat each other as human beings, each individual toward all others. Here lies one of the essential differences with capitalism, which is not only an economic and social system, but an entire culture, a way of seeing, feeling and living, mainly for oneself.

Therefore, for Fidel, the Revolution is obliged to change social relations even on the interpersonal level. And whoever reads and studies Martí’s thought immediately understands that he too started from that point to support his idea of the new, Antillean, Cuban Republic, which would be different from the oligarchic republics of the continent, in which the old economic and social order of the colony were maintained, as well as its culture, its way of being and of thinking, excluding the great majority. The Republic of Martí, based on the great majorities, would achieve complete, not just partial justice, as the Maestro wrote to Antonio Maceo. And that is why Martí proclaimed that the first law of that republic would be devotion to the full dignity of man.

Although implicit, the ethical sense of Fidel’s idea is evident, since reciprocal respect for the human condition is required in the Revolution. And we know that this condition was not a hollow concept for Martí, just as it wasn’t for Fidel. Being treated as a human being means having access to work, education, health, artistic culture, etc. In short, to develop and to strengthen abilities, feelings, spiritual life, and basic material requirements such as housing and food, among others. If this treatment respects that human condition, respects the integrity of each person, and thus contributes to their development and improvement, then justice and dignity are achieved.

Fidel follows Martí’s way of thinking, not establishing an opposition between the individual, society and nature, but rather considered them three elements that could be united, or recovered as related. Fidel avoids the individual/society dichotomy: the Revolution needs to understand that society is not a simple sum of individuals, but that without each one of them, one can not speak of the masses. And this is revolutionary because it is a different way of posing the issue and, at the same time, an essential requirement to reach a more just, and more dignified society. To make revolution means, therefore, to change society and within it, each person. And that change must be directed toward justice, toward dignity.

I am convinced that more than any philosophical doctrine or any ideology, this ethical sense of the idea expressed by Fidel, as in all those of this type, is a consequence of his adherence to Martí’s thought. It is known that from an early age, in line with the most advanced ideas of the time in Cuba, Fidel studied Martí’s texts, a practice that he clearly maintained throughout his life, as can be seen from his constant references to his ideas and phrases regarding the most diverse subjects and situations.

In truth, the ethical component is a unique characteristic of Fidel’s thought. In general, his proposals are based on moral criteria, either in his negative remarks regarding capitalism, or his arguments surrounding the need for the Revolution and in the defense of its work. Several times he insisted on pointing out that human beings could not be conceived like the donkey that responds to the stick and follows the carrot. His thinking reflected recognition of the significance of consciousness on human action, and in the development of the revolution. That is why he called for conscience, not for the Revolution to train robots or machines that obeyed commands, but people capable of understanding and explaining their actions, and of deciding for themselves their commitment to the tasks of the Revolution.

Consciousness and principles were themes of Fidel’s ideology and, without a doubt, pillars of his concept of Revolution, and of the human beings that this process should be forming.

The interesting aspect about such pronouncements is that, in addition to being rooted in words denoting values (honor, decorum, dignity, good), they usually refer in affirmative terms to attitudes, to conduct – both social and individual – that become examples to follow. Such is the case of the present idea to which I refer, whose ethical sense is expressed as the statement of a must within the Revolution, based on the use of verbs in the infinitive: to be treated and to treat others as human beings. This is both an aspiration and an imperative for the work of the Revolution. To distance ourselves from both would , for Fidel, a means of distancing ourselves from the Revolution.

Fidel’s concept of Revolution must be understood as what should be, as a permanent aspiration. The idea of Fidel that we comment on, inseparable for a true understanding of the concept of Revolution he expressed, is based precisely on the need for recognition of the importance of each individual and the demand for respect for each and to each. This, of course, presupposes a society in which hegemonies do not prevail, and which remains alert so that they do not resurface in any way, since this would open gaps in this path of human relations.

It is crucial that the Cuban people continue to consider themselves revolutionary and act as such. And for this it is essential to always apply the principle included by Fidel in his concept of Revolution: to be treated and treat others as human beings.

Fidel: China Is Most Promising Hope for Third World

INTERNATIONALIST 360°
NOVEMBER 28, 2017
By Ajit Singh

Fidel always firmly maintained his support for China and believed that the Communist Party was genuinely and capably pursuing revolutionary socialism.

This Saturday marked the first year anniversary of the death of Cuban revolutionary leader Fidel Castro. Around the world, progressives and revolutionaries commemorate his life and continue to be inspired by his example.

