Africa Demands Action

UNDP

Many of the conversations at the 81st UN General Assembly in New York will be framed around crises: conflict, debt, climate shocks, artificial intelligence, and a slowing global economy. And for Africa, the stakes are unusually high.

24 September 2026

New Era (Windhoek)

New York — African leaders and development partners have called for urgent action to turn the United Nations Pact for the Future from promises into measurable results for ordinary Africans.

The call was made on Tuesday at a high-level side event co-chaired by President Netumbo Nandi-Ndaitwah to assess two years of implementation of the Pact, which was adopted in 2024.

The meeting brought together presidents Bassirou Diomaye Faye (Senegal), William Ruto (Kenya), Uganda vice president Jessica Alupo, Zambia's foreign affairs minister Mulambo Haimbe, African Union Deputy Chairperson Selma Haddadi, Development Bank, civil society and the Pan-African Youth Union also took part.

"As Africa, we are not asking for free money. Africa, we want fairness," said Nandi-Ndaitwah.

She said the Pact aligns with the African Union's Agenda 2063 and could help advance Africa's priorities in areas such as youth empowerment, financing for development, peace, digital transformation and inclusive growth.

The President said African youth account for more than 60% of the continent's population and should be placed at the centre of development planning.

She pointed to Namibia's free tertiary education and National Youth Development Fund as examples of national efforts to equip young people with skills and opportunities.

Nandi-Ndaitwah also called for greater African participation in reforming the international financial architecture and in negotiations for a UN Framework Convention on International Tax Cooperation.

Adding his voice, Ruto, speaking on behalf of the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa, said Africa should develop a single mechanism to measure progress ahead of the Pact's 2028 review.

Ruto proposed that the African Union and UNECA prepare one consolidated African implementation report to establish whether commitments are producing measurable results.

"Two years ago, Africa helped shape this pact. Today, our task is to turn its promises into results," Ruto said.

He said the results must be visible in the lives of young Africans and in the financing of development.

Ruto also called for completion of negotiations on the UN Framework Convention on International Tax Cooperation and reform of the international financial architecture to improve access to resources and concessional financing.

Financing crisis

Meanwhile, Faye said the Pact provides a framework for addressing Africa's development challenges but warned that the continent continues to face infrastructure deficits, under-industrialisation, unemployment, debt and difficulties accessing finance.

"Funding for development is centre stage," Faye said.

He said African countries need a fairer international financial system and greater influence in global decision-making institutions.

Faye also called for stronger use of the African Continental Free Trade Area to reduce market fragmentation and support economic growth.

Not enough

Additionally, AU Deputy Chairperson Selma Haddadi said some progress had been made since the Pact was adopted, including movement on financing, digital governance and UN reform. She said Africa had also expanded electricity access to an additional 50 million people over the past two years.

However, Haddadi warned that implementation had "not yet fully matched the breadth and ambition" of the commitments made by member states.

She said the key test was whether the Pact was changing how Africa finances development and whether the resulting economic growth was creating more opportunities for young Africans.

UN

Moreover, Ryder said Africa was central to the Pact from its negotiation to its implementation.

He said progress had been recorded in peace and security, artificial intelligence, financing for development, and youth participation.

Ryder said the UN was working to adapt peace operations to current conflicts, while the Global Digital Compact was creating a framework for international cooperation on artificial intelligence.

"Africa was decisive in securing the Pact, and Africa's continued leadership will be decisive in delivering it," Ryder said.

Dashboard

UNECA Executive Secretary Claver Gatete said the Pact must be linked directly to national plans, budgets and investment.

He said he had met young African entrepreneurs who could build digital services but struggled to obtain affordable finance, as well as farmers needing climate information, irrigation, insurance and market access.

Gatete proposed an annual Africa-focused dashboard to track implementation of the Pact alongside Agenda 2063, the Sustainable Development Goals and national priorities.

"Success will not be measured by the number of meetings we hold," Gatete said, but by whether jobs are created, business costs fall, connectivity expands and lives improve.

Reform

Another interesting intervention came from Uganda's Alupo, who said the Pact's priorities are closely linked to Africa's development needs, particularly youth empowerment, technology, sustainable development and reform of the international financial system.

She said limited fiscal space and rising debt pressures were preventing developing countries from investing sufficiently in infrastructure and public services.

Alupo called for reforms to international financial institutions to give developing countries a stronger voice in decision-making.

Critical

South African representatives opined that the Pact should also support Africa's industrialisation by ensuring that the continent benefits from its natural resources.

Further, critical minerals should be beneficiated at source, while African youth should be placed at the centre of artificial intelligence research and innovation.

South Africa estimated that Africa needs to close an annual US$1.3 trillion financing gap to achieve the SDGs by 2030 and called for reforms to the global financial architecture.

"Today, we cannot talk about implementing this Pact without talking about the real active role of young people," the representative said.

The civil society representative similarly called for stronger monitoring of implementation and said youth participation must move beyond symbolic inclusion to concrete access to skills, jobs, finance and digital opportunities.

2028 review

The meeting ended with Nandi-Ndaitwah saying the discussions had shown the need for greater investment in youth, stronger financing, domestic resource mobilisation, digital readiness and institutional capacity.

"The real measurement of the Pact's success will be its national uptake," she said.

She said the 2028 review should be used to strengthen implementation and inform the emerging post-2030 development agenda, while calling for stronger North-South, South-South, and triangular cooperation.

Read the original article on New Era.

Has the U.S. Adopted a Regime Change Policy in Sudan?

General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan

24 September 2026

allAfrica.com

By Boakai Fofana

Monrovia — There has been a flurry of diplomatic activity this week surrounding peace efforts in Sudan as world leaders gather in New York for the 81st session of the UN General Assembly. The conflict, which began in April 2023, has reached a stalemate, leaving the country virtually divided between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF).

A committee of Sudanese doctors earlier warned that conditions in the country have reached "catastrophic" levels, particularly in conflict-affected areas including the capital, Khartoum. The group, the Preparatory Committee of the Sudanese Doctors' Syndicate, presented its report to the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva. It documented extensive damage to health facilities and environmental destruction that the group warned is fueling the spread of disease.

The committee's report comes after UN agencies warned they may be forced to cut back on humanitarian aid due to severe funding shortfalls. Sudan is currently home to the world's worst hunger and displacement crisis: according to the UN, nearly 8.6 million people remain internally displaced, and more than 19 million face crisis levels of food insecurity.

In response, the U.S. intensified its diplomatic efforts to bring an end to the violence. The American approach - spearheaded by U.S. President Donald Trump's Senior Advisor for Arab and African Affairs, Massad Boulos - focuses on applying diplomatic pressure on both the SAF and RSF to secure a ceasefire, establish humanitarian corridors, and enforce targeted sanctions against key perpetrators of violence.

As part of these efforts, the Trump administration proposed an immediate 90-day humanitarian truce in July to allow aid deliveries, strengthen civilian protection, and pave the way for negotiations on a permanent ceasefire, followed by a civilian-led political transition and elections. Although early reports suggested the warring factions had accepted the proposal, an op-ed by Sudanese Sovereignty Council Chief and Army Commander Abdel Fattah al-Burhan appears to contradict those claims.

Writing in Foreign Policy magazine under the title "How to Bring Peace to Sudan," Burhan argued that external efforts to secure a ceasefire over the years have failed to yield results, stressing that the latest U.S. proposal merely buys the RSF time. He argued that any genuine peace process must be an internally driven settlement leading to a permanent ceasefire, the consolidation of all armed groups under a single national army, and a national political dialogue culminating in a new constitution and elections. He added that the Rapid Support Forces do not hold legitimate state authority.

On the sidelines of the UN General Assembly, Boulos announced on social media that he had held "productive conversations" with the SAF-appointed Foreign Minister, Mohi El Din Salem, and Egyptian Foreign Minister Dr. Badr Abdelatty. Boulos said the discussions centered on the urgent need to "agree on a path to durable peace in Sudan," adding that the Sudanese people critically need a humanitarian truce that can "lead towards an inclusive civilian dialogue and a peaceful, unified Sudan."

His statement follows reports that the U.S. denied a visa to Army Chief Burhan, preventing him from attending the UN gathering. Observers view the move as an attempt to pressure him into accepting the proposed ceasefire. U.S. officials reportedly made Burhan's attendance contingent on his agreement to the 90-day truce proposed by Boulos. While neither the U.S. State Department nor the Sudanese government has officially commented on the reported visa denial, according to al-Jazeera, some Sudanese citizens took to social media to voice opposition to the U.S. stance, arguing that UN participation should not be conditioned on Khartoum's acceptance of the proposal.

