Floods in Ghana and Ivory Coast Leave at Least 24 Dead Following Torrential Rains

By EDWARD ACQUAH

9:12 AM EDT, June 30, 2026

ACCRA, Ghana (AP) — Floods and landslides triggered by days of torrential rain in the capital cities of Ghana and Ivory Coast have left at least 24 people dead, authorities said Tuesday, as emergency workers continued to pull hundreds of stranded residents from submerged buildings.

Entire buildings and roads were submerged in Accra on Monday, cutting off access to several areas of the Ghanian capital and in the neighboring city of Tema.

At least 12 people have been confirmed dead in Ghana, including a mother and her child who were both swept away in the Achimota-Agbogbloshie district, Alex King Nartey, a spokesperson for Ghana National Fire Service told The Associated Press.

In Ivory Coast, several days of rain brought flooding that left more than a dozen people dead, most of them in municipalities of Attécoubé and Yopougon in the capital, Abidjan, according to the Minister of National Cohesion Myss Belmonde Dogo.

Local media reported at least nine of the dead were trapped under the rubble in the same area in the Mossikro neighborhood following the rains that started on Saturday.

Videos of the floods in Accra showed residents swimming through neck-deep water to rescue trapped neighbors, while vehicles were abandoned on flooded roads.

Access to affected areas was “a big problem” for the emergency services which had to request the help of the military, said Nartey. Several neighborhoods remained partially flooded by Tuesday morning.

Ghana’s National Disaster Management Organisation said emergency calls began pouring in around 7 a.m. on Monday as residents realized floodwaters were entering their homes. “The whole place was flooded. It’s alarming,” said Mariam Dongyela Millah, deputy director of communications at the disaster agency.

The Ghana Meteorological Agency urged locals to prepare for more rain this week in Accra.

Deadly floods are common in parts of Africa, which is among the regions most vulnerable to extreme weather events despite being responsible for a small fraction of global greenhouse gas emissions, according to the World Meteorological Organization.

First Africa Gender and Child Statistics Forum to Convene in Yaoundé in July 2026

29 June 2026

African Development Bank (Abidjan)

What: First Africa Gender and Child Statistics Forum (AGCSF 2026)

Who: The African Development Bank Group, the African Union Commission (AUC), the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA), UNICEF, UN Women, and the National Institute of Statistics (NIS) of Cameroon.

When: 6 - 10 July 2026, 9:00 to 17:00 (Yaoundé time)

Where: Hilton Hotel, Yaoundé, Cameroon and online (hybrid format)

The First Africa Gender and Child Statistics Forum (AGCSF 2026) will take place from 6-10 July 2026 in Yaoundé, Cameroon, bringing together key stakeholders from across Africa to advance the production and use of gender and child statistics in support of evidence-based policymaking and inclusive development.

The event will be jointly organised by the African Development Bank, the African Union Commission (AUC), the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA), UN Women and UNICEF, in collaboration with the National Institute of Statistics of Cameroon (INS).Themed "Statistics that Matter: Advancing Rights, Justice, and Opportunities for All", the event will bring together government officials, national statistical offices, development partners, civil society organisations, researchers, justice sector institutions, and private sector representatives to discuss concrete actions to strengthen the production and use of gender and child statistics across Africa. Participants will exchange experiences, innovations, and best practices to enhance evidence-based policymaking and strengthen accountability, inclusion, and access to justice.

The Africa Gender and Child Statistics Forum is a multi-stakeholder platform that advances gender and child data systems, strengthens statistical capacity, and promotes the use of data to accelerate gender equality, children's rights, and inclusive development across the continent.

The inaugural edition marks a significant milestone in the Forum's evolution. For the first time, child statistics will be fully integrated into the Forum's scope, reflecting the growing recognition that the rights, well-being, and opportunities of women, girls, and boys are closely interconnected.

The Forum will also serve as a key platform for advancing preparations for the Africa Gender Index (AGI) 2027, a tool jointly developed by the Bank and UNECA to measure progress on gender equality across Africa and help inform evidence-based policy-making. Discussions will also cover the expanded methodology and pilot data collection.

Since its inception in 2017 as Africa Gender Statistics Forum, the Forum has served as Africa's premier platform for dialogue, collaboration, capacity building, and knowledge sharing on gender statistics. AGCSF 2026 builds on the achievements of previous editions while expanding its scope to include child statistics, contributing to continental priorities under Agenda 2063, the SDGs, and broader commitments to gender equality, children's rights, and social inclusion.

Read the original article on African Development Bank (AfDB).

Africa at the World Cup: Talent Is Not the Problem—The System Is

Rhett Lewis / Unsplash

27 June 2026

allAfrica.com

guest column

By Daniel T. Makokera

Every time the FIFA World Cup comes around, Africa dreams. From the streets of Lagos to the townships of Johannesburg, from the neighborhoods of Casablanca to the villages of Senegal, millions of children watch the world’s biggest football tournament believing that one day they too will wear the colors of their nation on football’s grandest stage. The passion is unquestionable.

The talent is undeniable. Yet the same painful question continues to echo after almost every World Cup: Why does Africa produce some of the world’s greatest footballers, yet struggle to consistently produce World Cup champions? The answer is not simple, but it begins long before the opening whistle of the tournament.

Africa has produced remarkable moments in World Cup history. Cameroon shocked the world in 1990. Senegal captured hearts in 2002. Ghana came within inches of reaching the semi-finals in 2010. Morocco made history in 2022 by becoming the first African nation to reach the World Cup semi-finals. These achievements proved something many already knew: African football belongs among the world’s elite. But isolated successes are different from sustained excellence.

The uncomfortable truth is that Africa often exports talent while importing football systems. Walk into the dressing rooms of Europe’s biggest clubs and you will find African names everywhere. African players are winning domestic leagues, UEFA Champions League titles and individual awards. They are among the fastest, strongest and most technically gifted athletes in the world.

Even more striking is the number of elite European national teams that feature players of African heritage. France has long benefited from players whose family roots stretch across West and North Africa. Other European nations have also fielded talented footballers with African backgrounds, reflecting decades of migration and multicultural societies.

This reality should not be viewed simply as Africa “losing” players. Many of these athletes were born and raised in Europe and naturally represent the countries where they grew up. Their success also highlights something important: when talented youngsters are placed in well-organized academies, supported by qualified coaches, modern facilities and stable football structures, they flourish. That is perhaps the biggest lesson for Africa.

The issue is not a shortage of gifted footballers. It is a shortage of systems that consistently develop them. Too many African nations still lack structured grassroots football. Across much of the continent, children play with incredible passion but limited support. Community football is often underfunded. School competitions disappear because of financial constraints. Qualified youth coaches are too few. Modern training facilities remain concentrated in only a handful of cities.

By contrast, many European footballers enter organized academies between the ages of six and ten. They receive technical coaching, nutritional guidance, medical care, psychological support and educational opportunities throughout their development. By the time they reach professional football, thousands of hours have already been invested in their growth. Africa often begins this investment far too late.

Another challenge is governance. Across the continent, football associations have repeatedly faced accusations of poor administration, financial mismanagement, political interference and inconsistent long-term planning. While many associations have made meaningful progress, instability still affects several national programs. When football administration changes direction every election cycle, youth development plans rarely survive long enough to produce results.

The consequences are obvious. Many of Africa’s brightest young players leave home as teenagers, searching for better coaching, professional contracts and stable careers abroad. Their decisions are rarely driven by a lack of patriotism. Instead, they reflect rational choices made by young people pursuing opportunity, financial security and professional excellence.

Imagine if those same opportunities existed at home. Imagine world-class academies across every African region. Imagine every primary school having structured football competitions. Imagine coaches receiving continuous professional education. Imagine transparent football federations investing television revenues directly into youth development rather than administration. The transformation would be extraordinary.

The Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON) remains one of football’s most exciting tournaments. The passion, atmosphere and quality of competition continue to improve, and the tournament has produced unforgettable moments. Yet AFCON can become even stronger. Scheduling disputes with European club football continue to create unnecessary tensions. Better commercial planning could generate greater revenues for participating nations. Stadium infrastructure still varies considerably between host countries. Greater consistency in officiating, broadcasting quality, sports science and tournament logistics would elevate the competition further.

