Monday, October 12, 2026

Rep. Ilhan Omar's D.C. Home Searched by Homeland Security Investigators

By Nicole Sganga

October 12, 2026 / 12:24 PM EDT / CBS News

Rep. Ilhan Omar's Washington, D.C., home was the target of a raid early Monday morning by ICE's investigations unit.

Sources say the investigation centers on Omar's immigration paperwork. The documents in question date back to Omar's childhood, involving paperwork completed by her late father when she was a child. 

Omar's office said in a statement that Omar had "done nothing wrong" and called the raid "outrageous abuse of power and an unprecedented escalation in the weaponization of federal law enforcement to target political enemies." 

Omar, a Minnesota Democrat, posted Monday on social media, "I'm ok," adding "I will not be silenced."

"Make no mistake: this is an attempt to target political enemies and weaponize federal law enforcement," Omar wrote. "For ten years, Trump has targeted me with baseless lies and smear campaigns. This is just the latest escalation in his campaign of political intimidation."

Homeland Security Investigations, or HSI, the department's criminal investigative arm, is leading the investigation, with the Department of Justice assisting. 

HSI has jurisdiction over federal offenses including immigration document fraud, identity fraud and immigration benefit fraud. Unlike ICE's deportation-focused operations, HSI special agents conduct criminal investigations and execute federal search warrants.

In a statement, the Justice Department confirmed that the HSI executed a search warrant secured by the DOJ. The statement said it was "part of an ongoing federal criminal investigation." 

House Democratic Leader Hakeem Jeffries, whip Rep. Katherine Clark and caucus chair Rep. Pete Aguilar called the raid on Omar's home "deeply disturbing" and said it "raises serious questions about the continued corrupt weaponization of the federal government against Donald Trump's adversaries."

Omar is a frequent target of President Trump, and border czar Tom Homan said in September that there was an "ongoing criminal investigation" into the congresswoman. 

"I'm confirming that ICE is, yeah — look, I said months ago that there's something that's been reported and needs to be looked at," Homan told Fox News in September. 

Omar said at the time that she had not been contacted in connection to any investigation. 

Nikole Killion contributed to this report.

Agents Search Rep. Omar’s Washington Home in Criminal Probe as She Vows She Won’t ‘Be Silenced’

By ALANNA DURKIN RICHER and ERIC TUCKER

12:37 PM EDT, October 12, 2026

WASHINGTON (AP) — Federal agents on Monday searched the home of Democratic U.S. Rep. Ilhan Omar, a startling escalation in a criminal investigation that brings renewed scrutiny to the frequent target of Trump administration derision in the final weeks of her reelection bid.

The search of the Minnesota congresswoman’s home so close to next month’s midterm contests that will determine control of the House and the Senate was swiftly condemned by top Democrats in Congress, who raised questions about the timing given longstanding Justice Department protocol to avoid overt investigative steps involving political candidates in the direct run-up to an election.

The Justice Department confirmed in a statement that Homeland Security Investigations agents executed a judicially authorized search warrant in the Washington, D.C., area in connection with an ongoing federal criminal investigation but provided no other details.

The nature and scope of the investigation were unclear, though officials in President Donald Trump’s administration have repeatedly hinted at the existence of an inquiry targeting Omar, a Somali-born Democrat whose status as an immigrant to the U.S. and left-wing views have repeatedly drawn criticism from Republicans and senior Trump officials.

Homeland Security Secretary Markwayne Mullin said last month that there was an “ongoing investigation” related in part to whether Omar lied on her immigration forms and that “something’s going to happen.”

Omar responded to the search with a statement on X that called it an “attempt to target political enemies and weaponize federal law enforcement.”

“For ten years, Trump has targeted me with baseless lies and smear campaigns. This is just the latest escalation in his campaign of political intimidation,” she said. “I will not be silenced.”

Though the Republican focus on Omar’s background dates back years, the search of her home took place three weeks before the November midterms, in which Omar is on the ballot for reelection. The Justice Department has historically sought to avoid public investigative actions involving a candidate within 60 days of a primary or general election.