Often prescient, Fidel continues to be a source of insight for understanding today’s political landscape, including the defining feature of the 21st century: the rise of the People’s Republic of China.

Since 1978, China has implemented economic reforms in order to overcome its severe underdevelopment — historically imposed upon it by Western and Japanese imperialism — and the monopoly over technology held by the imperialist powers. Following their introduction China has achieved unprecedented economic growth, building a modern, moderately prosperous country and becoming the second most powerful economy in the world. Although the Communist Party of China has always insisted that it remains committed to Marxism and socialism, the reforms have been considered by many — particularly in the West — to be an abandonment of socialism for capitalism.

Fidel, however, always firmly maintained his support for China and believed that the Communist Party was genuinely and capably pursuing revolutionary socialism. In a 1994 interview, Fidel stated:

“If you want to talk about socialism, let us not forget what socialism achieved in China. At one time it was the land of hunger, poverty, disasters. Today there is none of that. Today China can feed, dress, educate, and care for the health of 1.2 billion people.

“I think China is a socialist country, and Vietnam is a socialist nation as well. And they insist that they have introduced all the necessary reforms in order to motivate national development and to continue seeking the objectives of socialism.

“There are no fully pure regimes or systems. In Cuba, for instance, we have many forms of private property. We have hundreds of thousands of farm owners. In some cases they own up to 110 acres. In Europe they would be considered large landholders. Practically all Cubans own their own home and, what is more, we welcome foreign investment.

“But that does not mean that Cuba has stopped being socialist.”

In 2004, Fidel awarded Cuba’s state honor — the Order of José Martí — to Hu Jintao, then President of China and General Secretary of the Communist Party. At the ceremony, Fidel expressed his admiration for the achievements of Chinese socialism: “The significant thing, the extraordinary thing for me and for the world, is that the legendary China, one of the first and richest civilizations and the most populated country on Earth, less than a century ago was a territory occupied and cruelly exploited by the powers imperial of that time. Millions of people died of hunger every year; rivers of Chinese blood ran through their fields and cities. Imperialist expansionism and brutality were raging against that noble and generous people. Injustices and inequalities rooted for thousands of years seemed destined to last forever.

“Socialism will definitively remain the only real hope of peace and survival of our species. This is precisely what the Communist Party and the people of the People’s Republic of China have irrefutably demonstrated. They demonstrated at the same time, as Cuba and other brotherly countries have shown, that each people must adapt their strategy and revolutionary objectives to the concrete conditions of their own country and that there are not two absolutely equal socialist revolutionary processes. From each of them, you can take the best experiences and learn from each of their most serious mistakes.

“The Chinese process counted, in addition, with the contributions of great and brilliant political thinkers, who continued to develop and enrich the doctrines of socialism.

“China has objectively become the most promising hope and the best example for all Third World countries. I do not hesitate to say that it is already the main engine of the world economy. In what time? In only 83 years after the foundation of its glorious Communist Party and 55 years after the founding of the People’s Republic of China.

“The relations between China and Cuba are today an example of transparency and peaceful collaboration between two nations that hold the ideals of socialism.

“Today there is not only a solid basis for the development of relations between the two countries, but also a greater political will to deepen them, continue to expand them, and defend the noble cause of socialism, unity among peoples and respect for the principles of international right.

“The role that China has been playing in the United Nations Organization, including the Security Council, is an important element of balance, progress and safeguard of world peace and stability.

“I beg you to receive [this award] as further proof of the respect and sincere affection of all Cubans for you and your heroic people, and for our enormous admiration for legendary and revolutionary China, one China, unique, intangible and immortal.”

In 2014, Fidel stated that current Chinese President and General Secretary of the Communist Party “Xi Jinping is one of the strongest and most capable revolutionary leaders I have met in my life.”

History vindicates Fidel as well as China

Fidel rejected as idealist and utopian, the notion put forward by many that China has failed to conform to preconceived notions of a “true” socialism. Having led a socialist country in the Global South at the front-line of imperialist aggression, Fidel understood and respected that socialist countries had to respond to the concrete conditions and challenges which they faced and not merely apply dogmas.

Here too, history has proven the truth of Fidel’s assessment. China’s achievements are undeniable as the country has soared to heights never before reached by formerly colonized nations, making tremendous progress in overcoming underdevelopment and improving the living conditions of the Chinese people. Since 1978, China has lifted over 800 million people out of poverty — more than the rest of the world combined — and real income for the bottom half of earners has grown 401 percent (compared to decreasing by 1 percent in the U.S.)