Most importantly, AFCON should not simply be viewed as Africa’s biggest football event. It should become the engine that funds African football development. Every sponsorship agreement, broadcasting deal and commercial partnership should help finance youth academies, coach education, women’s football, sports medicine, refereeing development and grassroots competitions across the continent. Football investment cannot end with the senior national team. It must begin with the six-year-old child kicking a ball on a dusty field.

Africa does not lack dreams. It does not lack passion. It certainly does not lack talent. What it needs is patient investment, transparent leadership and a long-term commitment to building football from the ground up rather than expecting miracles every four years.

World Cups are not won during the tournament. They are won years earlier—in school fields, community clubs, youth academies and training centres where tomorrow’s champions first learn the game.

If Africa commits itself to nurturing its children, protecting its talent, strengthening its institutions and investing consistently in football development, then future generations may no longer celebrate reaching the quarter-finals or semi-finals as historic achievements. They will believe, with good reason, that lifting the World Cup trophy is not an impossible dream, but an achievable destination.

Africa has already produced world-class players. The next challenge is producing world-class football systems. When that happens, the world will not simply admire African football.

It will fear it.

--------------------

Daniel Makokera  is a renowed media personality  who has worked as journalist, television anchor, producer and conference presenter for over 20 years. Throughout his career as presenter and anchor, he has travelled widely across the continent and held exclusive interviews with some of Africa's most illustrious leaders. These include former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan, former South African presidents Nelson Mandela and Thabo Mbeki, former Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi, Zimbabwean Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and presidents Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe and Joseph Kabila of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. He currently is the CEO of Pamuzinda Productions based in South Africa.

Congo-Kinshasa: DR Congo Bans Mass Gatherings to Contain Ebola Outbreak

GAVI

UNICEF and Gavi launch call to manufacturers in support of accelerated access to Bundibugyo Ebolavirus vaccines

30 June 2026

allAfrica.com

Mass gatherings have been banned in the Democratic Republic of Congo capital, Kinshasa, and three other provinces, Tshopo, Haut-Uele and Bas-Uele, to halt the spread of Ebola.

The current outbreak of the deadly disease has so far been detected in three provinces in the east, some 1,800 km from Kinshasa, but the authorities fear it spreading to the city of 18 million people.

No cases have been confirmed in the capital.

However, officials fear the disease could spread from the affected eastern provinces, where infections have risen to 1,274 and deaths to 360.

The move has drawn criticism from opposition groups, which accuse the government of using public health measures to block a planned protest against a proposed law.

Critics said that it could allow President Felix Tshisekedi to remain in power beyond the constitutional limit. The outbreak, caused by the Bundibugyo strain of Ebola for which there is no approved vaccine, has also spread to Uganda.

Health authorities warn that conflict in eastern Congo is complicating containment efforts.

Congo-Kinshasa: Does Tshisekedi's Third-Term Bid Benefit Rwanda and M23?

30 June 2026

Institute for Security Studies (Tshwane/Pretoria)

Analysis

By Nirvaly Mooloo and Remadji Hoinathy

A loss of democratic credibility would undercut diplomatic gains and strengthen M23's demands for autonomy in eastern DRC.

On 15 June, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) Senate adopted a constitutional revision bill that would effectively reset presidential term limits. If enacted, the bill would enable a referendum on a new constitution under which President Félix Tshisekedi's previous terms would not count, clearing the way for a third term.

The DRC's constitution prohibits revision of term limits, but this bill allows Tshisekedi to initiate constitutional change. Its adoption follows his 6 May statement that elections could not take place in 2028 unless the eastern DRC conflict was resolved, and that he would be open to a third term 'if the people want it.'

Despite protests against the bill, the process continues. These developments have fuelled concerns about what opposition members call a 'constitutional coup.'

Since Tshisekedi's coalition dominates Parliament, the review process is advancing faster than opposition parties and civil society can fight it. The Coalition of Congolese for Constitutional Change and the Catholic Church - through the National Episcopal Conference of Congo - oppose it. But neither has the institutional clout to halt constitutional reform. Their influence lies more in mobilising public pressure and influencing how external actors respond to DRC developments.

The distinction matters because constitutional legitimacy has consequences beyond domestic politics. This became evident when former president Joseph Kabila's delayed departure from office triggered not just protests in the DRC but a legitimacy crisis that weakened Kinshasa's diplomatic position regionally and globally. When public trust in the electoral process declined, so did Kinshasa's ability to garner international support.

Tshisekedi's constitutional tinkering could become self-defeating, with consequences that extend beyond diplomacy. Rather than strengthening the state's ability to confront conflict, postponing elections under the guise of security would further weaken already fragile governance. Years of weak institutions, corruption and the eastern DRC conflict have undercut public confidence in the state, with only 12% of the population expressing trust in electoral processes.

A referendum and a conditional electoral cycle would exacerbate fragility in two key ways.

First, low public trust undermines the credibility of democratic processes, increasing the likelihood that election outcomes are seen as manipulated rather than representative. Political competition shifts away from institutional channels, encouraging citizens and political actors to seek alternative forms of mobilisation, including support for armed groups.

Second, continued violence in eastern DRC creates an environment in which political contestation is easily securitised. Armed groups and political elites may exploit fear, mistrust and uncertainty to justify violence or carry out retaliatory attacks, while the government risks being seen as either incapable of maintaining constitutional order or complicit in undermining it. This further weakens fragile state institutions and deepens societal divisions.

A primary concern for the DRC is that the proposed constitutional changes will reproduce patterns of past political instability. A state facing profound security challenges depends on legitimate institutions to maintain public trust and manage political competition peacefully. Weakening those institutions in the name of security is likely to generate greater instability rather than resolve it.

Despite military operations, states of siege and regional deployments, Kinshasa has struggled to reverse the gains of the Alliance Fleuve Congo (AFC)/M23. Its more effective strategy has been internationalising the conflict. United Nations (UN) investigations, sanctions, regional mediation initiatives and increasing Western pressure have all helped highlight Rwanda's support for the rebellion.

The DRC has consistently framed the conflict as an act of external aggression against a sovereign state. And although the conflict is widely viewed as a culmination of both internal and external issues, Tshisekedi's constitutional manoeuvring risks complicating Kinshasa's diplomatic messaging. Rather than defending allegations of support for the rebellion, Rwanda can now highlight Kinshasa's political tensions and constitutional controversy, complicating the DRC's efforts to maintain a clear, consistent message.

Whether that argument is convincing is almost beside the point. International diplomacy is less a contest between truth and falsehood and more a contest between competing narratives. A president seeking to reset term limits and delay elections provides Rwanda with a narrative that complicates Kinshasa's own.

Internationally, a range of responses could unfold. European governments and multilateral institutions have previously emphasised the need for constitutional governance and democratic norms in DRC. For them, attempts to extend presidential tenure could raise difficult questions about Tshisekedi's political legitimacy.

By contrast, US engagement is driven less by democratic principles than by strategic interests, including regional stability and critical mineral supply chains. The partnership risks giving Tshisekedi additional political backing, as Washington abandons any pretence of favouring democratic or state reforms in its transactional and extractive foreign policy.

Kinshasa's declining democratic legitimacy would also strengthen the AFC/M23's long-standing demands for autonomy and hybrid governance by reinforcing the claim that the central government does not represent all Congolese. In the current political and security landscape, a referendum on a new constitution would exclude civilians living in rebel-held territories, casting further doubt on the inclusiveness and legitimacy of the process.

Breaking cycles of violence and aggression will require sovereignty premised on both internal legitimacy and external backing, enabling dialogue and reforms that address the conflict's structural drivers.

Averting the outcome of Tshisekedi's constitutional manoeuvring requires action now, not after the process closes. The Catholic Church and civil society coalitions remain among the DRC's most influential domestic actors, and their role in promoting dialogue and public debate should be supported through ongoing engagement and capacity building. The focus should be on ensuring that credible domestic voices are consistently included in national conversations on constitutional reform.