“For years, Donald Trump and far-right extremists have relentlessly targeted Congresswoman Omar with vile personal attacks and baseless accusations,” top House Democratic leaders said in a statement. “Now, less than 30 days until the midterm election, his violent mass deportation machine has descended upon the home of a duly elected Member of Congress and her family.

Trump has frequently targeted Omar

Trump as recently as this past weekend brought up Omar at a rally in Tennessee, where he attacked her upbringing and suggested that Vice President JD Vance “and our people” were investigating her.

Vance has in the past accused Omar of committing immigration fraud — an allegation she has denied — and has said he and a top White House official were trying to figure out how to investigate her.

The Justice Department said in a statement Monday that HSI agents executed a judicially authorized search warrant secured by the department in the Washington, D.C., area but provided no other details. The street was blocked off Monday morning as HSI agents remained near the home.

“This enforcement action is part of an ongoing federal criminal investigation,” the department said.

A spokesperson for the Department of Homeland Security, of which Homeland Security Investigations is part, referred questions about the search to the Justice Department.

Omar has long been a target for Republicans

Omar, who was first elected to the House in 2018, represents Minnesota’s 5th District, including Minneapolis. She is part of The Squad of progressive lawmakers who are a vibrant political force on the left wing of Congress but have also endured repeated attacks from Trump, dating back to his first term. She was one of the first two Muslim-American women in the House and the first African refugee to be elected to Congress.

When Republicans swept control of the House in 2023, they voted to oust Omar from the House Foreign Affairs Committee, citing her anti-Israel remarks.

In January, Trump lashed out at Omar during a rally in Iowa hours before an assailant sprayed the congresswoman during her own town hall meeting in Minneapolis with a substance that turned out to be vinegar. The attacker was sentenced recently to 14 months in prison.

Republicans have raised questions about Omar’s past since before she was even elected, including asserting that she had married her brother and committed immigration fraud. Omar has broadly denied the allegations as “disgusting lies.”

“It certainly seems like something fishy is there, but everybody’s entitled to equal justice under the laws,” Vance told reporters in May. “So we’re going to investigate it. We’re going to take a look at it. If we think there’s a crime, we’re going to prosecute that crime.”

In a separate interview with conservative podcaster Benny Johnson, Vance said without offering evidence that “we actually think that Ilhan Omar definitely committed immigration fraud against the United States of America.”

He said that he and deputy White House chief of staff Stephen Miller had been discussing it and “trying to look at what the remedies are.”

“That’s the thing that we’re trying to figure out,” he said. “What are the legal remedies now that we know that she’s committed immigration fraud. How do you go after her? How do you investigate her? How do you actually do the thing? How do you build the case necessary to get some, some, some justice for the American people?”

Omar’s office has defended her against past allegations

Omar’s office in March dismissed Vance’s claims as fabricated and defamatory.

“This is rich coming from someone who literally said they were willing to ‘create stories’ to redirect the media,” Omar’s chief of staff, Connor McNutt, said in a statement.

“This is a ridiculous lie and desperate attempt to distract from the pedophile protection party’s unpopular war of choice, increasing gas prices, and rapidly dropping polling numbers,” McNutt said at the time of the vice president’s allegations and comments.

___

Associated Press writers Lisa Mascaro, Michelle L. Price and River Zhang in Washington, Kathy McCormack in Concord, N.H., Mike Catalini in Morrisville, Pa., and Meg Kinnard in Columbia, S.C., contributed.

Sunday, October 11, 2026

Genocidal Coverage in Real Time Has Reinforced the International Struggle for Palestine Liberation

Since 2023 there has been an upsurge in the movement for solidarity which has impacted various aspects of United States and global politics

By Abayomi Azikiwe

Editor, Pan-African News Wire

Saturday October 10, 2026

Political Review

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Note: These remarks were delivered at a public meeting held on Saturday October 10, 2026 in Detroit to commemorate the last three years of the genocidal onslaught in occupied Palestine. This event was hosted by the Moratorium NOW! Coalition and the Michigan Emergency Committee Against War & Injustice (MECAWI). Endorsers and speakers included the Michigan Coalition Against Genocide featuring Heather along with Steve Friday of the Michigan Social Workers for Palestine; Nabil Sater from Lebanon read a series of resolutions drafted by Jewish Voice for Peace; there was a statement from the United States Palestinian Community Network with Ali; Frank Hammer, a retired local president of the UAW discussed the passage of a disinvestment resolution at the national constitutional convention for the labor union; the final speaker was Dr. Ismail Noor of the Nakba Survivors Association. 