Meanwhile, in a statement released Tuesday, September 22, the U.S. State Department reiterated President Trump's commitment to ending the conflict, stating that accepting the truce is an "essential step to achieving a durable peace" in Sudan. It emphasized that the administration stands ready to work with anyone who is a "serious partner" for peace.

"Neither the Sudanese Armed Forces, the Rapid Support Forces, nor their respective leaders represent legitimate, constitutional governance for Sudan - they rule through force of arms alone," the State Department added, saying the conduct of both leaders "renders them ineligible to govern the country."

Cameron Hudson, a senior fellow at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), has said the State Department's statement essentially signals a policy of regime change in Sudan.

"There is no other way to read the statement," Hudson wrote in a post on X (formerly Twitter), arguing that the U.S. has painted itself into a corner. "First with its chemical weapons sanctions, then its arms embargo, then with its visa ban. Now, in order to justify the ban, it has doubled down on its regime of maximum pressure."

Hudson said the current U.S. approach leaves little room for negotiation: "Either Burhan bends his knee and signs whatever is put in front of him unconditionally, or the situation remains as is."

UN Voices Concern Over Worsening Security Situation, Armed-Group Coalition and Drone Strikes in Ethiopia

M. Haileselassie/Deutsche Welle

Ethiopian soldiers at a military parade in Tigray (file image).

22 September 2026

Addis Standard (Addis Ababa)

Addis Ababa — The United Nations has expressed deep concern over what it described as a worsening security situation in Ethiopia, citing the formation of a new coalition of armed groups, continued insecurity and reports of drone strikes.

Speaking at the UN Secretary-General's daily press briefing on 21 September, Stéphane Dujarric, spokesperson for Secretary-General António Guterres, said the UN was "deeply concerned" by recent developments in Ethiopia amid heightened tensions.

"At a time of heightened tensions, we urge all stakeholders to refrain from actions or rhetoric that could further escalate the situation," Dujarric said. He also called on the parties to recommit to dialogue, stressing that "military action will not resolve political differences or address underlying grievances."

The UN spokesperson did not provide further details on the reported coalition of armed groups or the drone strikes.

The statement comes amid renewed security tensions in parts of Ethiopia, including developments in the northern Tigray region, where clashes have recently been reported between federal forces and Tigrayan forces.

The United Nations said it continues to support African Union-led efforts aimed at reducing tensions and advancing implementation of the Pretoria Agreement, the November 2022 peace deal that ended the two-year war between the federal government and Tigrayan forces.

Ethiopian cultural events The UN's latest remarks come as concerns grow over the possibility of renewed conflict and the broader impact of armed confrontations on civilians and the implementation of the peace agreement.

The UN's warning comes a day after seven Ethiopian opposition and armed groups formally announced the formation of a coalition, declaring a joint objective of removing the Prosperity Party-led government and establishing what they described as an inclusive transitional government.

The announcement was made on 20 September 2026 in a statement read live on Tigrai TV by Zemene Kassie, chairman of the Amhara Fano National Movement (AFNM). The coalition brings together the AFNM, Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), Afar National Unity Revolutionary Front, Benishangul Peoples' Liberation Movement and Gumuz Peoples' Democratic Movement.

Government policy analysis 

The announcement formalized months of reported efforts to coordinate armed and political opposition groups across regional and ethnic lines. In August, Zemene said agreements had been reached with several opposition armed groups to form a broader coalition working toward what he described as the "fall of Abiy Ahmed." The newly announced coalition has now given that alignment a formal name and stated objectives.

In its statement, the coalition accused the Prosperity Party-led government of presiding over insecurity, armed conflict, displacement, poverty and alleged violations of democratic and human rights. The government has not been quoted in the announcement as responding to the allegations.

The UN's reference to reported drone strikes also comes amid renewed allegations of civilian harm linked to drone attacks in Ethiopia. On 21 September, Addis Standard reported that a humanitarian aid truck carrying more than 41 metric tons of food assistance was struck by a drone in northwestern Tigray on 20 September, injuring a 13-year-old girl and destroying the relief consignment.

Africans & Diaspora Abrhaley Girmay, mayor of Adi-Daero, told Addis Standard that the incident occurred at around 3:30 a.m. in Swudey village, Hibret Tabia, between Adi-Daero and Adi-Nebried. He said the drone struck the area three times, first hitting a public road, followed by farmland, before the third strike hit the truck carrying assistance for internally displaced people in Sheraro.

Abrhaley said the drone had been circling over the area and that the strikes caused fear and psychological distress among residents. The injured girl was taken to Adi-Daero Primary Hospital for treatment, he said.

Addis Standard also spoke to the truck driver, Birhane Gebretsadik, who survived the reported strike.

Demographics The reported incident has not been independently verified by Addis Standard, and the source of the drone strike has not been independently established.

Read the original article on Addis Standard.

Tunisia Protesters Demand Release of Detained Sumud Flotilla Activists

By Al Mayadeen English

21 Sep 2026 09:21

A protest in Tunis calls for the release of four Sumud Flotilla activists, including two on hunger strike over their continued detention.

Hundreds of protesters took to the streets in Tunis to demand the release of four activists detained in connection with the Global Sumud Flotilla and to denounce a campaign targeting solidarity with Palestine.

The demonstration began outside the headquarters of the Tunisian National Journalists’ Union (SNJT), with protesters then heading toward Avenue Habib Bourguiba while carrying Palestinian and Tunisian flags and images of the detainees.

The protesters called for the case against the four activists to be dropped and directed chants against President Kais Saied’s government, including slogans accusing the authorities of repression and of serving foreign interests.

Hunger strike raises alarm over detainees’ health

The protest comes after a Tunisian court extended the pre-trial detention of Wael Naouar, Ghassen Henchiri, Ghassen Boughdiri, and Nabil Channoufi by an additional four months.

The four have been detained since March as part of an investigation into alleged financial irregularities involving fundraising activities connected to the flotilla, according to Tunisian state media, which cited judicial sources.

Naouar, a member of the flotilla’s steering committee, began an open-ended hunger strike on August 16 in protest against his continued detention. Henchiri, Boughdiri, and Channoufi joined the strike on September 9, according to supporters and the Global Sumud Flotilla.

Activists accuse authorities of criminalizing Palestine solidarity

Supporters of the detainees say their case extends beyond the financial allegations and forms part of a wider crackdown on political and civil society actors.

Activists, journalists, rights defenders, and trade unionists have increasingly faced similar legal proceedings involving financial crimes and money laundering allegations, according to reports. 

The four detainees are members of the Global Sumud Flotilla, an international initiative that sought to challenge the Israeli regime’s blockade of Gaza and transport humanitarian assistance to the Strip.

Former student union leaders join calls for release

Calls for the activists’ release have also come from former members of Tunisia’s General Students Union (UGET).

Former UGET officials and activists representing different generations of the student movement issued a statement Tuesday demanding the immediate release of the four detainees, including Naouar, who previously served as the union’s secretary-general.

They called on student organizations, trade unions, rights groups, and other civil society bodies to mobilize around the case, while holding Saied and his government responsible for the safety of the hunger strikers.

Nidhal Khadraoui, another former UGET secretary-general, said the detainees remained committed to continuing their hunger strike until they were freed.

He also raised concerns over Henchiri’s health, saying he requires surgery because of complications from an injury sustained during detention by the Israeli regime.

According to Khadraoui, the operation has not been performed despite a prison doctor recommending it.

Human rights groups warn of shrinking civic space

The detention of the four activists comes against a backdrop of growing criticism from rights organizations over restrictions on civil society in Tunisia.

Human Rights Watch has accused Tunisian authorities of increasingly using financial, anti-money laundering, and counterterrorism laws against activists and civil society figures.

Tunisian authorities reject accusations that the judiciary is being used to suppress political opponents. The government maintains that the judiciary is independent and that legal proceedings are conducted in accordance with the law.

Supporters of the Global Sumud Flotilla have continued to stage protests calling for the immediate release of the “Sumud four", making the activists’ detention an increasingly prominent issue among Palestine solidarity groups in Tunisia.

Somalia, Turkish Officials Discuss Defense Cooperation in Mogadishu

By Al Mayadeen English

21 Sep 2026 20:03

Somalia and Turkey discussed expanding defense cooperation, military training, and logistical support to strengthen the Somali Armed Forces’ institutional and operational capabilities.

Somali Defense Minister Ahmed Moallim Fiqi Ahmed met with a Turkish military delegation in Mogadishu to discuss expanding bilateral defense cooperation and strengthening the Somali Armed Forces.