Regional and multilateral actors, including the East African Community, International Conference on the Great Lakes Region and UN, should strengthen coordination of existing mediation and early warning mechanisms to prepare for preventive engagement if tensions escalate.

International partners engaged in DRC peace processes must clarify the conditions attached to their support. Diplomatic backing, including pressure on Kigali, cannot be decoupled from Kinshasa's constitutional conduct.

Kinshasa cannot afford to fight two legitimacy battles at once: one against Rwanda in eastern Congo and another over constitutional succession at home.

For permission to re-publish ISS Today articles, please email us. In South Africa, News24 has exclusive rights to republish ISS Today articles. In Nigeria, Premium Times has exclusive rights to republish ISS Today articles.

Nirvaly Mooloo, Research Officer, Central Africa and Lake Chad Basin, ISS

Remadji Hoinathy, Senior Researcher, Central Africa and Lake Chad Basin, ISS

Read the original article on ISS.

Somalia Says Turkish F-16 Airstrike Kills 35 Al-Shabab Fighters

30 June 2026

Shabelle Media Network (Mogadishu)

Mogadishu — Somalia's military, backed by Turkish forces, carried out airstrikes using F-16 fighter jets on Tuesday targeting al-Shabab positions in the Godey area of the Lower Shabelle region, the Ministry of Defence said.

In a statement, the ministry said the strikes targeted tunnels, weapons depots and shelters used by the al-Qaida-linked militant group.

The government said about 35 al-Shabab fighters were killed and more than 20 others wounded in the operation.

The ministry said a series of secondary explosions occurred after the strikes, indicating that the site was being used to store weapons, explosives and military supplies.

It added that militants and vehicles loaded with explosives intended for future attacks against civilians were also present at the targeted location.

The ministry thanked Türkiye for its continued support in Somalia's campaign against al-Shabab and said joint operations against the group's leadership and fighters would continue until the militant threat is eliminated.

Al-Shabab, which has waged an insurgency against Somalia's federal government for more than 15 years, frequently carries out bombings and armed attacks despite sustained military operations by Somali forces and international partners.

Nigeria Govt Orders Marketers to Reduce Fuel Price

30 June 2026

Vanguard (Lagos)

By Udeme Akpan, Victor Young, Ediri Ejoh & Obas Esiedesa

LAGOS -- The Federal Government has directed the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority, NMDPRA, to ensure petroleum marketers do not exploit Nigerians through excessive pricing under the deregulated downstream petroleum market.

Minister of State for Petroleum Resources (Oil), Senator Heineken Lokpobiri, gave the directive in Abuja yesterday while delivering the keynote address at the NMDPRA General Counsel and Legal Advisers Forum.

The two-day forum has as its theme: "Beyond Compliance: Driving Regulatory Certainty and Investment Confidence in Nigeria's Petroleum Sector."

Lokpobiri said although the downstream sector had been fully deregulated, the regulator must ensure that deregulation does not become an avenue for profiteering at the expense of consumers.

According to him, following de-escalation of tensions in the Middle East and decline in global crude prices, Nigerians expected corresponding reductions in the pump price of Premium Motor Spirit, PMS, popularly known as petrol.

However, this is yet to happen, as refiners and marketers have continued to sell petrol at elevated pump prices despite the significant decline in crude oil prices from a peak of $120 per barrel to about $72 per barrel last week.

He said: "Following de-escalation of tensions between Iran and the United States, we expected to see a commensurate downward adjustment in the prices of PMS and other petroleum products. However, that has not yet happened.

"While we believe that market forces will eventually restore equilibrium, the regulator also has a statutory responsibility to ensure that deregulation does not become an avenue for profiteering. This must be done in line with the extant provisions of the Petroleum Industry Act."

The minister also charged the agency to intensify monitoring to ensure consumers receive the correct quantity of fuel purchased at filling stations.

'What is the regulator doing?' Lokpobiri asks

He said: "Beyond allowing prices to be determined by market forces, the question is: what is the regulator doing to ensure that consumers receive the correct quantity of product? When someone pays for 10 litres of Premium Motor Spirit, they should receive exactly 10 litres, not less."

Lokpobiri noted that despite recent geo-political tensions arising from the conflict involving the United States and Iran, Nigeria did not experience fuel shortages, attributing the stability to deregulation of the downstream sector and operationalisation of domestic refineries.

He described the Petroleum Industry Act, PIA, as the foundation for transforming Nigeria's petroleum industry but stressed that building investor confidence now depends on consistent and predictable regulation.

He said: "The PIA gave us the architecture. What we must now build is the culture, the institutional habits, the interpretive discipline and the regulatory character that make the law's objectives real for every investor evaluating Nigeria against any other destination in the world."

The minister urged legal advisers and general counsel in the petroleum industry to serve as strategic partners in promoting investment, rather than becoming obstacles through unnecessary regulatory bottlenecks.

According to him, "we will not be judged by the number of regulations we produce or the volume of guidelines we issue. We will be judged by the investments we attract, the businesses we enable, the jobs we create and the value we leave behind for future generations."

Earlier, Chief Executive of NMDPRA, Mallam Rabiu Umar, said the petroleum industry has reached a stage where regulatory certainty, transparency and investor confidence has become more important than mere compliance with regulations.

Umar said implementation of the PIA shifted focus from what the law provided to how it is being implemented and whether it is delivering the certainty required by investors.

He said: "Compliance remains the foundation. The broader objective is to create a petroleum industry characterised by certainty, predictability, transparency and confidence."

In his presentation, Secretary and Legal Adviser, NMDPRA, Dr Joseph Tolorunse, explained that regulatory certainty had ensured stability of fiscal rules throughout the lifespan of projects and prevented policy reversals.

Tolorunse noted that the law has made Nigeria's oil and gas industry more competitive, adding that increased competitiveness will attract investment, with "investment leading to growth."

Meanwhile, Nigeria's downstream petroleum sector continued to record marginal movements in petrol prices across major depots in Lagos, Port Harcourt, Calabar and Warri yesterday, reflecting continued market adjustments among petroleum marketers and depot operators.

The latest mid-day market data showed that PMS depot prices remained largely stable, with most locations recording slight reductions of between N1 and N6 per litre, while a few depots maintained unchanged prices.

In Lagos, one of Nigeria's major petroleum trading hubs, PMS prices across several terminals recorded downward adjustments. African Terminal reduced its PMS price from N1,125 to N1,122 per litre, representing a N3 decline, while AIPEC adjusted its price from N1,125 to N1,124 per litre.

Other Lagos-based facilities, including AITEO, BONO, EMADEB and TECHNO OIL, also recorded marginal reductions. EMADEB posted the biggest decline among Lagos terminals, cutting price from N1,125 to N1,119 per litre, a reduction of N6.

The Lagos market continues to reflect the impact of increased domestic refining capacity and stronger competition among suppliers, particularly following the growing role of local refiners in meeting national fuel demand.

In Port Harcourt, depot prices also recorded mixed movements. Automotive Gas Oil (AGO), popularly known as diesel, witnessed notable changes, with some terminals increasing prices. African Terminal's AGO price rose from N1,435 to N1,503 per litre, representing an increase of N68.

Duport also increased its price from N1,435 to N1,503 per litre, while Menj and Wosbab recorded similar increases of N63 per litre.

However, some operators reduced diesel prices. Matrix and Sigmund depots lowered AGO prices by N20 per litre, reducing them from N1,505 to N1,485 and from N1,503 to N1,483, respectively.

For PMS in Port Harcourt, prices remained relatively stable, with several depots trading within the N1,120-N1,126 per litre range.

The Calabar market also recorded modest adjustments. Fynfield reduced its PMS price from N1,145 to 1,140 per litre, while Soroman maintained its price at N1,140 per litre.

In Warri, PMS prices remained largely stable with slight downward adjustments. Matrix reduced price from N1,135 to N1,133 per litre, while Nepal adjusted from N1,133 to N1,132 per litre. Prudent also cut price from N1,135 to N1,133 per litre.

The latest depot price trends indicate a relatively stable downstream market, with PMS prices showing signs of moderation in several locations despite ongoing fluctuations in diesel prices.