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After the beginning of the Al Aqsa Flood on October 7, 2023, the United States backed Israeli regime embarked upon a military campaign to completely destroy the Palestinian people in Gaza and throughout the entire country.

The events of the last three years were by no means the beginning of threats to destroy the Palestinian people and their neighbors, the origins of this phenomenon dated back more than a century.

In fact, the plight of the Palestinians and the peoples of West Asia is inextricably intertwined with the colonization and national oppression of others throughout Africa, Asia and Latin America. This is evident in the literature and speeches of the founders and successors of the world zionist movement which surfaced in the late 19th century. 

Zionism as an ideology and political tendency has always been designed to further European domination within the context of colonialism and imperialism. The concept of orientalism as an academic approach to history and cultural studies has its origins in the desire by Western Europeans to dominate the world economic system.

Palestinian American scholar Edward Siad was one of the fiercest critics of Orientalism during the latter decades of the 20th century. His writings parallel the work of figures such as W.E.B. Du Bois, Drusilla Dunjee Houston, Anna Julia Cooper, Ida B. Wells-Barnett, Kwame Nkrumah, Frantz Fanon, Malcolm X, among others who intellectually and politically provided the basis for the destruction of colonialism and imperialism. 

Despite the orientalist view which rationalizes the oppression and exploitation of people who are the colonial subjects of Europe, the victims of imperialism have developed their own methodology aimed at liberation. By challenging the outlook that there are “inferior” and “superior” peoples and cultures, the oppressed during the 19th and 20th centuries vindicated the ideas of waging political and ideological struggles aimed at liberating the victims of imperialism.

Siad in his best-known work entitled “Orientalism” published in 1978, emphasized that:

“Every single empire in its official discourse has said that it is not like all the others, that its circumstances are special, that it has a mission to enlighten, civilize, bring order and democracy, and that it uses force only as a last resort. And, sadder still, there always is a chorus of willing intellectuals to say calming words about benign or altruistic empires, as if one shouldn't trust the evidence of one's eyes watching the destruction and the misery and death brought by the latest mission [to civilize].” (https://www.goodreads.com/author/quotes/16770310.Edward_W_Said)

These observations by Siad remain true well into the 21st century. The US and Israel remain exceptional within the literature of mainstream imperialist thought. Any form of thinking which questions the virtues of capitalism, imperialism and zionism are immediately attacked as abhorrent and unacceptable. 

Reflections on the Last Three Years

Of course, the anti-zionist movement has been in existence for well over a century. In the US since the conclusion of World War II there has been the rationalization of the oppression of the Palestinian people and others living in West Asia and North Africa. 

Nonetheless, the impact of the Palestinian struggle for liberation has had an enormous impact on the political atmosphere in the US. When resistance forces based in Gaza broke through the artificial lines drawn by the zionists and imperialists in West Asia it constituted an act of liberation against the existing political system.

At the same time the events of October 7 revealed the sense of urgency within the international solidarity movement. The apologists for the occupation of Palestine began to strike out at any and all forces expressing sympathy with the Palestinians. 

This was exemplified on the campuses of higher educational institutions in the US where the administrations began to purge those articulating an alternative viewpoint to that of the modern-day orientalists. Even those college and university administrators who were far from being advocates of Palestine liberation were pressured to leave their positions because they were not willing to ban all activity on campuses by the students, staff and faculty which advocated a change in the status-quo in relations to US-Israeli relations.

By the spring of 2024, demonstrations had spread to campuses across the US from the east to the west coast. At Columbia University where Siad taught during his career, a strong Palestine solidarity movement arose demanding that the institution disclose and divest its financial holdings in corporations and entities with ties to the State of Israel. 

Here in the state of Michigan, which is home to the largest concentration of people whose origins are within West Asia and North Africa, has been for decades a center of Palestine solidarity.  Dearborn, a bordering western suburb of Detroit has again been targeted by racists and fascists with lies and even violence which cannot be distinguished from the question of Palestinian and Lebanese liberation and sovereignty.