The delegation was led by Brigadier General Sabahattin Kalkan, commander of Turkey’s military training center in Somalia, TURKSOM. It also included Turkish military and naval attaché Haldun Çetinarslan and newly appointed Air Force attaché Mohammed Serhan Yıldız.

Discussions focused on military training, professional development, and efforts to enhance the Somali army’s institutional and operational capabilities.

Fiqi praised TURKSOM’s contribution to training Somali personnel and improving their professional skills. He also expressed appreciation for Ankara’s continued support for rebuilding Somalia’s armed forces and promoting security and stability in the country.

Expanding military ties

The meeting forms part of sustained military cooperation between Mogadishu and Ankara, with senior defense officials from both countries holding several meetings throughout the year.

In August, Turkish Defense Minister Yaşar Güler received Somali army chief Ibrahim Mohamed Mohamud in Ankara, with Turkey’s chief of general staff also attending the meeting.

The two sides have held further discussions in recent months on improving training, logistical assistance, and capacity-building for Somali forces.

TURKSOM’s role in Somalia

TURKSOM opened in Mogadishu in 2017 and is Turkey’s largest overseas military training facility.

The center trains Somali officers, non-commissioned officers, and soldiers while providing support in military organization, infrastructure, and logistics.

Ankara says its military and training presence in Somalia is intended to help restructure the Somali army, develop the country’s security institutions, and strengthen its counterterrorism capabilities.

Fighting Intensifies in Northern Ethiopia as Tigray Rebels Declare Full-blown War

By Agencies

Tigray Region

Fighting is intensifying across northern Ethiopia, with Tigray rebels saying the country is now in a “full-blown war” with the federal government.

The Tigray People’s Liberation Front, or TPLF, seized control of three airports in Tigray on Wednesday and launched attacks into the neighbouring Afar and Amhara regions. Ethiopian Airlines has suspended flights to airports in Mekelle, Shire and Axum.

User-generated images posted on social media show military personnel and civilians in Abala, while footage from Mekelle shows cars and people on the streets following the seizure of the regional airport.

Ethiopia’s army says its forces have killed 272 Tigrayan fighters and wounded 260 during a counter-offensive in Amhara. AFP says the figures could not be independently verified.

The renewed fighting follows months of tensions and threatens to unravel the 2022 peace agreement that ended a two-year war in Tigray. That conflict killed more than 600,000 people, according to African Union estimates.

There are also fears the escalation could draw neighbouring Eritrea into a wider regional conflict.

Renewed Fighting in Northern Ethiopia Effectively Shatters 2022 Peace Deal that Ended War

By SAMUEL GETACHEW and RODNEY MUHUMUZA

11:09 AM EDT, September 24, 2026

ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia (AP) — Renewed fighting between Ethiopian federal troops and Tigrayan fighters escalated Thursday, effectively shattering a peace pact that ended a devastating two-year war in 2022, as rebel forces mobilized for an armed struggle they hope will lead to the removal of the federal prime minister.

The main combatants are Ethiopian federal troops and fighters loyal to the Tigray People’s Liberation Front, or TPLF, an armed political group in Tigray, Ethiopia’s northernmost regional state.

Ethiopia’s military said Thursday that dozens of TPLF fighters had been killed in ongoing operations and that federal forces “have been able to detain many” others and seize a large quantity of weapons from them.

The TPLF and Ethiopian federal troops waged war between November 2020 and November 2022, when a peace deal was signed in Pretoria, South Africa.

Eritrean troops fought alongside Ethiopian forces against the TPLF in that conflict. The civilian death toll was estimated by Ghent University researchers to be 500,000, including from violence, famine and the collapse of health services.

After both sides signed the Pretoria peace deal, a caretaker administration seen as loyal to Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed was installed in Mekelle, the Tigray capital. But tensions remained, with the TPLF maneuvering for political control in Mekelle.

Rebel fighters forge a coalition

This time, the TPLF appears to have mobilized widely, bringing together former foes in its stated goal of removing Abiy from power in Addis Ababa, the federal capital.

On Sunday, the TPLF and six other opposition groups announced that they had formed an alliance to overthrow Abiy’s governing Prosperity Party, which was reelected in June polls that were boycotted by major opposition groups.

Both sides had been accusing each other of bad faith, and for months some civilians in Tigray expected a return to armed hostilities. In May, the TPLF forced out regional leader Tadesse Werede, who reported to Abiy, and replaced him with a new council led by TPLF leader Debretsion Gebremichael, who led the Tigrayans in the previous conflict.

Ethiopian federal authorities accused the TPLF of seeking to build an alliance with neighboring Eritrea to destabilize Ethiopia. The TPLF accused Ethiopian authorities of conducting drone attacks in Tigray. Eritrea said that it was alarmed by Abiy’s repeated assertions of his wish for sovereign access to the Red Sea via Eritrea.

Both sides deny responsibility for launching this round of hostilities, and most of the fighting is believed to be in remote areas of often ragged, mountainous territory. On Wednesday, TPLF fighters seized the airport in Mekelle from federal police, and national carrier Ethiopian Airlines canceled flights there and elsewhere in the region.

Observers say pressure is building on Abiy

The Ethiopian News Agency, the official news organization of the Ethiopian government, described the TPLF as a “Trojan horse,” saying that the group’s “repeated attempts to incite conflict” defy the government’s “patience, concessions and magnanimity.”

The coalition formed by the TPLF and six other opposition groups said that it would be known as the Ethiopian Peoples’ Forces Alliance for Survival. In addition to the TPLF, the others include the Amhara Fano National Movement, the Oromo Liberation Army, the Ogaden National Liberation Front, the Afar Revolutionary Democratic Unity Front, the Benishangul Peoples’ Liberation Movement and the Gumuz Peoples’ Democratic Movement.

That alliance, which unites some groups previously opposed to each other, may put pressure on Abiy, according to Kjetil Tronvoll, an academic analyst of Ethiopia at Oslo New University College.

“The situation now differs substantially from the 2020-2022 war on Tigray,” he said in an analysis posted on X. “This time around Fano is an ally and Eritrea a backer. Supply lines are also secured through Eritrea.”

Regional blocs and the US call for an end to fighting

The African Union and a key regional bloc known as IGAD called for de-escalation of hostilities. U.S. Ambassador Ervin J. Massinga said in a statement that he felt disappointed by the TPLF’s “poor decision to launch a large-scale offensive.”

His statement said that the TPLF’s “unwinnable fight does nothing for the people. Other armed groups would be wise to avoid this.” A TPLF official, Amanuel Assefa, said the statement was unfair.

Abiy has been praised by many for his ambitious infrastructure projects that seek to turn Addis Ababa into a world-class city. To his supporters, the prime minister is a renaissance man trying to reimagine the old greatness of Ethiopia.

Abiy rose from relative obscurity to power in 2018 as a reform-minded pragmatist. Ties with Eritrea, which broke away from Ethiopia in 1993 after decades of brutal guerrilla warfare, had been cold since the 1990s, and Abiy’s efforts to repair relations with Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki helped him win the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize.

A year later, Abiy confounded expectations by launching a military operation against the TPLF.

Some of Abiy’s critics now see him as a provocateur whose actions could lead to hostilities in the Horn of Africa. His push for sovereign access to the Eritrean seaport of Assab has reignited tensions with Eritrea, which shares a border with Tigray. Abiy also angered Somalia by trying to negotiate access to the sea via the territory of Somaliland.

___

Muhumuza reported from Kampala, Uganda.

A Permanent Seat at the Table of Power: African Leaders Press UN for Security Council Reform

By MOGOMOTSI MAGOME

12:54 PM EDT, September 24, 2026

They want to help make the decisions — not just watch them unfold.

As in years past, African leaders attending the U.N. General Assembly this year are demanding a reform of the powerful Security Council that would include permanent seats for countries from the continent in the global body’s highest decision-making structure.

Many African heads of state who addressed the meeting since it began on Tuesday have decried the continent’s lack of permanent representation in the Security Council as it navigates global security issues that directly and indirectly affect their populations and governments.

These include the war between Russia and Ukraine, the ongoing Israel-Hamas conflict and, more recently, the U.S. war with Iran — issues that all loom large at this year’s General Assembly.

The 15-member Security Council has five permanent members — the United States, Russia, France, the United Kingdom and China — that hold veto power. Other nations, which do not, are elected by the General Assembly rotate in and out every two years on a staggered basis. Africa holds three of those nonpermanent seats.