Dangote Refinery determines price changes -- Marketers

Managing Director of 11 Plc, Osagie Ogedegbe, said Dangote Refinery currently plays a dominant role in determining petrol prices in the country. He said: "Everybody gets petrol from Dangote and sells at the price it advises. This is the outcome of a country having just one refinery.

"However, the price will soon begin to decline because there has been stability in the country's exchange rate. Despite the Middle East crisis, which is not yet fully resolved, there is hope that with the steady decline in crude oil prices in the international market, the price of petrol will gradually nosedive.

"I am very optimistic that the price will be reviewed downward between now and next week if the exchange rate remains stable and crude oil prices continue to fall."

Also speaking, an energy expert and Lead Strategic Consultant at Acepontis Ltd, Atiemoria Ebhodaghe, said: "Nigerian pump prices remain high despite falling global crude oil prices largely because of the 'rockets and feathers' market phenomenon, where marketers are quick to raise prices when crude oil prices increase but deliberately delay passing savings on to consumers when prices fall until old, expensive inventory has been exhausted.

"We should also understand that while Dangote Refinery now purchases local crude in naira, the valuation of that crude remains pegged to the global dollar market, meaning that the depreciation of the naira continues to inflate baseline production costs.

"However, the decline in international crude oil prices indicates that relief is structurally on the way, as evidenced by recent cuts in wholesale gantry prices and NNPC's reduction of its retail price to roughly N1,210 per litre in Abuja.

"Ultimately, until the naira strengthens and stricter regulatory compliance compels independent marketers to align with the new landing costs, the average Nigerian consumer will continue to experience delays in price reductions and pay high prices at filling stations."

Also speaking, an operator in the Major Energies Marketers Association of Nigeria, MEMAN, who pleaded anonymity, said pump prices are expected to decline gradually because marketers are still recovering losses incurred over the past 18 months.

"The price is expected to go down slowly because marketers are trying to recover their losses. Marketers have recorded very significant losses over the last 18 months.

"Losses occur throughout the supply chain every time prices fall. Marketers therefore reduce prices as gradually as possible in order to recover as much as they can. When prices increase, marketers enter the new price into their Enterprise Resource Planning, ERP, system, which immediately reflects the value of the stock available before they begin selling. The reverse happens whenever prices fall.

"This is standard practice in every trading business. What Dangote Refinery can do is try as much as possible to keep costs low, but it is not going to absorb your losses, neither will Dangote subsidise them," he said.

Consumers yet to benefit from recent market adjustments -- Petroleumprice.ng

Despite the significant decline in global crude oil prices and the reduction in petroleum product prices at depots across Nigeria, petrol prices at filling stations have remained largely unchanged, raising concerns among industry stakeholders over slow response of downstream operators.

The observation was made by Petroleumprice.ng, which noted that consumers are yet to benefit from recent market adjustments.

Commenting on the situation, Managing Director of Petroleumprice.ng, Mr Olitide Jeremiah, said the industry is still awaiting a corresponding response from downstream operators.

He said: "Despite the significant drop in crude oil prices and depot prices across Nigeria, the prices of petrol and other petroleum products have remained high at filling stations. We are still waiting to see how downstream operators will respond to developments in the global market and at the depots."

Marketers slown to adjust prices -- OGSPAN

The National President of the Oil and Gas Services Providers Association of Nigeria, OGSPAN, Mazi Colman Obasi, attributed the slow adjustment of pump prices to the absence of a fully responsive deregulated downstream petroleum market.

According to him, price adjustments in Nigeria's petroleum market have historically been quicker when prices rise than when they decline.

He said: "We don't have a very dynamic downstream market yet. Once prices go up in Nigeria, it is not always easy to bring them down and stabilise the market."

NLC blames govt for fuel price standoff

Meanwhile, the Nigeria Labour Congress, NLC, has blamed the Federal Government for the apparent refusal of marketers to reduce the pump price of petrol, despite sustained decline in crude oil prices in the international market.

Reacting yesterday, an NLC official, who spoke to Vanguard on condition of anonymity, said Nigerians should hold the Federal Government accountable for what the Congress described as excessive powers being exercised by marketers in the downstream petroleum sector.

The official said: "We warned government against creating a monopoly in the downstream petroleum industry. Unfortunately, our fears have now been confirmed.

"We are not surprised by the greed being displayed by the marketers because it was the government that empowered them. Nigerians should hold government responsible for the excessive powers that marketers are exerting in the downstream petroleum sector."

The NLC argued that genuine deregulation can only exist where there is healthy competition, transparency and effective regulation, not where a few dominant players are allowed to dictate prices without regard to prevailing market realities.

"How can anyone claim that the sector has been deregulated without first creating a conducive environment for competition? What we have today is not a competitive market but a monopoly that has been allowed to thrive unchecked. The government has allowed a monopoly to grow out of control in the sector, and ordinary Nigerians are paying the price," the Congress said.

The labour centre noted that, with decline in global crude oil prices and improvements in other market indicators, Nigerians should ordinarily be benefiting from lower fuel prices.

According to NLC, the continued refusal by marketers to reduce pump prices raises serious concerns about effectiveness of the current deregulation framework and whether it is serving the interests of consumers or a privileged few.

The Congress recalled that it had consistently warned against policies that concentrate excessive market power in the hands of a few operators, stressing that such an arrangement would inevitably lead to price manipulation and profiteering at the expense of the public.

The NLC urged the Federal Government to take immediate steps to dismantle monopolistic practices in the downstream petroleum sector, promote genuine competition and strengthen regulatory oversight to ensure that Nigerians benefit from favourable developments in the international oil market.

Vanguard News

Read the original article on Vanguard.

Liberia: Weah Says Democracy Is Under Threat

Supporters of Weah's Congress for Democratic Change at the party's 22nd anniversary celebrations.

29 June 2026

The New Dawn (Monrovia)

By Stephen G. Fellajuah

Zwedru, Grand Gedeh County, June 29, 2026 - Former President George M. Weah has accused the Unity Party (UP)-led government of reversing Liberia's democratic gains through what he described as the persecution of political opponents, suppression of free speech, and disregard for the rule of law.

Speaking Saturday, June 27, during the Congress for Democratic Change's (CDC) 22nd anniversary celebration in Zwedru, Grand Gedeh County, Weah alleged that the Boakai administration has targeted former government officials, intimidated the judiciary, and ignored Supreme Court rulings.

He also claimed that state security forces are being used to suppress dissent rather than protect citizens.

"Security forces are not being used to protect the state, but to brutalize peaceful citizens and destroy their homes," Weah said.

The former President further alleged that Liberia's national security has been compromised, claiming that foreign troops are occupying parts of the country's territory while the government has failed to address reported border encroachment in Lofa County.

On the country's fight against illicit drugs, Weah described Liberia as a "narco-state," accusing government officials of leading and protecting drug trafficking networks.

According to him, the CDC will continue to hold the government accountable and defend democratic governance amid what he characterized as a decline in the country's democratic institutions.

"Our country faces difficult challenges. Across Liberia, our people are asking questions. They were promised rescue. They were promised transformation. Now we see how that promise was grounded in deceit," Weah said.

He argued that families are facing growing economic hardship, businesses are closing, young people are increasingly unemployed, and communities have been neglected.

Weah said the widening gap between the government's promises and the realities confronting ordinary Liberians demands accountability.

He described the CDC anniversary celebration as more than a commemoration of the party's history, calling it the beginning of a renewed political movement ahead of the 2029 general elections.

Among those attending the celebration were Alternative National Congress (ANC) Political Leader Alexander B. Cummings, Citizens Movement for Change (CMC) Political Leader Musa Hassan Bility, All Liberian Party (ALP) Political Leader Benoni Urey, Movement for Progressive Change (MPC) Political Leader Simeon Freeman, Movement for Economic Empowerment (MOVEE) Political Leader Dee-Maxwell Saah Kemayah Sr., Senator Thomas Yaya Nimely, former Justice Minister Kabineh Ja'neh, former Finance Minister Amara Konneh, and several other opposition figures.

Weah said the presence of leaders from various opposition parties demonstrated a shared commitment to Liberia's future and underscored the need for greater political cooperation.