Internationally, China strives to play a leading role, promoting cooperation, peaceful development, and environmental sustainability to build a multilateral, more democratic international order. China works with countries in the Global South, providing beneficial alternatives to imperialism and promoting independent development and empowerment.

China has been crucial ally for Cuba in the face of U.S. attempts to isolate the island nation, becoming Cuba’s largest partner for trade. China has vowed that it will continue to “put Cuba at a special place in its foreign policy and will as always support Cuba’s legitimate fight for sovereignty and its endeavors against the U.S. embargo.” Fidel’s legacy is celebrated by the Chinese people, and following his deat, President Xi Jinping stated that “he has made immortal historic contributions to the Cuban people and to the world socialism development. Comrade Fidel Castro is a great figure of our times and will be remembered by history and people.”

As China enters a “new era,” it is definitively leading the struggles against imperialism, climate change, and inequality, and for peace, sustainable development, and socialism. There is much which can be learned from Fidel in how to understand, respect, and demonstrate genuine solidarity with this revolutionary country.

Ajit Singh is a Marxist, anti-imperialist writer and political analyst. He received his Juris Doctor in Law from the University of Western Ontario in 2014.

Trump’s North Korea Policy Open to Criticism

According to Patriotic Moscow website on November 12 Doug Bandow, special advisor to former US President Reagan and senior fellow at the Cato Institute, said that the US’ only option is to hold dialogue with the DPRK and withdraw American troops from Northeast Asia and that to become embroiled in a war in the region is of no help to the US.

American magazine Newsweek on November 18 said David Wright, analyst of the Union of Concerned Scientists, argued the DPRK’s ICBM can hit Los Angeles about 9 500 km from it as well as Denver, New York, Boston and Chicago.

Now many world media outlets and American experts in north Korean affairs comment that “the swaggering US is staggering with the emergence of a new nuclear power” and “the US missile defence system that has cost the US a huge sum of money for decades cannot intercept north Korean missiles”, giving wide publicity to the fact that the DPRK “can reduce such metropolitan cities as New York and Washington in the east to ashes with a single ICBM”.

Here is another interesting news.

According to media reports, as Trump openly expressed his intention to unhesitatingly launch a nuclear attack on the DPRK after spitting out such war rhetoric about “fire and fury” against it, John Hyten, commander of the US Strategic Command, made such open remarks that he would not obey Trump’s order to launch a nuclear attack against the DPRK, causing widespread public debate.

Earlier, his predecessor told a hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee that the US Strategic Command can refuse to follow the president’s nuclear attack order in case it is judged illegal.

It can be claimed to be a warning to the Trump administration that has sustained repeated defeat in the showdown with the DPRK.

However, Trump insists on imposing nuclear blackmail without drawing a lesson from the failed north Korean policy.

The US stages joint military exercises in league with south Korea by mobilizing all its nuclear strategic assets, driving the Korean peninsula situation to the brink of a nuclear war, and clings to reckless military provocation, noisily talking about “calm before the storm”, “beheading operation” and “enormous nuclear preemptive attack”.

It has not yet realized that such “bravery” serves as a “good propaganda” to bring into relief the validity of the DPRK’s nuclear programme.

The decades-long DPRK-US showdown tells what the US would gain from the policy of hostility to and nuclear threat and blackmail against the DPRK.

The US is well advised to ponder over its consequences.

By Choe Yong Nam PT

DPRK Representative Speaks at Asian Parliamentary Meeting

Peace and development still face grave challenges in Northeast Asia, the Middle East and other parts of the world owing to powers’ persistent pursuit of domination of and aggressive intervention in the Asian continent, Ri Jong Hyok, head of the delegation of the DPRK Supreme People’s Assembly, said as he addressed the 10th general assembly of the Asian parliamentary meeting which was held on November 21-23 in Turkey.

The ever-rising tension on the Korean peninsula since the advent of the Trump administration is arousing serious concerns among the world community, said Ri who is also a deputy to the DPRK SPA and director of the National Reunification Institute.

The world witnessed the US chief executive announcing on the UN stage that he would totally destroy a sovereign state, not content with his references to “regime change” and “system overthrow”, he said, recalling that the US used the UN Security Council to adopt three toughest anti-DPRK resolutions, which are illegal and unlawful, this year alone.