The representation question is becoming more urgent

While the calls for Africa to be represented permanently on the Security Council have often been debated by the General Assembly, many said the global conflicts currently faced by the organization made it more urgent for the body to be more inclusive.

According to most African leaders, the unfair representation in the Security Council has created doubt about the credibility of the organization and its oft-trumpeted commitment to multilateralism and equality among nations.

“Every nation is sovereign and equal under the (U.N.) charter. Yet, on the gravest question of war and peace, five nations possess a permanent power that the other 188 do not. The equality proclaimed in this assembly ends at the doors of the security council,” Kenyan President William Ruto told delegates on Wednesday.

They have also highlighted the large African population and the high number of African countries that are member states of the United Nations.

“How can a world led with a right conscience justify the denial of 1.6 billion Africans, the right to equal representation?” asked Ethiopia’s president, Taye Atske Selassie.

In 2024, the United States said it would support the addition of two new permanent seats for African countries on the council. That, however, was under the administration of former President Joe Biden.

Liberia’s president, Joseph Nyuma Boakai, said Wednesday that “the historical injustice is no longer tenable.”

“The imbalance is not a favor for Africa,” he said. “It is necessary to restore United Nations trust, credibility and legitimacy.”

Artificial intelligence is a key example

As the world’s leaders grapple with the future of artificial intelligence at the meeting, many in Africa also insisted that the decision-making about its rapid growth and development should include the developing nations as they were likely to feel its impact reverberate across the continent.

This came a day after U.N. Secretary-General António Guterres urged global competitors in artificial intelligence to cooperate in addressing threats from the technology. And on the same day, the Security Council held a special meeting about AI that featured the industry’s leaders calling for help in managing the technology.

On Wednesday, Botswana President Duma Boko was among the leaders calling for African nations to be included in the discussions. He said this extended to critical minerals, rare earths, and energy resources that power the technological developments. Many of those come from developing countries.

“Therefore, developing countries must have a meaningful voice in setting the standards and safeguards that will govern these technologies, ensuring that they expand opportunities, support decent work, and strengthen public services, while protecting human dignity, rights, and security,” Boko told delegates.

Most leaders are sticking the initial demands contained in the African Union’s position on the issue adopted in 2005, which includes a demand for at least two permanent seats on the Security Council.

Said Namibia President Netumbo Nandi-Ndaitwah: “The time has come for us to recognize that we have been negotiating for too long.”

Reform is not an attack on the United Nations, said Somalia’s president Hassan Sheikh Mohamud.

“Reform is necessary to protect its legitimacy, renew confidence in its institutions and ensure that it remains capable of responding to the realities of our time,” he said Wednesday.

Ugandans Plant Trees Near National Park to Keep People Out of Gorillas’ Habitat

By PATRICK ONEN

7:20 AM EDT, September 24, 2026

BWINDI, Uganda (AP) — In the tangled greenery of a Ugandan national park, mountain gorillas sit among the leaves, calmly carrying on as tourists trek into their forest home.

Many gorilla families are used to people, but while their population grows, the forest available to them does not.

Communities have planted trees for medicine, firewood and crafts along the edge of Bwindi Impenetrable National Park in a bid to reduce pressure on gorilla habitats.

The idea is simple: If residents can find the trees they need outside the park, they will have less reason to cut them inside the forest.

Bwindi’s forest is home to about 450 mountain gorillas, close to half the world’s remaining population. A 2018 survey put the global population above 1,000, a significant recovery for a subspecies that once faced possible extinction.

“Being a neighbor to the park, I understand that the number of gorillas is increasing, but the forest habitat is not increasing,” said Christina Katushabe, founder of Change a Life Bwindi.

Her organization supplies useful trees, restores degraded land while improving biodiversity. Katushabe said members of the Batwa, an Indigenous community that has helped guide the project, select species used for medicine, timber and firewood.

The Uganda Wildlife Authority distributes seedlings, including medicinal trees that people might otherwise seek inside the park.

Joseph Muhindo, an assistant tourism and hospitality officer with the authority, said residents can harvest what they need in their communities “without tampering with the habitat for the gorillas.”

The International Union for Conservation of Nature classifies mountain gorillas as endangered, an improvement from their earlier designation as critically endangered.

Tourism has helped support that recovery. Visitors trek through the forest to observe habituated gorilla families, generating jobs and revenue for nearby communities. Residents also sell locally made crafts.

Eunice Owembabazi, a member of a women’s crafts group, said the tree planting near the park means “we people and the gorillas do not inconvenience each other.”

The campaign has reached nearby schools, where students plant trees their families will be able to use.

“Now we are going to protect the forest, so that our gorillas can stay well,” said Davis Musinguzi, a student at Ruhijja Seed Secondary School.

The tree planting was among community conservation activities organized to mark World Gorilla Day, observed each year on Sept. 24.

International Action Day – October 3rd, 2026

17 Sep 2026

by WFTU HQ

October 3rd, 2026

International Action Day

The World Federation of Trade Unions once again celebrates, on October 3rd, its historic founding date, organizing an International Action Day, which this year takes place under the slogan: United in action and struggle, we demand!

Science and technology in the service of humanity and not of monopolies and the oligarchy of wealth.

Work with rights for the satisfaction of the contemporary needs of workers.

An economy for progress and not for war and destruction.

Technological achievements and the resulting production capacities are undoubtedly at the most advanced, complete, and promising level humanity has ever witnessed. The technological progress of the last 100–200 years has unprecedentedly strengthened the productive potential of society. The enormous level of today’s productive forces are a globally acknowledged reality and constitutes a point of reference in academic and scientific discourse, in economic‑technical forums, as well as in the analyses of international organizations. It has undoubtedly created the conditions for covering all basic and contemporary needs of the world’s population.

However, in practice, within the framework of the capitalist system, technology is exploited for the profit of the few rather than the needs of the many. Instead of utilizing the expansion of human productivity to reduce working hours and improve working conditions, we are seeing a deepening of flexible and unregulated forms of employment as yet another method of intensifying the exploitation of cheap, unprotected labor.

The growth of the platform economy and the outsourcing market are often used to conceal the employer-employee relationship behind  temporary employment agencies or to label workers as “partners.”  Although remote work is often presented as a modern, employee-friendly form of work, in practice it leads to longer working hours and a more intense workload, while blurring the boundaries between work and personal life and increasing work-related stress and feelings of isolation.

In addition, the growing presence of artificial intelligence, robotics, and digitalization is having a significant impact on labor relations.  Automation and the practical application of AI in production are displacing human labor, the deskilling work, and creating job insecurity, thereby threatening workers’ jobs and wages.

The utilization of new technologies within the framework of capitalism results in the deprivation of workers’ basic rights, such as stable working hours and wages, paid vacation, unemployment benefits, social security, and other fundamental achievements.   At the same time, this affects all workers, as it contributes to the further decline in union membership and the reduction of workers’ bargaining power.

Today, even though all the objective conditions for decent work and a decent standard of living are in place, workers nevertheless face poverty, misery, war, and displacement.

Workers have the historical experience to deal with these changes. They are also aware that technological innovations, which promise a huge increase in productivity, are not a problem by themselves. New technologies are fundamentally neutral. They are neither good nor bad for people or human labor. Their potential impact always depends on how they are used and who controls them.

Therefore, the issue is to ensure that technological progress is integrated into a framework that serves the interests of workers and the social majority and leads to dignified work and living conditions.

On the occasion of the 81st anniversary of the WFTU, the class-oriented labor movement calls on militant unions and workers across the globe to actively participate in the established International Action Day.

Let’s intensify our struggle for the use of technology that serves workers, significant wage increases, stable work with full rights, 35 hours of work per week, 7 hours of work per day, health and safety in all workplaces, public and universal systems of healthcare, education and social security, a high‑quality work and living environment for a world in which the contemporary needs of the popular strata will be met, for a society in which those who create wealth will harvest its fruits. Let’s use this day of action to send the message that workers are resisting and fighting for their rights, that we will not allow them to put their profits before our lives, and that we will not tolerate their wars and exploitation.

ICC Convicts Former Central African Republic Militia Commander of Torture

Seleka rebel group commander Mahamat Said Abdel Kani, left, speaks with lawyer Dov Jacobs in the courtroom during a hearing in the case in which he is accused of crimes against humanity and war crimes allegedly committed in Bangui in 2013, in The Hague, Netherlands, Wednesday, Sept. 23, 2026. (Remko De Waal/Pool Photo via AP)

By MOLLY QUELL

THE HAGUE, Netherlands (AP) — Judges at the International Criminal Court convicted rebel commander Mahamat Said Abdel Kani on Wednesday of crimes against humanity for abusing and torturing prisoners at a detention facility in the Central African Republic.