Declaring that "the road to 2029 begins in Zwedru," Weah urged CDC supporters, opposition parties, and Liberians to begin mobilizing for the next presidential election.

"This is not the time for division. This is not the time for complacency. This is the time for mobilization, a time to march forward," he said.

Read the original article on New Dawn.

Burkina Faso Gives France 7 Days to Close Embassy After Severing Ties

By Al Mayadeen English

29 Jun 2026 20:32

Burkina Faso has given France one week to close its embassy in Ouagadougou following the severance of diplomatic relations over what the country called French attempts to "dominate and subjugate" it.

Burkina Faso's authorities have given France one week to close its embassy in Ouagadougou following the severance of diplomatic relations, with the deadline set for July 3, according to a report by France's Le Monde newspaper citing unnamed sources.

Since the French ambassador's departure in January 2023, his duties had been performed by a charge d'affaires, with approximately 20 mission staff continuing to work at a minimal level, the report said. The closure order marks a significant escalation in the deteriorating relations between the two countries.

French sources told Le Monde that Ouagadougou's decision was linked to a resolution adopted by the European Parliament on June 18, which contained allegations of suppression of civil activity and fundamental freedoms in Burkina Faso. The text was authored by French EU lawmaker Christophe Gomart.

Burkina Faso cites French 'domination' in severance decision

Following the vote, the EU ambassador to Burkina Faso was summoned to the African country's foreign ministry and informed of its rejection of the resolution.

Several meetings between Burkinabe authorities and EU Special Envoy for the Sahel Joao Cravinho were also canceled.

On June 26, Burkina Faso announced the severance of diplomatic relations with France in response to Paris' attempts to "dominate and subjugate the country to its will." The French Foreign Ministry later said Paris was considering options for retaliatory measures.

Context: Rising tensions between Burkina Faso and former colonial power

The severance of diplomatic relations reflects broader tensions between Burkina Faso and its former colonial power, which have grown since the country's military takeover in 2022.

Burkina Faso has increasingly turned away from France and toward Russia for security and economic cooperation.

The move follows a pattern of deteriorating relations between France and several West African nations, including Mali and Niger, where military governments have expelled French forces and sought new partnerships with Russia. The closure of the French embassy represents a significant symbolic and practical break in relations between the two countries.

UN Warns Ebola Outbreak Could Cost Africa $3.6 Billion

By Al Mayadeen English

The UN warns the Ebola outbreak in Africa could cost up to $3.6 billion and destroy 328,000 jobs if it spreads across the region.

The ongoing Ebola outbreak could cost Africa up to $3.6 billion and lead to the loss of hundreds of thousands of jobs, potentially triggering a wider development crisis across the continent, the United Nations has warned.

The warning comes as the Bundibugyo strain of Ebola continues to spread in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, where 1,307 people have been infected, and 377 have died since the outbreak was declared on May 15, according to government figures. There is currently no tested vaccine or treatment for this strain.

A smaller number of cases have also been reported in Uganda, while health experts have raised concerns about the possibility of further regional spread, including to neighbouring countries such as South Sudan.

“If we have the resources and we step up, we can contain this outbreak and prevent further losses,” said Damien Mama, United Nations Development Programme resident representative in Congo. “If we do not, this health emergency risks becoming a much deeper and prolonged development crisis across the region and potentially the continent.”

The UNDP outlined multiple scenarios for the outbreak’s economic impact. In the most contained scenario, where the epidemic remains limited to Congo and Uganda, the cost could reach $1 billion in Congo’s GDP.

In a worst-case scenario, where the disease spreads further to countries including Rwanda and Angola and coincides with higher fuel costs linked to the US-Israeli war on Iran, continental GDP could fall by $3.6 billion, with an estimated 328,000 jobs lost, according to the report.

What Ebola is and how it spreads

Ebola is a severe and often fatal viral disease that causes hemorrhagic fever in humans. It is believed to originate in fruit bats and is transmitted to humans through zoonotic spillover, when the virus crosses from animals to people.

Once infected, Ebola spreads between humans through direct contact with bodily fluids, including blood, vomit, semen, and other secretions. Symptoms usually begin with fever, fatigue, muscle pain, and headaches before progressing to vomiting, diarrhea, rashes, and, in severe cases, internal and external bleeding.

Fatality rate and known strains

According to the World Health Organization (WHO), Ebola has an average fatality rate of around 50%, though some outbreaks have recorded significantly higher mortality levels. Since its identification in 1976, more than 40 outbreaks have been documented globally.

The current outbreak is the 17th recorded in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and is linked to the Bundibugyo strain of the virus. There are four known Ebola strains that can infect humans: Zaire, Sudan, Bundibugyo, and Tai Forest. The Bundibugyo strain is considered rare, with only two previous outbreaks recorded, in 2007 and 2012.

Why experts are concerned about the current outbreak

Health experts have raised concerns due to the lack of approved vaccines or targeted treatments for the Bundibugyo strain. Existing Ebola vaccines, including Ervebo used in previous outbreaks, are not effective against this variant.

“There are no Bundibugyo virus-specific therapeutics or vaccines,” said Dr. Simon Williams, an infectious disease expert at Swansea University, warning that Ebola remains “a nasty disease with a very high case fatality rate.”

Although Ebola is less contagious than diseases such as COVID-19 or measles, experts stress that it is significantly more deadly and can affect healthy individuals as well as vulnerable populations.

Containment efforts in eastern DRC are being complicated by ongoing armed conflict and militia activity, which continue to disrupt healthcare operations.

Professor Paul Hunter of the University of East Anglia noted that healthcare facilities have previously been targeted during Ebola responses, creating fear among communities and discouraging infected individuals from seeking treatment. He warned that this can increase transmission within households and local populations.

How the outbreak was detected

The outbreak is believed to have begun in April, but health authorities were not formally alerted until May 5, after information began circulating on social media.

The first known suspected patient, a 59-year-old man, developed symptoms on April 24 and died three days later. By the time the outbreak was officially identified, at least 50 people had already died, according to the Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention (Africa CDC).

Public health experts warn that delays in identifying outbreaks can allow Ebola to spread undetected for weeks.

Dr. Jean Kaseya, director general of the Africa CDC, said delayed response can have “catastrophic consequences.” Meanwhile, Dr. Anne Cori, an infectious disease modelling expert at Imperial College London, noted that the number of suspected cases detected before official confirmation suggests significant spread had already occurred.

She added that late detection severely limits contact tracing efforts, particularly in conflict-affected areas with weak healthcare systems. 

Morocco's Gnaoua Festival Celebrates African Roots Through Music and Cultural Exchange

By Agencies

Morocco

The streets of Essaouira came alive as the 27th edition of the Gnaoua and World Music Festival opened with its signature parade of Gnaoua brotherhoods, celebrating a musical tradition deeply rooted in Africa's history and cultural heritage.

The annual procession through the UNESCO-listed medina marked the beginning of one of Morocco's most renowned cultural events, drawing thousands of music lovers from around the world. Founded in 1998 by producer Neila Tazi, the festival has grown into an international platform showcasing Gnaoua music while fostering dialogue between African and global musical traditions.

For Tazi, Africa has always been central to the festival's identity.

"Africa is part of the festival's DNA," she said. "At the heart of the project is Gnaoua culture, which draws its roots from different countries in sub-Saharan Africa. It carries a long history of displacement and of artists descended from former slaves. It was important for us to highlight this aspect, which was overlooked for decades—a culture that was marginalized for far too long, despite having an extraordinary story to tell the world."

Gnaoua music, with its hypnotic rhythms, spiritual chants and ritual performances, traces its origins to communities descended from enslaved people brought to Morocco from sub-Saharan Africa. Today, it is recognized as an important element of Morocco's cultural identity and is listed by UNESCO as an Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity.

One of the highlights of this year's festival was the return of internationally acclaimed Cameroonian bassist Richard Bona, who performed in Essaouira for the first time in eight years.

Bona said African musical traditions share a common language despite their regional diversity.

"Our African music has always shared common roots," he said. "Whether it's Gnaoua, Sabar, Bolobo, or any other African tradition—if you understand the grammar, you can easily read or understand the music. It all comes back to rhythm. Rhythm is something that is never foreign to us as Africans."