He went on to say that it is a resolute choice and firm determination of all the Korean people to face the US steeped in strength and nuclear weapons only by striking a balance of strength with nukes. And he said he was convinced the theme of the general assembly would come true when all Asian peoples get united under the ideals of independence, peace and friendship.

He extended full support and solidarity to the peoples of Iran, Syria, Palestine and other Asian countries who are struggling to counter foreign intervention and defend national sovereignty.

KCNA

American Empire a ‘Beggar’

It is unseemly for the US to beg everyone to jump on the anti-DPRK sanctions bandwagon.

Addressing a meeting of foreign ministers from over 30 African countries on trade and security on November 17, US Secretary of State Tillerson asked them to downgrade diplomatic relations and cut off economic relations with the DPRK so as to isolate the country, adding he “wants to stress bigger support from African partners”.

Having begged any country, big or small and Asian or European, for joining in the anti-DPRK sanctions campaign, the US is now looking to African nations which it has regarded only as the target of aggression and plunder.

It bears resemblance to a beggar.

Such disgraceful begging is testimony to the US’ defeat in the decades-long nuclear showdown with the DPRK.

Though the “sole superpower” has shipped large quantities of military hardware into the Korean peninsula and persistently clung to heinous sanctions, the DPRK has neither knelt down before it nor lost courage but has pressed on with a socialist powerful nation building by dint of single-mindedness under the banner of independence and self-development-first principle.

There will be no change even though the US goes begging around African countries for anti-DPRK sanctions.

The American “beggar” can never check the advance of socialist Korea however hard it may try.

By Kim Rye Yong PT

Visit to Newly-built Sunchon Catfish Farm

Kim Jong Un, Chairman of the Workers’ Party of Korea, Chairman of the DPRK State Affairs Commission and Supreme Commander of the Korean People’s Army, gave field guidance to the newly-built Sunchon Catfish Farm.

After looking round the mosaic painting depicting the benevolent image of Chairman Kim Jong Il in the compound of the farm, he was briefed on the farm before a map showing its bird's eye view.

The farm, with a total floor space of more than 24 120 square metres, consists of districts for production, auxiliary production, welfare and others and its production capacity is 1 200 tons per year.

In December 2015, Supreme Leader Kim Jong Un took a step to build a catfish farm with a large capacity in the Sunchon area of South Phyongan Province before other provinces, and guided how to design it and personally solved all problems arising in its construction.

The officials, builders and volunteers of the province inaugurated the farm and started its production in October last by conducting a dynamic campaign from the outset of its construction.

Noting that the farm, well built in a tidy and neat way, is in an excellent location to always ensure warm water vital to the growth of catfish by using the waste water from the Sunchon Thermal Power Plant, the Supreme Leader said that South Phyongan Province took the lead in implementing the Party's policy of building a modern catfish farm put on a Juche, scientific, intensive and industrial basis.

He went round the room dedicated to the history of the farm, a sci-tech learning space, combined production control room, hatchery, indoor fattening ground, plastic-walled pools, feed processing plant, material storage, freezing storage and other parts of the farm to learn in detail about its construction and production.

He gave instructions on its management and operation, stressing the need for it to set an ambitious goal and put production on a normal track.

The farm, which came to being amid the struggle to implement the decision of the 7th Congress of the Workers' Party of Korea, is a precious creation of the officials, Party members and other working people in South Phyongan Province who have turned out with optimism about the future in reliance on their own efforts, he said. He added that his confidence grows stronger upon hearing that the people in the province came to keenly feel again, through the construction of the farm, that they can do anything and be better off when they give play to the revolutionary spirit of self-reliance.

He highly appreciated the feats performed by the officials, builders and volunteers for building the perfect farm as intended by the Party, saying he was very satisfied with the farm completed to be impeccable even in the distant future.

He expressed expectation and belief that its officials and employees would surely turn out 1 200 tons of catfish every year for the people in the province under the banner of scientific fish farming, and had a photo session with them.

Accompanying him were O Su Yong and Pak Thae Song, vice-chairmen of the WPK Central Committee, and Jo Yong Won, deputy department director of the WPK Central Committee.

KCNA

Invincible Power

The DPRK is an invincible power—this is not only the voice of the world progressives but also the opinion of the western media.