Said, wearing blue jeans and a sweater, remained expressionless for most of the hourlong hearing in The Hague as presiding Judge Miatta Maria Samba described the inhumane conditions detainees endured at the prison in the capital, Bangui.

During the trial, witnesses described cramped cells with walls marked by “bullet holes and blood” and said they were whipped “until they soiled themselves,” Samba said. Other victims testified that they were confined in a windowless room under the floorboards of Said’s office.

The charges stemmed from fighting more than a decade ago between the predominantly Muslim Seleka rebels who seized power from then-President François Bozizé, and a mainly Christian militia called the anti-Balaka.

In Bangui, Marius Olivier Trésor Poussinga, who was tortured at the detention center, told The Associated Press the verdict is an “international recognition” of Said’s crimes.

“Today, I can sleep easier because the court has acknowledged my suffering,” Poussinga said.

The country’s justice minister, Arnaud Djoubaye Abazène, welcomed the verdict. “Justice cannot be reversed in the Central African Republic,” Abazène said. “No victim will be left behind, and justice will be delivered at every level,” he added.

Lewis Mudge, Central Africa director at Human Rights Watch, called the conviction a “significant milestone in the fight against impunity,” but warned that the country still faces serious challenges.

“The verdict is also a stark reminder of the ongoing abuses in the country, and the need for increased support for both international and domestic justice efforts to end the accountability gap that helps fuel recurring cycles of violence,” he said in a statement.

The verdict is likely the end of the road for justice at the ICC for victims in the Central African Republic.

In 2022, then-chief prosecutor Karim Khan announced he was closing the court’s 15-year investigation into crimes in the country, citing limited resources. Khan was removed from his post in July over allegations of sexual misconduct.

In other cases, two senior anti-Balaka leaders were convicted in July 2025 on multiple counts of war crimes and crimes against humanity. Former Congolese vice president Jean-Pierre Bemba was acquitted on appeal in 2018, while charges against a former Central African Republic government minister were dropped in 2023.

A specially created court in the Central African Republic has prosecuted other defendants. The Special Criminal Court was established to try war crimes and other human rights abuses committed during the coups and violence that the country has experienced since 2003.

Earlier this year, the court began proceedings against former President François Bozizé on charges of crimes against humanity. The trial is being held in absentia because Bozizé is living in exile in Guinea-Bissau.

Backed by the United Nations and staffed with international judges, the court issued its first verdict in 2022. It has since indicted more than 30 people, nearly all of whom are in custody.

Among them is Edmond Beina, who was also wanted by the ICC for alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity. His trial at the Special Criminal Court is ongoing, after it fended off an attempt by the ICC to extradite him to The Hague.

Despite its successes, the Special Criminal Court faces possible closure after the Trump administration withdrew U.S. funding last year.

Marceau Sivieude, Amnesty International’s regional director for West and Central Africa, warned that closing the court would be catastrophic for justice in the Central African Republic.

“Despite the authorities’ efforts, national courts still lack the resources and capacity to assume the mandate the SCC has been carrying out,” he said.

Supporters are urging the United Nations and the European Union to help extend the court’s mandate and provide funding.

Said pleaded not guilty when the proceedings began in 2021. His sentence, which could be as long as life in prison, will be decided at a later date.

—

Associated Press writer Jean Fernand Koena in Bangui, Central African Republic, contributed to this report.

Morocco Votes for a New Parliament After Gen Z Protests and Migration Surge to Ceuta

By AKRAM OUBACHIR

7:10 PM EDT, September 23, 2026

CASABLANCA, Morocco (AP) — Moroccans voted for a new parliament Wednesday in an election shaped by mounting frustration among young people, high unemployment despite a thriving economy and demands for better schools, hospitals and housing.

Voter turnout in the election for the 395-seat House of Representatives was 38% – the lowest since 2007 – and down by nearly 25% compared to the last elections in 2021.

The vote was the first since deadly youth-led protests nearly a year ago and a mass attempt by migrants to cross Morocco’s northern border into the Spanish territory of Ceuta that left dozens dead. It will determine the next prime minister and the makeup of the government, which will serve alongside a powerful monarchy that retains broad authority over strategic affairs.

Results are expected Thursday.

The next government will oversee billions of dollars in investment as Morocco prepares to co-host the 2030 FIFA World Cup, prompting some to describe it as the “World Cup government.” The new political leadership will also face pressure to address everyday concerns, including jobs, wages and the cost of living.

For many young Moroccans, the election comes as doubts grow that political participation can improve their daily lives. Some have turned to street protests, while others have considered leaving the country or staying away from the ballot box.

Othmane Mouden, a Casablanca businessman in his late 30s, believes elections are the only way Moroccans can make their voices heard.

“Protesting like the Gen Z youth will not bring any change,” he said on his way to the polling station. “You can only claim your rights through the polls.”

Voters chose among 7,288 candidates from 27 political parties. Since no single party is expected to obtain an absolute majority, the winner will need to negotiate with others to form a governing coalition.

The Moroccan Constitution requires the king to appoint the head of government from the party that wins the most seats in legislative elections.

One possibility for prime minister is Faouzi Lakjaa, president of Morocco’s soccer federation, who recently joined the PAM party and has been buoyed by Morocco’s recent soccer achievements.

Another is Fatima-Zahra Mansouri, 50, mayor of Marrakech and minister of urban planning, who would be Morocco’s first female prime minister.

Some groups, including the far-left party The Democratic Path, called for a boycott of the election, saying that it “lacks the minimum conditions of democracy.” Banned but tolerated Islamist association Al-Adl Wal Ihsane issued similar claims.

Turnout at midday was just over 11%, slightly below the 12% at the same time during the last legislative elections in 2021.

The number of registered voters has declined by 9.7% since the 2021 election, even as Morocco’s population has grown, reflecting disenchantment with politics notably among young people.

As ballot stations opened in Casablanca and Rabat, voters of various ages formed small but continuous lines to cast their ballots.

Jamal Aamar, a 63-year-old retired banker, came to vote for the Federation of the Democratic Left, a left-wing coalition. Aamar said participating in the election allows his voice to be heard.

“If you boycott, you will leave others an empty seat,” he said.

The constitution recognizes the right to vote for Moroccans living abroad, but there is no voting by mail or ballot boxes at Moroccan consulates. Instead, they must travel to Morocco to vote or authorize a registered family member or acquaintance to vote on their behalf.

Moroccans in Madrid had mixed views on the elections, with some shrugging them off as having little impact.

Caterer Bader Eabram, 24, said Morocco’s strong performance in recent World Cups and other soccer championships is driving some voters’ choices, and providing hope.

“We’re all really eager to host the World Cup. It’s a great country,’' he said. ‘’We can do anything.’'

——

Iain Sullivan in Madrid contributed to this report.

What’s at Stake as Morocco Votes After Mass Migration Attempts and Deadly Youth Protests

By AKRAM OUBACHIR

10:21 PM EDT, September 22, 2026

CASABLANCA, Morocco (AP) — More jobs. Higher wages. Less inequality. Better housing, schools, hospitals and infrastructure.

Those are among the main concerns for Moroccan voters as they elect a new parliament Wednesday.

The next government will oversee billions of dollars in investment as Morocco prepares to co-host the 2030 FIFA World Cup, prompting some to describe it as the “World Cup government.” A soccer boss could even emerge as prime minister.

Morocco’s new political leadership will mainly face pressure to address everyday concerns, while operating alongside a powerful monarchy that retains decision-making authority in strategic affairs.

Here is what to know about Morocco’s first parliamentary elections since deadly Gen Z-led protests erupted nearly a year ago and July’s mass border crossing into the Spanish territory of Ceuta left dozens dead.

Morocco’s economy is strong but jobs are scarce

Morocco’s economy is growing and attracting foreign investment, and new industries are developing. It has also become Africa’s most-visited destination.

The kingdom is a close U.S. ally and maintains strong ties with Western capitals. It is among the few Arab countries that have diplomatic relations with Israel.

Behind the medieval palaces, glistening seas and breathtaking mountains that draw tourists from around the world lies an uncomfortable reality: Development remains uneven across the country, economic growth is not creating enough jobs, and 12.7% of Moroccans live in relative poverty.

Politicians say they have heard these grievances and have proposed solutions in their election manifestos. Many young Moroccans in particular say they have heard such promises before.

Parties make pledges for schools, hospitals and housing

A total of 7,288 candidates from 27 political parties are competing for 395 seats.