The festival is known for creating unexpected collaborations between artists from different musical backgrounds, and this year's edition continued that tradition.

Young Gnaoua master Mehdi Qamoum joined forces with the Harlem Spirit of Gospel choir, bringing together two musical traditions linked by shared African ancestry and spiritual expression.

"Morocco and all Africa—we're trying to bring all this music home, to play it with Gnaoua music," Qamoum said. "And this is the definition of the Gnaoua and World Music Festival."

Over nearly three decades, the festival has evolved into far more than a music event. It has become a celebration of African identity, cultural memory and artistic innovation, offering a space where musicians from across the continent and beyond explore their common heritage through performance.

Organizers say preparations are already underway for the 2027 edition, which promises new collaborations designed to further strengthen the connections between Gnaoua music and other African musical traditions.

Cape Verde Stands Out as LGBTQ Rights Progress Amid Challenges Across Africa

Cape Verde

Cape Verde is being recognised as one of Africa's most LGBTQ-friendly countries, offering legal protections that remain rare across the continent. But despite growing acceptance, members of the community say the journey toward full equality is far from over.

For make-up artist Leonardo Oliveira, living openly as a gay man has become possible after years of struggle. He recalls being bullied throughout primary school because of his sexuality, saying the harassment often stopped him from even reaching the classroom.

The country's growing openness was also reflected in a recent theatre production in the city of Mindelo, where actors portrayed the experiences of LGBTQ people facing discrimination and rejection. Amateur actor Walter Pires said attitudes have improved over time but noted that many people have suffered violence, lost jobs and been forced from their homes because of their identity.

Same-sex relationships have been legal in Cape Verde since 2004, and workplace discrimination based on sexual orientation is prohibited. However, campaigners say legal protections alone are not enough.

English teacher and artist Janette da Graça believes education remains key to reducing prejudice, saying greater awareness is needed to challenge ignorance and promote acceptance.

Across Africa, around 30 countries still criminalise same-sex relationships, with some imposing life sentences or even the death penalty.

Ebola in the DRC: At Least 300 Positive Cases Unaccounted For

By Ali Bamba with AP

In the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), health authorities have lost contact with nearly 300 patients who tested positive for Ebola. According to Africa CDC, ongoing conflict, population displacement, and a lack of resources are making it difficult to locate infected individuals and contain the outbreak.

In Burundi, health authorities and civil society organizations are raising the alarm over the growing use of drugs, particularly among young people. To combat the problem, rehabilitation centers are stepping up prevention efforts and providing greater support for people struggling with addiction. Report by Francine Sina-Rinzi from Bujumbura.

One year after the peace agreement signed in Washington between the DRC and Rwanda, the situation in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo remains fragile. Despite commitments to de-escalation, violence continues between the Congolese army and several armed groups. On the ground, lasting stability and peace remain elusive.

Senegal MPs Back Sweeping Constitutional Reform

Senegal

Police fired tear gas as protesters clashed with security outside Senegal's National Assembly, where lawmakers approved a major constitutional reform that would significantly reduce presidential powers.

The bill, backed by the ruling Pastef party, shifts more authority to parliament and the prime minister in what supporters describe as a move to rebalance power between the executive and the legislature.

Opposition lawmakers boycotted the vote after one MP was forcibly removed from the chamber, while demonstrators outside tried to breach the Assembly before being dispersed by police.

Opponents argue the reforms weaken the presidency and were pushed through without broad political consultation.

Following the vote, President Bassirou Diomaye Faye announced the proposed constitutional changes will now be put to a national referendum, giving Senegalese voters the final say on the country's political future.

Ghana’s Trump Deportation Deal Faces Human Rights Court Challenge

30 JUN 2026   

Ghana’s Trump Deportation Deal has triggered a major legal and political debate after advocacy groups filed a complaint at the ECOWAS Court in Abuja. The case challenges Ghana’s role in accepting people deported from the United States under Donald Trump’s third-country removal policy, then allegedly allowing them to be sent onward to their home countries despite earlier rulings that direct return was unsafe. This has turned the issue into a serious Human Rights and State Policy dispute with regional implications.

The complaint argues that the arrangement may have violated domestic law, regional obligations, and the principle against sending people back to danger. It also raises questions about whether migration enforcement can be outsourced through secret agreements without public scrutiny or parliamentary approval. As a result, the story now sits at the intersection of deportation policy, sovereignty, and human-rights accountability.

Why the Ghana deportation deal is controversial

The controversy centers on whether Ghana acted as a neutral transit point or as an active partner in a removals chain that exposed deportees to further risk. Reporting indicates that at least 60 people were sent to Ghana since September, while the complaint was filed on behalf of 27 deportees. The key concern is that the deportees were first sent to Ghana and then onward to their home countries, even after US judges had said such direct returns were unsafe.

This is why the issue is being framed through Human Rights law rather than only immigration enforcement. If a state helps move people into a chain that ends in persecution or harm, it may be responsible for violating the prohibition on refoulement. That legal concern is now at the center of the ECOWAS challenge.

Human Rights concerns in the deportation case

The most serious issue in Ghana’s Trump Deportation Deal is the risk of refoulement, meaning the return of people to places where they may face persecution, torture, or other harm. The deportees had already received protections from US courts against direct return, so using Ghana as an intermediary appears to weaken those safeguards. This is why human-rights groups argue that the arrangement may have produced the same dangerous outcome through a different route.

Related reporting also suggests that some deportees faced coercive treatment during transfer and further removal after arrival. That adds another layer to the case, showing that the problem is not only about policy design but also about the treatment of individuals inside the deportation process. In this context, Human Rights is not a secondary theme; it is the core legal and ethical issue.

State Policy and sovereignty concerns

The case also raises difficult questions about State Policy and national sovereignty. Critics have argued that Ghana’s deportation arrangement may have lacked parliamentary approval and therefore failed constitutional requirements. If true, that would mean the government made a far-reaching migration decision without the transparency and oversight normally expected in a democratic system.

This matters because migration deals are not just technical agreements. They can shape foreign relations, border control, detention, and the country’s international reputation. When such deals are made quietly, they can create the impression that State Policy is being driven more by external pressure than by domestic public interest.

ECOWAS Court challenge and legal stakes

By taking the case to the ECOWAS Court, the advocacy groups have transformed a bilateral migration issue into a regional legal test. The complaint reportedly argues that Ghana was facilitating removals to unsafe countries, which could violate both regional legal standards and domestic obligations. The case may become an important precedent for how West African states handle third-country deportation arrangements in the future.

The legal stakes are high because the court could force greater transparency around deportation agreements and limit government discretion in migration enforcement. If the complaint succeeds, it may encourage other countries to rethink similar deals and strengthen protections for people facing removal. If it fails, governments may see more room to use similar arrangements with less oversight.

What the Trump deportation policy means here

The broader context is the Trump administration’s third-country removals strategy, which appears to have been used to bypass direct return to countries where deportees had already won legal protection. Instead of sending people straight back, the policy relied on willing partner states to receive them first. Critics say this approach can undermine judicial rulings and weaken the practical value of legal safeguards.

That is what makes Ghana’s Trump Deportation Deal so important. It is not only about one country receiving deportees; it is about whether immigration enforcement can be stretched across borders in a way that avoids legal limits. The result is a policy model that may be efficient for governments but deeply troubling for Human Rights advocates.

Regional impact and future implications

The ECOWAS case could influence how other African governments approach deportation agreements with the United States or other external powers. If Ghana is found to have acted unlawfully, states across the region may become more cautious about accepting third-country deportees. That would make the case a turning point in regional migration governance.

It could also strengthen the role of regional courts in checking executive actions that affect vulnerable people. More broadly, the case shows how hidden migration deals can later become public legal crises once they are challenged in court. For policymakers, the lesson is that State Policy on deportation cannot be separated from transparency, accountability, and legal compliance.

Ghana’s Trump Deportation Deal has become a major test of how far states can go in cooperating with foreign deportation policies without violating legal and moral obligations. The ECOWAS challenge places Human Rights and State Policy at the center of the debate, especially around refoulement, secrecy, and constitutional oversight. As the case develops, it will likely remain a reference point for regional migration policy and the limits of executive power.