A military publication of the UK carried an article under the title of a military power ready for an all-out war with an empire. It said: there are some military powers with armed equipment that can stand comparison with the powerful military force of the US. But, when viewed from the will to go to war against the US, the DPRK is quite strong beyond comparison with other military powers. In case the US launches a pre-emptive strike, a real power which can win in an all-out war against it will surely be the DPRK.

Any country cannot display the dignity and honour of a real power or an invincible power. Only Juche Korea, which emerges victorious in the fighting against the superpower running amuck to dominate the whole world, can exalt the prestige and honour as such.

Today the DPRK is fully demonstrating the dignity of a world-class power under the leadership of its outstanding leader.

The greatness of a country and a nation is decided by the greatness of its leader, not by the size of its territory, the number of its population and the ICBM.

Looking back upon its past, Korea was deprived of its name and territory by foreign aggressors for its weak national strength in the early 20th century.

But, today, it has developed into a world-class power under the wise leadership of the great leaders Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il. After its liberation from the Japanese military rule in August 1945, it performed the historic miracle of defeating with rifles the US imperialists armed with A-bombs and achieved the great historic cause of possessing nukes while winning victory after victory in the fierce anti-US showdown. Its history and reality clearly prove that any small and backward country can be developed into a dignified nation if it has a great leader and a great party.

Today, the DPRK has attained the status of a world-class power possessed of H-bomb and ICBM under the leadership of Supreme Leader Kim Jong Un. Its people are hardening their resolve to step up the building of a socialist power in faithful support of his leadership.

The US and its vassal forces are resorting to inhumane sanctions and unprecedented military threats and blackmail against the DPRK while crying out for a “maximum pressure.” But, they can never dishearten the Korean people who are waging a vigorous struggle for hastening the final victory of building a socialist power, closely rallied behind their leader.

An Egyptian newspaper wrote the DPRK has always emerged victorious in the showdown with the US-led hostile forces and that the law taught by its victories shows that the army and people led by the great leader will surely win.

The DPRK will further exalt its dignity and honour as the invincible socialist power under the leadership of Supreme Leader Kim Jong Un.

Major Military Tactics Created During the Fatherland Liberation War

Kim Il Sung created unique military tactics during the Fatherland Liberation War, and the combatants of the KPA achieved brilliant results by employing those tactics.

Typical examples include tunnel tactic, aircraft-hunting team movement, tank-hunting team movement, sniper team movement and separate heavy machine-gun team movement.


War Results Achieved by the Korean People’s Army

During the three-year-long Fatherland Liberation War, the KPA killed, wounded or captured over 1 567 120 enemy soldiers, including more than 405 490 US imperialist aggressor troops, and seized or destroyed enormous amounts of combat equipment and war materiel, including 12 220 planes, 564 vessels, 3 250 tanks and armoured vehicles, 13 350 trucks, 7 690 guns and 925 150 small arms. The loss sustained by the US imperialist aggressors was nearly 2.3 times what they had sustained in the four-year-long Pacific War.

The US journal U.S. News & World Report said that the loss sustained by the United States on the Korean front was more than twice what it had sustained during the previous five big wars–the War of Independence, the War of 1812, the Mexican War, Spanish-American War and the war in the Philippines.

Wretched Plight of US Facing Imminent Ruin

World media are having a field day carrying the US miserable defeat in the DPRK-US nuclear stand-off as special news.

Russian internet homepage Patrioti Moskva in an article titled "Position of the DPRK as a nuclear power" wrote that the US which was boasting of its advantages in nuclear weapons is reeling after the emergence of a new nuclear power in the world, adding:

The DPRK is a small country in its territory and population.

Such a country has so far been exposed to harsh nuclear threats from the US.

The US, world's first and biggest nuclear weapons state, has deployed huge nuclear hardware and weapons in south Korea and staged all sorts of nuclear war exercises including the Team Spirit and Ulji Focus Lens every year and officially declared the DPRK as a target of a preemptive nuclear attack.

This compelled the DPRK to opt for the path of nuclear possession and the path of bolstering nuclear deterrence for self-defence.

The DPRK, which had access to nuclear weapons to terminate its nuclear threat, carried out an H-bomb test to defend the sovereignty of the country and the right to existence of the nation and guarantee the peace on the Korean peninsula and the security of the region, thus ranking itself with dignity among the world's six nuclear powers.

It would be realistic and wise for the US to accept the assertion of Bandow, senior fellow at the Cato Institute in the US and former special assistant to President Ronald Reagan, that the option for the US has to be holding dialogue with the DPRK and withdrawing its forces from Northeast Asia.