The RNI party, part of the current governing coalition, has promised a guaranteed monthly minimum wage of 5,000 dirham ($525) and to create 1 million jobs.

Another member of the governing coalition, the PAM party, said it would exempt salaries below 15,000 dirham ($1,575) from taxes and pledged 100,000 housing solutions for young people.

The Istiqlal Party wants to speed up treatment at public hospitals. The opposition left-wing PPS aims to cut the school dropout rate in half and tighten anti-corruption rules.

The moderate Islamist PJD party aims to narrow economic disparities between major economic hubs like Casablanca and other regions.

The next PM could be a soccer boss or the first woman in the job

Morocco’s constitution requires the king to choose the prime minister from the top-performing party in legislative elections.

Since no single party is expected to capture an absolute majority, the winner will need to build a coalition government. Portfolios are split among the political allies, but the palace traditionally keeps key posts such as defense and foreign affairs under royal control.

“The government’s overall policy platform is set by a circle of advisers close to the king, who retains ultimate power,’' said Hamish Kinnear, a U.K.-based risk analyst focusing on North Africa and the Middle East.

Traditionally, the king has named the leader of the party that comes first as prime minister. But in recent months, attention has turned to other possibilities, such as Faouzi Lakjaa, president of Morocco’s soccer federation, who recently joined the PAM party as a member of its political bureau but is not the top party official.

Lakjaa, 56, who also oversees Morocco’s budget, has been buoyed by Morocco’s recent soccer achievements.

Yet at a rally last week, PAM members rooted for another candidate.

“We want a woman as prime minister,” many shouted, referring to Fatima-Zahra Mansouri, 50, mayor of Marrakech and minister of urban planning. If PAM wins the election and she is named, she would be Morocco’s first female prime minister.

Another potential contender is Nizar Baraka, head of PI and minister of water. The grandson of a leader of Morocco’s colonial-era independence movement, Baraka’s supporters see his party as a defender of Moroccan values.

Former Prime Minister Abdelilah Benkirane, leader of the moderate Islamist PJD, is seeking a comeback after the party’s sharp defeat in 2021, when it went from 125 seats to 13.

Some call to boycott the elections

The Democratic Path, a far-left party, has urged a boycott of Wednesday’s elections, saying that they“ lack the minimum conditions of democracy and fairness.”

“The elections will not give us a parliament that expresses people’s will and the government will not have any decision-making power,” said Jamal Berrajaa, the party’s leader. He added that more than 30 members of his party were arrested after calling people to boycott the ballot box.

“We want a new democratic constitution,” Berrajaa said.

Al Aadl Wal Ihsane, a banned but tolerated Islamist organization, issued similar calls.

“Elections in Morocco are used to produce sham institutions that cannot perform their functions,” said Abdelwahed Moutawakkil, head of the group’s political department.

Young Moroccans who tried to reach Ceuta are divided over elections

Young Moroccans are especially frustrated as the vote approaches. Youth unemployment reached 37% in 2025, while 2.9 million Moroccans aged 15 to 29 were not in education, employment or training, according to government figures.

Rather than joining traditional politics to make their voices heard, some have turned to street protests and attempts to leave the country. Their anger was evident in last year’s deadly Gen Z protests and the mass crossing into Ceuta this summer.

Ayoub Lasli, a lifeguard from Casablanca, was among the young Moroccans who swam into the Spanish exclave in July, hoping to find better job prospects.

Lasli doesn’t plan to vote.

“I don’t care about politics and elections, and I don’t want to care,” he told The Associated Press.

Others who made the same attempt, such as 23-year-old Ayoub Belaidi, have a more nuanced view.

“Following the Gen Z movement, if young people’s voices are truly heard, change will happen,” he said. “Voting needs to improve the lives of Morocco’s youth.’'

Voter turnout remains a key challenge

Of the 26.7 million Moroccans of voting age, 15.8 million are registered voters. Turning 18 is not enough to vote; citizens must register on the electoral rolls — a bureaucratic hurdle for many.

The number of registered voters has declined 9.7% from the 2021 elections even as the population has grown.

Though opinion polls are banned in the North African kingdom, observers expect participation to be low.

“Turnout is a key barometer of public engagement with the state,” said Kinnear.

Ethiopia Maintains Restraint Amid Unfolding ‘Trojan Horse’ Axis Provocation

By staff writer

Sept. 23, 2026 (ENA)

For years, the Federal Government of Ethiopia has demonstrated a clear and consistent commitment to peace, dialogue, and national stability. Even in moments of grave provocation, it has repeatedly chosen restraint over revenge, negotiation over escalation, and reconstruction over retaliation. This posture has not been accidental. It reflects a deep responsibility to the Ethiopian people, a recognition of the terrible cost of war, and an enduring belief that political differences should be settled through dialogue rather than destruction. Yet, despite this sustained effort, the TPLF has repeatedly shown an unwillingness to abandon antagonism, suspicion, and confrontation. Time and again, it has acted in ways that have deepened political division, threatened regional peace, and endangered the very people it claims to represent.

The roots of the current crisis did not emerge overnight. They were fed over decades by a political culture that normalized distrust toward the central government and made confrontation appear to be a strategy rather than a failure. Even after Ethiopia entered a new political phase, the TPLF reacted not with sober reflection, but with resistance and resentment. The change in national leadership, and the public warmth shown to the Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed in Tigray, appeared to unsettle a group that had long been accustomed to dominating political life. Rather than adapting to the country’s evolving political reality, it allegedly worked to obstruct reform, resist the formation of a broader political order, and undermine the very process that was intended to unify the country’s governing institutions.

Emerging as a unifying national leader, Prime Minister Abiy traveled to the Tigray region initially, where he received an overwhelming welcome from the people. The enthusiasm and public reception were unprecedented, reflecting a strong sense of hope and acceptance in that part of the country.

Unfortunately, the TPLF reacted with discomfort and quickly turned to hostile rhetoric, seeking to distance the people of Tigray from the national reconciliation narrative by fueling resentment.

This belligerent group is now at the eleventh hour for another round of destruction. The banned TPLF has once again been portrayed as a Trojan horse for anti-Ethiopian forces.

Let us count the record of the group since it entered Ethiopia’s political landscape.

When efforts were made to merge the Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) and its allied parties into a broader political framework, the TPLF reportedly opposed the initiative at every stage.

 Even after it became clear that the country was moving in a new direction, it refused to participate constructively in the Prosperity Party project and instead positioned itself outside the national consensus. The result was not principled disagreement, but a deliberate widening of political distance. In the process, it alienated itself from national institutions and severed its active role in federal political life, leaving Tigray politically isolated at a moment when unity was most needed.

Worse still, while publicly speaking the language of rights and legitimacy, the group was allegedly preparing for confrontation. Reports of militarization, commandos training, and the strengthening of regional armed capability pointed to a dangerous direction. Rather than supporting peace, it appears to have chosen a path that placed military calculation above political responsibility. The tragedy that followed was not simply the result of battlefield developments; it was the outcome of a long chain of calculated decisions that pushed the country closer to conflict.

The attack on the Northern Command remains one of the darkest and most painful chapters of this period. According to the federal position, the TPLF exploited the trust and affection that the people had toward the national army, used that trust to keep the Northern Command in place, and then turned against it in a shocking act of betrayal. This was followed by a campaign of misinformation designed to invert the truth and portray the aggressor as the victim. Such conduct did not merely fuel war; it wounded national trust and inflicted deep harm on Ethiopia’s social and political fabric.

Even after the outbreak of war, the federal government continued to pursue peace. It called on elders, religious leaders, and all responsible voices to intervene. It gave opportunities for dialogue, restraint, and de-escalation. Yet the TPLF, according to the federal narrative, mocked these appeals and pressed ahead with war rhetoric, treating conflict as an instrument of power. It dragged young people into violence, placing them in the front lines of a struggle that could have been avoided. It also widened the war by attacking across borders, deepening the suffering of the region and pulling neighboring forces into an already devastating conflict.

Despite all this, the federal government still did not abandon its responsibility to seek peace. The Pretoria peace agreement was a turning point that ended the war in Northern Ethiopia and offered a chance for recovery. Even then, the federal government chose magnanimity. It supported the restoration of services, allocated substantial resources for reconstruction, and worked to stabilize Tigray. It extended help through federal institutions, regional administrations, and development partners, showing once again that its priority was not punishment, but national healing. If the goal had been revenge, the outcome could have been very different. Instead, the government chose restraint, allowing the people of Tigray the space to recover and reflect.