She Fled Genital Mutilation in Togo and the U.S. Deported Her

A judge ruled that the woman should not be deported there, so the Trump administration sent her to Ghana — which returned her to Togo.

By Tobi Raji

The 28-year-old began to panic when she learned where the military cargo plane, newly departed from a tarmac in Louisiana, was taking her.

The United States was deporting her and 13 other West Africans to Ghana, a country none of them called their own. From there, she feared, she would be sent on to neighboring Togo, the home she had fled to avoid genital mutilation.

A U.S. judge had ruled that the Trump administration could not send her back there. But Ghana was under no such obligation.

After two weeks last September in detention near Accra, the West Africa nation’s capital, armed guards dropped her and five others off at the Togo border, she said.

She has been in hiding in Togo ever since.

“I know God is with me but I’m tired,” she said in a tearful conversation. “I’m a human being. I have to live, like everybody.”

Over the past year, the Trump administration has sent hundreds of people to countries they are not from, in what are known as third-country deportations. Some of those people, like the woman who wound up back in Togo, had been granted protection against being sent back to the country they had fled by a U.S. immigration judge, only to be sent there by a third-country intermediary.

The woman, along with a man from Gambia deported on the same flight, spoke with The Washington Post by phone, on the condition of anonymity for fear of retribution. The Post also spoke with lawyers working with some of the deportees and reviewed court documents, including from their asylum proceeding and lawsuits filed in the United States and Ghana.

The story of the woman’s escape from Togo is recounted in her asylum declaration. An asylum officer had determined that she faced a credible fear of persecution or torture if deported to her country of birth, and an immigration judge ruled she could not be sent there. But under the Biden-era “Circumvention of Lawful Pathways” rule, the woman could not receive asylum, having crossed the U.S.-Mexico border without having sought protection in a country through which she passed en route. Had the restrictions not been in place, the judge would have granted her asylum, according to court documents.

U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement did not respond to a request for comment on the deportations to Ghana. In a statement to The Post, the White House defended its use of third-country deportations, adding that it doesn’t plan to stop anytime soon: “The Trump Administration will continue using all lawful methods to carry out President Trump’s promise to deport criminal illegal aliens.”

Togo’s embassy in Washington did not provide information requested about genital mutilation in the country. The office of Ghana’s president, the country’s Foreign Ministry and its embassy in Washington did not respond to requests for comment about the terms of Ghana’s deportation agreement with the Trump administration.

The woman left Togo in 2024 to escape genital cutting, she said. She had learned in school about health complications related to the custom — widely condemned as a severe human rights violation — which her mother and cousins had undergone. Practiced in dozens of countries, it often involves removing part of the clitoris and labia minora, and in some cases, sewing the vaginal opening shut.

In January 2024, her cousin was forced to undergo genital mutilation and died as a result, she said in interviews and her U.S. asylum declaration.

“The whole family hid the reason for her death except for my mother and her brother, who told me the truth,” she wrote in her asylum declaration. “Fear once again became a part of my daily life, knowing that I was bound to be the next to be cut under the circumciser’s sharp knife.”

“I clearly told my great-uncle that I was not going to give them the chance to expose my life to this murderous practice ‘in the name of tradition’ that took my cousin’s life, and that if my cousin succumbed, it was their fault, and they were the murderers,” she wrote.

Togo outlawed female genital mutilation in 1998. The practice has become uncommon there, but is not eradicated, according to a 2020 report, and remains somewhat prevalent in the Centrale Region, where she is from. When the woman asked the police for help, she said they told her be “a good African woman” and “respect my tradition,” she wrote.

“In this country, nobody can help me,” she told The Post. “If they do that practice on me and I die, nobody will help. Nobody will say anything.”

After family members held her captive, beating and starving her, she managed to escape, she said, and fled to the United States by way of Brazil and the perilous Darién Gap that separates Colombia and Panama. ICE detained her at the United States’ southern border in January 2025 and held her at the Eloy Detention Center in Arizona for eight months, she said.

A judge granted her a withholding of removal order on May 20, 2025, according to court documents, blocking deportation to Togo.

“Unfortunately for me, one day they just transferred me from Arizona to Louisiana and then from Louisiana to Ghana,” she said. Before long, she was back where she started.

Of the 14 people the U.S. deported to Ghana on the flight from Louisiana in September, at least 11 — including the woman from Togo and a man from Gambia — had been granted protections against removal by a U.S. immigration judge under the United Nations Convention Against Torture or other law, according to court documents.

Under CAT, to which the United States and Ghana are parties, the government cannot “expel or extradite” a person to a country where it is more likely than not that they will be tortured. The U.S. Immigration and Nationality Act prohibits deporting a noncitizen to a country where their “life or freedom would be threatened” because of their “race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group, or political opinion.”

In such cases, the administration has been deporting people to third countries. It sent a group of people from Latin America to the Democratic Republic of Congo last month, NPR reported. At least 25 countries have entered into deportation agreements, many of them opaque, with the U.S. government, or have received third-country nationals, according to a report released by Democratic members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in February. A federal-court decision blocked some of the deportations in February, but a higher court ruled that they could resume as a legal challenge proceeds, and third-country deportations continued apace in April.

According to the report, the Trump administration incentivized five countries — El Salvador, Equatorial Guinea, Rwanda, Eswatini and Palau — to agree to the deal by providing direct financial payments totaling $32 million.

As a part of those agreements, U.S. authorities sent about 250 Venezuelan migrants to a maximum-security prison in El Salvador last spring, while 29 migrants have been deported to Equatorial Guinea, 15 to Eswatini and seven to Rwanda, the report said.

Immigration advocates and attorneys have accused the Trump administration of using third-country deportations to circumvent CAT and INA protections through a process known as indirect or chain refoulement, which is prohibited under international refugee law. International law holds that states cannot avoid liability by merely outsourcing refugee protections, especially when exposing those individuals to foreseeable onward harm and removal, said Elora Mukherjee, a professor at Columbia Law School. But there is little recourse.

In March, the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights agreed to hear a challenge to Eswatini’s third-country deportation agreement with the United States. The lawsuit, filed by the Global Strategic Litigation Council in December on behalf of three U.S. deportees originally from Cuba, Jamaica and Yemen, is the first of its kind outside of the Americas region.

At least 34 West Africans have been deported to Ghana since September as part of the third-country agreement between Washington and Accra, according to Meredyth Yoon, a lawyer working with some of them.

Ghana has defended its agreement with the United States. “We were approached by the U.S. to accept third-party nationals who were being removed from the U.S., and we agreed with them that West African nationals were acceptable,” Ghanaian President John Mahama said in September. “West Africa has a protocol of free movement. Any West African is welcome in Ghana.”

In February, Ghana’s Supreme Court ordered Mahama’s government to disclose the terms of the country’s deportation agreement to Ghanaian rights group Democracy Hub, which it has yet to do.

The 14 West African migrants sent to Ghana on the flight described in this story did not find out where they were headed until the plane stopped in the U.S. Virgin Islands to refuel, five of the deportees allege in a lawsuit filed in Washington by Asian Americans Advancing Justice, a legal advocacy group.

One of the five, a man from Gambia who had a judicial order against deportation there, was sent on by Ghana to Gambia. He has been in hiding ever since, he said. In the lawsuit, he said an ICE agent told him he would wind up back in his home country. ICE did not respond to a request for comment on the accusation.

“I think if the government was doing things aboveboard, they wouldn’t be forcing people into planes in the middle of the night without letting them talk to their attorneys and not telling them where they’re going until they’re on the plane,” said Bria Yazic, a lawyer working with some of the migrants.

The Togolese woman described being held in Ghana in poor conditions, without access to lawyers or family members. Detainees had limited access to running water and no access to bedding or feminine hygiene products, according to the Democracy Hub lawsuit.

“Despite repeated requests, they were not transported to any medical facility outside the camp,” the lawsuit alleges.