The British newspaper Daily Star and the US newspaper The Hill and other media also reported that US Strategic Command Head John Hyten officially said that he would not obey Trump's order for a nuclear attack on north Korea and that lots of netizens in the US supported him.

The French AFP commented that the clarification of their possible denial of their president's order for nuclear attack in breach of law by John Hyten in the wake of the former US Strategic Command Head has something in common with the moves of Congress to restrain the US president's right to use nuclear weapons.

The former senior director of the US National Security Council who is an expert on nuclear weapons and non-proliferation wrote on a website of the Carnegie Foundation for International Peace that Americans may query what does it mean when they hear that the US is still not be able to intercept two north Korean missiles as they have squandered tens of billions of US dollars for more than 30 years, but to their regret, the US has to admit this fact.

Lots of media of the world report that "the DPRK advanced into the stage of perfecting the smaller nuclear weapons of the highest level in the world", "DPRK's H-bomb is ultra-modern nuclear warhead developed in Korean style, not in the way employed by the US or Russia", and "it is able to turn such big cities of the US as eastern New York and Washington into ashes at a single shot".

As was commented by the international community, the more zealously the US resorts to the anachronistic hostile policy towards the DPRK, the bitterer shame and destruction the "world's only superpower" will face.

KCNA

"Presidential Statement" at ASEM Foreign Ministers' Meeting Blasted

A "presidential statement" hurting the sacred dignity of the DPRK was adopted at the 13th ASEM foreign ministers' meeting held in Myanmar on November 20-21.

It is just a blatant challenge to the sovereignty and dignity of the DPRK that the "presidential statement", peppered with the contents produced from serious ignorance about and biased viewpoint on the social system of the DPRK and the situation on the Korean peninsula, was adopted at the ASEM foreign ministers' meeting, a gathering of diplomatic leading figures of Asia and Europe.

Not content with terming the legitimate and entirely just steps taken by the DPRK to preserve its sovereignty and rights to existence and development "threats" to the international community, the "statement" took issue with it over its non-existent "human rights abuses."

The DPRK cannot but refute the relevant contents of the "statement" clause by clause.

The US brought its three nuclear aircraft carriers to the vicinity of the Korean peninsula, the world's biggest hotspot, and let two B-1Bs fly above it. It is about to make another serious military provocation against the DPRK from December 4 by bringing 12 000 troops of its naval and air forces and six F-22 Stealth fighters to south Korea.

Peace has never settled on the peninsula due to its war drumbeats.

These facts clearly prove that the nuclear war "threat" is coming from Trump, the worst-ever gangster politician and ringleader of the hooligans, and his servants, who are making desperate efforts to "demonize" the state and people of the DPRK, crying out for "totally destroying" it in the sacred UN arena.

However, the "statement" termed the steps taken by the DPRK for self-defence "grave threats" while keeping mum about the Trump administration keen on staging mad-cap war drills near the Korean peninsula with huge nuclear strategic assets involved.

This proves that the countries which took part in the meeting deliberately defied and distorted the reality although they clearly know who is chiefly to blame for spawning the nuclear issue on the peninsula and escalating tensions there.

Those countries claimed that the meeting "reaffirmed the will to achieve durable peace and denuclearization on the Korean peninsula by peaceful diplomatic and political methods."

However, it is the situation on the peninsula that a nuclear war may break out any moment due to the US hostile policy towards the DPRK and threat to use force against it. It is clear to even a child that dialogue is impossible under such situation.

The countries talked about effective and comprehensive implementation of the outrageous "sanctions resolutions" against the DPRK at the meeting although the "resolutions" are seriously problematic both in law and morality. They will never be able to escape their legal responsibility for joining the US in its inhuman and outrageous sanctions racket to stifle the DPRK.

They should not say this or that about the DPRK centred on the popular masses but take issue with the US, the kingpin of hideous state-sponsored terrorism and human rights tundra, which strikes sovereign countries with fighter jets and tanks in broad daylight and regards the lives of the coloured races as something not better than the ones of flies, talking about "supremacy of whites."

Whether others recognize it or not, the DPRK, as an actual world-class nuclear weapons state, will advance more dynamically along the road chosen by it, holding fast to its nuclear deterrent of justice, in order to put a definite end to the nuclear threats from the US and to preserve peace and security on the Korean peninsula and the world.