Yet the promise of peace was repeatedly weakened by conduct attributed to the TPLF itself. Instead of fully embracing disarmament and political normalization, it allegedly engaged in concealment, obstruction, and diversion. The implementation of the agreement was complicated by continued interference, including the manipulation of aid, the obstruction of movement, and the persistence of illicit practices that harmed ordinary civilians. Rather than using the peace process to rebuild trust, it appears to have treated it as a pause, a tactical opportunity to regroup rather than a genuine path toward reconciliation.

The federal government, meanwhile, continued to act with unusual patience. It refrained from deploying forces in major locations in Tigray even when it had legal and practical grounds to do so. It respected the sensitivities of the moment, accepted political criticism, and chose to preserve peace even when it was not being fully reciprocated. This was not weakness; it was statesmanship. It reflected a deliberate effort to prevent renewed civilian suffering and to keep the country from sliding back into full-scale war.

Today, the greatest burden falls not only on the federal state, but also on the people of Tigray themselves. Parents, youth, elders, and intellectuals cannot remain silent while history threatens to repeat itself. No political force should be allowed to sacrifice another generation in the name of power, grievance, or revenge. The youth of Tigray deserve education, work, dignity, and hope, not to be used as instruments in another cycle of destruction. Parents must raise their voices against those who turn the lives of their children into fuel for war. Community leaders and elites must choose responsibility over silence, truth over fear, and peace over factional loyalty.

Ethiopia has paid too high a price for war. What the country needs now is not another round of bloodshed, but a shared commitment to stability, accountability, and reconstruction. The federal government has shown patience, made concessions, and opened doors to peace more than once. If peace is to hold, every actor must now choose it honestly. The people of Tigray, like all Ethiopians, deserve a future built on development and dignity. Those who continue to gamble with that future must be told clearly: enough is enough.

Ethiopian Airlines Cancels Flights to Tigray Capital as Fighters Take Over Airport

Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Ali attends a session at the World Atomic Week forum at the Exhibition of Achievements of National Economy (VDNKh) in Moscow, Russia, Thursday, Sept. 25, 2025. (Sergei Bulkin, Sputnik, Kremlin Pool Photo via AP, File)

By SAMUEL GETACHEW

2:04 PM EDT, September 23, 2026

ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia (AP) — Regional forces in Tigray in northern Ethiopia took control of the local airport on Wednesday morning, prompting the state-owned carrier to cancel flights to the troubled region.

Ethiopian Airlines said it suspended flights to Tigray’s capital Mekelle and the cities of Axum and Shire “due to the current situation,” without providing further details.

The regional government said in a statement it had instructed its fighters to enter into “defensive war” after federal forces attacked Tigray on Tuesday using drones and heavy artillery.

The African Union Commission chairperson, Mahmoud Ali Youssouf, called for restraint and immediate de-escalation.

In a statement, he expressed concern over the renewed tensions and occupation of the airport, saying these actions risk destabilizing the region and reversing gains made in a 2022 peace agreement.

He also condemned the “detention of federal personnel by the Tigray People’s Liberation Front,” but did not give details.

US Ambassador threatens sanctions

The U.S. Ambassador to Ethiopia Ervin J. Massinga expressed disappointment over the fighting, calling it a “poor decision” and threatening sanctions.

Rejecting dialogue sponsored by the African Union and “engaging in an unwinnable fight does nothing for the people. Other armed groups would be wise to avoid this. While the U.S. has tools to sanction additional leaders who try to push Ethiopia down the wrong path, I still believe a reasonable political dialogue is the right way to go,” he wrote in a statement.

The Tigray People’s Liberation Front Deputy Amanuel Assefa termed the African Union and U.S. positions “unfair,” accusing them of “turning a blind eye to airstrikes by the federal government”.

On Tuesday, the U.S Bureau of African Affairs condemned a drone strike on a Catholic Relief humanitarian assistance convoy in Tigray and called for investigations without stating which side was responsible.

A taxi driver told The Associated Press on Wednesday that the airport, which is usually controlled by federal forces, was occupied by fighters from the Tigray People’s Liberation Front carrying light arms.

The driver, who requested anonymity for fear of retaliation, said a commander ordered him to leave the airport, saying no flights would be landing.

The takeover appeared to be peaceful, with no gunfire heard in or around the airport.

No other airlines fly to the region, although it is reachable by chartered flight.

The news came three days after seven opposition groups, including the Tigray People’s Liberation Front, formed an alliance aimed at removing Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and his government.

Abiy’s Prosperity Party retained power in a June general election that was boycotted by the main opposition groups.

The Tigray People’s Liberation Front fought federal forces during a deadly conflict in northern Ethiopia that ended with the signing of a peace agreement in November 2022. But since July there have been reports of drone attacks in Tigray, with the regional government accusing the federal forces of attacks.

Former Tigray lead peace negotiator Getachew Reda, now an adviser to the prime minister, accused the Tigray People’s Liberation Front of attacks in neighboring Afar and Amhara despite efforts to avoid another war.

“It has taken over federal controlled airports in Tigray leading to the suspension of flights to and from Tigray. The TPLF politico-military leadership has obviously taken irresponsibility to new heights,” he wrote on X.

The opposition groups announced the formation of a coalition they called the Ethiopian Peoples’ Forces Alliance for Survival on Sunday.

Ethiopia: Fighting Resumes in Tigray

Jon Shelton with AFP, Reuters

Rebels in northern Ethiopia have seized regional airports and engaged government troops in Afar and Amhara. Observers fear deadly clashes could expand after rebels announced a new anti-government alliance.

Rebels from the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) have reportedly taken control of regional airports in Tigray, in northern Ethiopia, and further clashed with government forces in the neighboring Afar and Amhara regions.

Wednesday's clashes are the latest of several in recent months and have sparked fears of renewed intense fighting in the war-ravaged region.

The African Union (AU) estimates that some 600,000 people were killed in fighting between the TPLF and Ethiopian forces during a 2020-2022 civil war and that more than 1 million people remain displaced.

On Wednesday, state-owned Ethiopian Airlines announced that it had canceled service at Mekelle, Tigray's capital, as well as Axum and Shire regional airports "due to the current situation."

Local witnesses reported that TPLF rebels armed with light weapons had taken Mekelle Airport — which is normally controlled by government forces — without a fight.

Renewed fighting comes just days after the TPLF announced that it had entered an "Alliance for Survival" with other groups aimed at removing Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and his government from power.

Abiy and his Prosperity Party won reelection in June, though the vote was boycotted by Ethiopia's main opposition groups.

The TPLF ruled Ethiopia from 1991 until 2018, when it was replaced by Abiy, whose election sparked the country's civil war.

The Pretoria Peace Agreement brought an end to the conflict, but peace has remained elusive, with government troops resuming drone strikes in 2025 as TPLF rebels began amassing troops at regional borders.

Ethiopia has accused the TPLF of allying with neighboring Eritrea and other armed groups.

An advisor to Prime Minister Abiy called Wednesday's development "heartbreaking," saying rebels had launched offensives against government forces in Afar and Amhara as well as taking control of airports in Tigray.

However, the Tigray army "has been instructed to counter the attack and genocidal invasion launched against us, and has entered into a defensive battle," the Tigray government said in a statement on Facebook. 

Can Ethiopia’s Seven-group Rebel Alliance Challenge Abiy Ahmed?

The alliance brings together movements with different enemies, claims and histories as tensions with Abiy rise.

Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) fighters attend an orientation session in western Oromia, Ethiopia, on June 2, 2025 [File: AP]

By Charles Rosser

23 Sep 2026

Two days after seven Ethiopian armed groups announced the formation of the Ethiopian Peoples’ Forces Alliance for Survival and pledged to remove Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, a senior official of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) was asked whether the statement amounted to a declaration of war.

He hesitated, then answered with a question of his own.

“We are at war now, aren’t we?”

He was speaking to Kjetil Tronvoll, professor of peace and conflict studies at Oslo New University College, who told Al Jazeera that the answer captured what the new rebel alliance had changed.

It has not created a single, coherent military force capable of marching on Addis Ababa. It has brought several of Ethiopia’s separate conflicts into the same political framework and, potentially, into the same military calculation.

The question now is how much further that can spread and whether seven movements with different enemies, territorial claims and histories can actually fight as one.

On Tuesday, drones struck two schools in Alamata, in southern Tigray, and the town’s mayor said 14 civilians were killed and 22 wounded. The account could not be independently verified, and the federal government did not immediately comment.

By Wednesday, Tigrayan forces had seized Alula Aba Nega International Airport in Mekelle, AFP reported, citing an airport employee and a Western embassy security source. The airport employee said staff had been told there were no flights.