The woman was held at the camp for nearly two weeks until armed soldiers drove six of the migrants to Aflao, a border town in eastern Ghana, in late September. They were separated into two groups of three, given less than $150 each and ordered to cross the border into Togo on foot, the deportees say in the lawsuit filed in Ghanaian courts. Of the six people sent to Togo, only two were from there, the woman said. For the others, the country of fewer than 10 million residents was simply another incongruous stop in their deportation odyssey.

They walked for miles before hailing a taxi to Lomé, Togo’s capital city along the Atlantic coastline, the woman said. She parted ways with the group at a hotel and called her mother.

“I traveled from here to the U.S. to save my life,” the woman said. “I had a chance … but all these foolish people took my dreams.”

Lawyers Drag Ghana To ECOWAS Court For Accepting US Deportees In Controversial Policy

June 30, 2026

The lawsuit was filed by Ghanaian law firm Merton & Everett LLP, the Cornell Law School Transnational Disputes Clinic in the United States, and the Global Strategic Litigation Council, a coalition of non-governmental organisations.

Some lawyers have instituted a suit against Ghana before the ECOWAS Community Court of Justice, accusing the West African country of violating regional and domestic laws by accepting deportees from the United States under Washington's third-country deportation policy and facilitating their return to countries where they allegedly face persecution.

The legal action, filed on Monday at the ECOWAS Community Court of Justice in Abuja, represents 27 deportees who were among at least 60 people sent to Ghana by the United States since September under President Donald Trump's expanded immigration enforcement programme.

According to the legal team, many of those deported had previously secured asylum or other legal protections in the United States but were nevertheless transferred to Ghana after U.S. authorities argued they could not be returned directly to their countries of origin.

The lawsuit was filed by Ghanaian law firm Merton & Everett LLP, the Cornell Law School Transnational Disputes Clinic in the United States, and the Global Strategic Litigation Council, a coalition of non-governmental organisations.

Explaining the basis of the case, Oliver Barker-Vormawor, senior partner at Merton & Everett LLP, said: "No person should be returned to a place where they face persecution, torture, or serious threats to their dignity and safety."

The legal coalition alleges that Ghana is violating domestic and regional law by "facilitating removals to unsafe countries", arguing that the country's cooperation with the U.S. deportation arrangement has exposed vulnerable migrants to renewed danger.

The ECOWAS Community Court of Justice serves as the highest judicial body of the Economic Community of West African States, the regional bloc comprising 12 member countries.

Under the Trump administration's immigration crackdown, the United States has broadened the categories of people targeted for deportation, including individuals who previously enjoyed legal protections.

In situations where U.S. courts have ruled that deportees are likely to face torture or persecution if returned directly to their home countries, Washington has instead transferred them to third countries such as Ghana.

According to AFP, Ghana subsequently repatriated some deportees to their countries of origin, while others were reportedly taken into neighbouring Togo without travel documents.

The legal team said Ghana has disclosed little about the terms of its arrangement with Washington beyond indicating that it would only receive West African deportees.

However, shortly after the agreement took effect, the United States lifted visa restrictions it had earlier imposed on Ghana.

The lawsuit further states that the deportees represented in the case "had sought, and the majority had obtained asylum or other legal protections in the United States."

Under the Trump administration's interpretation of U.S. law, authorities maintain that legal protections only prevent deportees from being sent directly to countries where they face danger, allowing transfers to third countries instead.

The lawyers said none of the 27 applicants remains in Ghana.

Describing their current situation, the legal coalition said: "Many now remain in hiding in their home countries or have fled to third countries where they wait in limbo."

The case comes weeks after another legal challenge was filed before the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights seeking to halt U.S. deportations to Equatorial Guinea, another country that has served as a transit destination for African deportees under the policy. 

Rights Groups Sue Ghana Over US Third-country Deportations

Ghana is facing a legal challenge at West Africa's highest court over its role in accepting migrants deported from the United States under President Donald Trump's third-country deportation policy.

Human rights lawyers have filed a case on behalf of 27 deportees, arguing Ghana violated regional and international law by helping return people to countries where they risk persecution, torture or other serious harm.

The lawsuit says many of those deported had previously been granted asylum or other legal protections in the United States but were instead flown to Ghana because US courts blocked their direct removal to their home countries.

Lawyers also allege that some deportees were later sent onward to neighbouring Togo without identity documents, leaving them stranded and vulnerable.

According to the legal team, at least 60 people have been deported to Ghana since September under the policy.

The case, filed before the ECOWAS Community Court of Justice in Nigeria, seeks to hold Ghana accountable for facilitating what campaigners describe as unlawful deportations and could test the legality of third-country removal agreements across the region.

25,000 Foreigners Flee South Africa as Unofficial Deadline to Leave Expires

South Africans protest against illegal migration, in Johannesburg, South Africa, April 29, 2026.

South Africa

South African police deployed to head off unrest and protests on Tuesday, the unofficial deadline set by citizen-led groups for undocumented foreign nationals to leave that has already pushed thousands to flee.

Officers were out in force to prevent violence and looting, while hundreds of foreign nationals took refuge in several cities, urgently seeking help to leave.

At least two Mozambicans, an Ethiopian and a Malawian have been killed in anti-immigrant violence over recent weeks and several African governments have organised planes or buses to repatriate their citizens.

"I decided to go to avoid being attacked," said Malawian Peter Madsoan, 45, among several thousand gathered in the port city of Durban on Monday waiting for a bus to take him home. "I am a breadwinner back at home in Malawi," said the builder. "It is better for me to go than to die in South Africa."

The Border Management Authority MA told AFP on Monday that about 25,000 people had been repatriated in recent weeks.

Around 15,000 Malawians had been processed for departure, South African officials said last week, while thousands more from Ghana, Mozambique, Nigeria, Zimbabwe and other countries had already left. Uganda announced at the weekend an "evacuation plan" to start in the coming days for nearly 750 of its citizens.

As Tuesday's unauthorised deadline arrived, thousands of people, mostly Malawians and Zimbabweans, also gathered in Cape Town and Johannesburg, waiting for assistance to go home.

Some said their landlords had evicted them or their employers had fired them, fearing fines from officials or attacks by vigilante groups.

Zimbabwean Evelyn Chinooneka, 29, said she and her 10-month-old baby had camped outside the Zimbabwean consulate in Cape Town for days.

"It was raining, all the clothes are wet now. We need our buses to come," said Chinooneka, who had worked for four years on a farm outside Cape Town before being told to leave.

In Johannesburg, men in Zulu attire and holding shields and sticks paraded through the Soweto township, chanting "Abahambe", which means "Let them go".

Rolling mass action

June 30 would launch "a national march to freedom, a rolling mass action" until all undocumented foreign nationals were deported, the leader of the anti-illegal migrant March and March group, Jacinta Ngobese-Zuma, told reporters last week.

"We are not calling for violence... no one will be killed on the 30th of June, and no looting will take place in our name," she said.

Concerned about a repeat of the unrest that struck five years ago, when around 350 people were killed in days of looting and riots, the government has ordered a massive security deployment and warned against opportunistic crime.

The July 2021 unrest was sparked by the brief jailing of ex-president Jacob Zuma for refusing to testify to a commission probing corruption. In the countdown to June 30, President Cyril Ramaphosa announced stepped-up government plans to combat illegal immigration and called on traditional leaders to use their "standing to calm tensions".

The premier of KwaZulu-Natal province, Thami Ntuli, said: "Whatever our concerns about undocumented migration, however legitimate the frustrations beneath them, we will not allow this province to be set alight a second time, whether by criminality or by xenophobia."

Migration 'weaponised'

One of the continent's wealthiest countries, South Africa is a magnet for migrant labour while grappling with an unemployment rate above 30 percent, high crime and a breakdown in services in many areas.

Previous flare-ups of violence targeting undocumented foreign nationals in South Africa have been deadly, with 62 people killed in riots in 2008.

But this is the first time that governments have simultaneously organised the repatriation of thousands of their nationals. Groups campaigning against illegal immigration accuse foreign nationals of taking jobs, committing crimes and putting pressure on resources.

"The xenophobic groups have got it wrong," said labour analyst Dale McKinley. "This is a problem of governance, corruption, and mismanagement," he told AFP.

Coming ahead of local government elections in November, the anti-migrant push has been "politically weaponised", he said.