KCNA

US Urged to Stop Nuclear Threat to DPRK

The US has gone mischievous nowadays to stop the DPRK from making advance as the nuclear force of Juche Korea has almost reached the phase of completion.

As the DPRK's action for completing its state nuclear force is becoming a fait accompli, the Trump group is floating the story of "nuclear attack" on the DPRK, trying to make it sound plausible.

By putting forward those soldiers who retired from service of the nuclear force, the US is opening to the public every procedure for executing the nuclear attack. The group is getting vocal that "President Trump would choose a plan already existing on table when he sees it as a moment to use a nuclear weapon against north Korea" and that "it is almost impossible to stop the decision".

Meanwhile, the US is setting afloat information that it is making actual preparations for a nuclear war against the DPRK as evidenced by the report about the August nuclear bombing drill targeting the DPRK which B-52 of its air force conducted with Japan Air "Self-Defense Force" in the areas around the Korean peninsula.

Such movement of the Trump group is aimed to pressurize the DPRK from taking a measure for completing the building of the nuclear force at the final phase.

In conclusion, the US had better clearly understand who its rival is.

If the US is finally going to inflict a nuclear war on the DPRK, by finding fault with the latter's self-defensive measure for completing the national nuclear force, the DPRK will not hesitate to respond to it with the nuclear attack to wipe out the US, empire of evil, from the earth.

It seems that the US has lingering attachment for the Cuban Missile Crisis in the 1960s. It will be a grave miscalculation for the US to think that it can revive the Cuban Missile Crisis on the Korean peninsula and bring down the DPRK.

The Korean peninsula is not the Caribbean region and the Korean People's Army is not such a weak one who would put down its nuclear weapon at the nuclear threat and blackmail of the US. The KPA is the invincible and ever-victorious powerful army full of the spirit of annihilating enemies.

The KPA is a heroic army which wrested surrender documents from the US without nuclear weapons in all forms of confrontation with the US, including the 1968 Pueblo and the 1976 Panmunjom incidents.

No force on the earth can bring into submission the DPRK whose leader, army and people have formed a harmonious whole and it is the truth proven by the history of the DPRK-US stand-off that the DPRK will always emerge victorious.

The DPRK is a dignified nuclear power and a world-level military power.

Gone are the days never to return when the US used to threaten the DPRK with its nuclear weapons.

Trump had better ponder over the saying that "Give measure for measure".

KCNA

Inevitable Are DPRK's Measures for Bolstering Nuclear Force

A military twitter of the US recently opened to the public that the US has a secret underground nuclear warhead depot and B-1 bombers can drop nuclear warheads. The US is now taking follow-up measures to put the situation under control by letting the media and experts claim that it was "wrong story" and "false assertion".

A story carried by the US website VOX on November 16 said that the command in charge of nuclear warehouse in the US on its twitter wrote on November 15 that the US has a secret underground nuclear warhead depot and B-1 bombers can drop nuclear warheads.

What matters is that the US media and experts immediately refuted the story, asserting that the US has no secret garage like that and the assertion that B-1 bombers can drop nuclear warheads is false.

The true nature of the US as the biggest nuclear maniac can never be concealed just as a gimlet inside a plastic bag is bound to protrude.

An expert on security in Asia commented that the US twitter story proved the north Korean claim that B-1 bomber can drop nuclear weapon, adding this means that in case the US forces fly B-1 bomber to the sky above the Korean peninsula for a drill next time, north Korea can take it as having been loaded with a nuclear weapon.

It is not secret that B-1B and other nuclear strategic bombers are key force of the US for containing big countries around the Korean peninsula like Russia and China in contingency.

The NBC reported that the US air force has set up a plan to let B-1B deployed on Guam attack the strategic targets of more than 20 intermediate-range ballistic missile bases, adding the plan can be put into practice by order of Trump.

Now the US is keeping the posture of mounting sudden attack through the frequent formation flights of B-1B and B-2 to the sky above south Korea while reviving the system of the round-the-clock flight sortie of strategic bomber B-52 equipped with nuclear weapons just as in the period of the Cold War.

Even in October last the US staged nocturnal flight drills with fighters of the Japan Air "Self-Defense Force" and the south Korean puppet air force after introducing two B-1Bs nuclear-capable strategic bombers into the sky above the East Sea of Korea.

Through such reckless military provocations as the introduction of B-1B, nuclear submarine and nuclear carriers into the waters off the Korean peninsula, the US dares try to provoke the DPRK and such military acts compel the DPRK to take military counteraction.