The alliance, whose founding statement Fano commander Zemene Kassie read on Tigrai TV on Sunday, brings together the Amhara Fano National Movement, the TPLF and the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), along with the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), the Afar Revolutionary Democratic Unity Front, the Benishangul Peoples’ Liberation Movement and the Gumuz Peoples’ Democratic Movement.

It promises a transitional administration once Abiy is gone.

Abiy’s spokesperson, Billene Seyoum, told Reuters that the members had been collaborating for some time with Eritrean financial backing, an accusation Asmara has repeatedly denied.

The war that never really ended

The TPLF dominated Ethiopia for 27 years, until Abiy took power in 2018 and pushed it to the margins.

In November 2020, the federal army, backed by Eritrean troops and Amhara forces, went to war with it. The conflict became one of the deadliest in Ethiopia’s modern history. African Union mediator Olusegun Obasanjo believes that about 600,000 people died, though estimates of the toll have varied.

That war ended in November 2022 with an agreement signed in Pretoria, South Africa.

It was a permanent cessation of hostilities. It silenced the guns and set terms for Tigray’s disarmament, but left critical questions for later, above all Western Tigray, the fertile territory claimed by both sides and administered by Amhara forces since the war.

Only Addis Ababa and the TPLF signed. Neither Eritrea nor the Amhara forces had a seat.

Jawar Mohammed, the Oromo politician who was once an ally of Abiy and later spent time in prison, told Al Jazeera that shutting them out gave them every reason to wreck the deal.

The new alliance brings together forces that were excluded from the Pretoria negotiations with one of the agreement’s signatories.

The quiet it created ended in May, when the TPLF restored the legislative council that existed before the war and installed its chairman, Debretsion Gebremichael, as regional president, effectively setting up a rival political authority to the interim administration established under the Pretoria agreement. The TPLF accused the federal government of failing to honour its side of the deal.

Federal and Tigrayan forces then clashed at Shererina, near the Sudanese border, on August 1. Heavy artillery and drones were used in the fighting, and hundreds of Tigrayans, including wounded fighters, fled into Sudan.

Then came the drones.

On August 20, two drones struck homes in Mekelle, wounding 13 people, according to the TPLF. Al Jazeera could not independently verify the account.

On September 20, a drone destroyed a truck carrying 41 tonnes of food aid near Adi Daero, according to the TPLF. Addis Ababa has acknowledged none of the reported strikes.

“We signed the Pretoria Agreement, but the regime used the agreement to kill the people of Tigray systematically,” the TPLF’s spokesperson, Michael Asgedom, told Al Jazeera.

Two scripts

Asgedom tells it two ways.

The alliance “was created to bring peace and democracy to Ethiopia”, he said.

He also said it would build a new order “over the ruins of Abiy Ahmed’s system” and that this was “the right time to eradicate the regime”.

If war comes, he said, “it will be for survival.”

One script is for diplomats, the other for fighters.

Tronvoll calls it constructive ambiguity, a phrase that fits the alliance. 

That the alliance claims to speak for seven peoples can delegitimise Abiy abroad and raise the price of any settlement, whether or not it fires a shot.

The first test is Eritrea, the neighbour whose name appears nowhere in the founding statement.

Over the past two years, Eritrea has reconciled with the TPLF, the enemy its troops helped to crush in 2020, as Abiy began demanding access to the Red Sea, which Asmara interpreted as a claim on its coast.

Jawar argues that Eritrea’s minimum aim is to keep any conflict on the Ethiopian side of the border.

The International Crisis Group has similarly assessed that Eritrea wants to establish a buffer zone on its southern border.

Asgedom has denied any Eritrean military presence in Tigray, but left the door ajar.

“If Eritrea can take action because of a potential danger to its survival, it is the Eritreans who should answer that question.”

Tronvoll says Eritrean troops are in Tigray now, a claim Al Jazeera could not independently verify. Magnus Taylor, deputy director of the International Crisis Group’s Horn of Africa project, told Al Jazeera that he was more cautious.

“This is substantially a domestic Ethiopian phenomenon,” he said.

Seven commands, one war?

The second test is whether seven commands can fight as one.

Zemene chairs the alliance, but the founding statement names no commander for a joint campaign.

If the line ever advances on Addis Ababa, Tronvoll asks, whose soldiers go first?

“If it is a Tigrayan general commanding Amharas to be sacrificed first to save the Tigrayan soldiers, that will split it immediately.”

Western Tigray is not mentioned in the statement either.

Taylor says the Fano are themselves divided over it: Commanders in Gojjam and Wollo can contemplate an alliance with Tigray, while those nearer the disputed land cannot.

“All these groups have their own different beef with the federal government,” Taylor said, and much of it dates from Abiy’s first year.

In 2018, Abiy invited exiled rebels home, and the OLA and the ONLF returned from Asmara.

But the OLA broke away to keep fighting, and talks with it in Tanzania collapsed in 2023.

The ONLF then split in 2025 after its then-chairman called for a return to armed struggle amid a dispute over a Chinese natural-gas concession in the Somali region.

The Amharan Fano rebelled against the government in 2023 after Abiy ordered the regional special forces to be folded into the federal army, a move many Amhara believed was tantamount to disarmament.

In June, Abiy’s Prosperity Party won 438 of 486 contested parliamentary seats. Voting did not take place in Tigray and was disrupted by insecurity in parts of Amhara and Oromia.

But their grievances are not only with Abiy’s government.

Referring to the news of the alliance, Jawar said he had “not seen anything as unpopular among the Oromos”, after years of accusations that Fano fighters have killed Oromo civilians in Wollega.

The OLA calls its participation a “procedural consensus” and has demanded that Fano disown a faction in Wollega that it says the government armed.

“There is no shared political objective,” Jawar said. “They don’t even have a shared tactical objective.”

And Tronvoll goes further: “If the members ever reached the palace, immediately a new war will start between them.”

The people being asked to fight

Then, there are the people being asked to fight.

Tigrayans are being mobilised alongside forces they remember from four years ago, when, in Tronvoll’s characterisation, “both the Eritreans and the Fano Amharas were perpetrating genocide on them.”

Friends in Tigray have told Tronvoll of coercive recruitment. He estimates that tens of thousands have left the region in advance of a possible war and the draft.

“People are voting with their feet,” he said. “They are on their knees already. So what are the alternatives for them than to fight?”

Beyond the border

Abiy, for now, appears unmoved.

“As long as they don’t threaten the palace at Arat Kilo, he can live with that,” Tronvoll said. “I don’t think he skips lunch because of this.”

Taylor struggles for a word.

“Is it a headache? Is it an irritant? Is it a blow? It’s a combination of those things.”

In his assessment, the TPLF, which lost most of its heavy weapons in 2022, has come off worse in recent clashes against federal air power. The likelier course, he says, is a slow deterioration, with southern Tigray the flashpoint.

Jawar views Abiy’s approach as containment: Keep flights into Tigray running so that those who want to leave can do so, and let a war that few want sour public opinion.

With Tigrayan forces having seized Mekelle’s airport, that exit has closed.

Tom Gardner, author of The Abiy Project, said, “For months Abiy’s strategy has been to maintain a low-level conflict largely conducted via drones, proxies, and siege tactics. This could be the moment that strategy breaks down and a full-scale war erupts.”

The regional dimension is becoming harder to separate from the conflict inside Ethiopia.

The International Crisis Group says several thousand Tigrayans, mostly from Western Tigray/Welkait, have fought alongside the Sudanese army against the Rapid Support Forces.

Khartoum has also accused Addis Ababa of allowing drones to strike Sudan from Ethiopian soil, which Ethiopia denies.

Eritrea has aligned itself with Sudan’s army and established ties with Egypt, an opponent of Addis Ababa in the dispute surrounding Nile water resources.

The International Crisis Group has described Egypt as a close wartime ally of the Sudanese army.

Those alignments do not necessarily make the new Ethiopian alliance a regional military bloc. But they make it harder to treat Ethiopia’s conflicts as entirely domestic.

In Mekelle, the calculation is narrower.

“It is better to live than to die,” Asgedom said, “and the regime doesn’t allow us to live.”

A journalist in Mekelle, who spoke to Al Jazeera on condition of anonymity, said people had lived for months in a state of no-war-no-peace, and many now wanted it decided either way.

The alliance offers a path to war without making clear what that war would cost.

“We need peace,” residents told the journalist in Mekelle, after months without salaries or medicine.

In the city, there is an old belief that an unexpectedly windy and sunny day foretells fighting. Tuesday was both.