The present situation clearly proves the inevitability of the DPRK's measures for bolstering the nuclear force to cope with the reckless nuclear war provocation of the US and its followers.

The greater nuclear threat the US poses, the bolder steps the DPRK will take for nuclear deterrence for self-defense.

KCNA

Anniversary of Victory in Yonphyong Island Shelling Marked

An army-people joint meeting took place in Kangryong County, South Hwanghae Province on November 23 to mark the 7th anniversary of the victory in the Yonphyong Island shelling.

Present there were men and officers of the Korean Peoples' Army including the servicepersons who had taken part in the Yonphyong Island shelling, officials and civilians from all walks of life in the county.

Army Colonel General Ri Song Guk, commander of the 4th Corps of the KPA, said in his address that the victory in the Yonphyong Island shelling was a great event as it fully demonstrated the invincible spirit of the KPA and recorded a page of proud victory in the history of Juche Korea.

Now the KPA service personnel standing guard on the biggest hotspot in the south-western sector of the front are filled with the strong will to make a prompt and merciless strike at the enemies and throw them into the waters by carrying forward the tradition of the victory in the Yonphyong Island shelling once an order is issued, he added.

Kim Pong Hyon, chairman of the Kangryong County Committee of the Workers' Party of Korea, warmly congratulated the victors in the battle and expressed the will to annihilate the enemies, together with the servicepersons in the same trench, if the US imperialists and the south Korean puppet group of traitors fire even a bullet at the territorial land and waters of the DPRK.

The floor was taken by others.

At the end of the meeting there was a performance and march by the KPA Military Band.

KCNA

Insatiable Researchers

The hydrometeorological research is one of the most dynamic efforts in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea at the moment. One of these days I, as a Korea Today reporter, visited the Central Weather Forecast Station of the State Hydrometeorological Administration that plays the pivotal role in the research.

Welcoming me, Ri Yong Nam, a weather forecaster, said, “We have made serious efforts to improve the scientific accuracy in weather forecasting, and thus achieved a lot of successes.”

These days the world is faced with an increasing density of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere, which causes abnormal climatic phenomena. The reality shows that the conventional weather forecasting system could hardly provide scientific accuracy and quickness in weather forecast as it depends on old observation and forecasting data.

Well aware of this, the forecasting officers and researchers of the station set a target of developing a far quicker and more precise forecast support system that would be fit for the local physiographical condition and environment. It was a project that demanded the solution of enormous and challenging problems, including building a database on dozens of years of observation and forecast, estimating abnormal climatic phenomena and suggesting relevant countermeasures, considering specific physiographical condition and environment of Korea, and completing a more comprehensive and scientific analogue search system by improving the analogue scales and comparison standards. Even a small miss or mistake might lead to irreversible calamity to the lives and safety of the people and the economic development.

Undaunted at the formidable challenges, the researchers carried out the tasks one by one in close contact with teachers and researchers of Kim Il Sung University. In the course of this the database, the core of the forecast support system, was fully prepared, a rapid variables calculation process was established which is essential for analogue examination demanding high precision, and programs were designed to display the weather map and set up network-based communication.

At last the researchers developed and applied a weather map analogue examination system in a matter of several months. This new weather forecast support system helps to give a comprehensive and much more scientific forecast relying on the analogue-based examination of the factors of weather conditions while referring much less to old observation data and experience.

That’s not all the researchers have achieved. In keeping with the developing reality, they refashioned the observation network and necessary facilities, and improved the time-analysing capability and density of meteorological observation by installing real-time automatic observation instruments in every corner of the country. The well-regulated consultation system involving all provincial branches of the Administration they have set up is going a long way to drastic elevation of the scientific accuracy of weather forecast through dynamic online discussions.

These days the researchers are positively applying to their projects the cloud and precipitation forecast support system, the integrated observation data analysis system, the typhoon forecast support system and other important results they have already obtained.

All forecasters and researchers contribute articles on their experience and general knowledge about weather forecast to different periodicals like Meteorology and Hydrology and Information of Science and Technology. A mobile phone-based data service system is also becoming perfect thanks to their effort.

Choe Kwang Guk, head of the station, says, “The public is getting more and more interested in hydrometeorology, and we know we are not allowed to feel satisfied with our work. We have to continue to improve the scientific accuracy and speed in weather forecast.”

Their effort is growing more energetic with international joint research and cooperation, and exchange of experience and relevant data.

Kim Son Myong