At two of the leading higher educational institutions, the University of Michigan (U-M) and Wayne State University (WSU), the administrations ordered the violent destruction of encampments making the same demands geared towards exposing the links between zionism, racism and imperialism. The encampments and other forms of protests were attacked falsely as being “antisemitic” at the highest levels within the federal government and law-enforcement.

Nonetheless, the impact of the Palestinian, Lebanese, Iraqi, Yemeni, Iranian and other resistance forces had a profound impact on the consciousness of people living in North America, Western Europe and internationally. Solidarity activity outside the West Asia and North Africa regions also played an instrumental role in building a formidable movement against genocide.

In December 2023, the African National Congress (ANC) led government in the Republic of South Africa took the Israeli state to the International Court of Justice (ICJ), the highest legal body within the United Nations organization, charging the regime with violating the Genocide Convention of 1948. Although the South African government won a favorable ruling by the ICJ which said that the claims of genocide in occupied Palestine were plausible, no action has been taken to end the genocidal project in West Asia.

In fact, the death and destruction spawned by the imperialist defense of settler-colonialism has spread to as far away as the Islamic Republic of Iran and Yemen. Under both Democratic and Republican administrations in the US the support for the zionist occupation forces has remained study. 

The current administration of President Donald Trump launched an unprovoked war against the people of Iran with the expressed intent of overthrowing their government. At present these efforts have failed prompting an economic and political crisis under which there appears to be no escape.

These efforts related to the liberation of Palestine and the ending of the zionist and imperialist hegemony of the region has spilled over into electoral politics. Unabashedly pro-Israel candidates are being defeated at the polls while on a mass level where African American youth service workers such as Ariana Hamilton on the east coast have become icons globally for their stand against racist impunity within the labor market.

Moving Forward in the Struggle for Palestine Liberation

It is quite remarkable that the Palestine solidarity movement has not been effectively silence after three years of repression, right-wing propaganda and psychological warfare. The slogan “Free Palestine” is far more widespread and recognizable than the day before the Al Aqsa Flood erupted.

Consequently, the movement must continue until its objectives are achieved. The oppression and genocide against the Palestinian people and others throughout the region are closely related to the rising levels of racist and fascist control of the US. 

As the late South African liberation movement leader Nelson Mandela often said that our freedom cannot be fully achieved absent of the emancipation of the Palestinians. Another well known South African clergyman Archbishop Desmond Tutu doing his lifetime charged that the system of Palestinian oppression was worse than apartheid.

The institutionally racist settler-colonial systems in West Asia and around the world will continue to exist until imperialism is destroyed. Let us make our contribution to this goal of bringing liberation and social emancipation to peoples throughout the world. 

Egypt’s Proxy Wars Against Ethiopia: A History of Defeats Revisited

By Staff Writer 

October 11, 2026 (ENA) 

Since the emergence of its modern state, Egypt has never been a loyal neighbor or a sincere partner in the Nile Basin. Instead, it has consistently acted according to the logic of a colonial power seeking to subjugate Ethiopia and impose an empty form of guardianship over its resources and future. The record of successive Egyptian governments is filled with disappointments and sinister conspiracies aimed at obstructing the development of the Ethiopian people and depriving them of their natural right to development. Yet all these schemes have repeatedly shattered against the solid rock of Ethiopian sovereignty and its proud history.

The early ambitions of the Egyptian regime became evident in the 1870s, when Cairo followed Khedive Ismail’s dream of establishing a vast empire at the expense of Ethiopian blood and rights. The Egyptian regime dispatched two massive, heavily armed military campaigns toward the rugged Ethiopian highlands, only to face a devastating Ethiopian response. At the Battle of Gundet in 1875, the Egyptian army suffered its first crushing blow of arrogance at the hands of Ethiopian heroes, resulting in the complete collapse of the invading forces.

The Battle of Gura in 1876 was an even greater defeat, as the Egyptian army was virtually annihilated and hundreds of its soldiers were captured under the blows of Ethiopian forces. The remnants of the Khedive’s army fled, leaving behind the enduring disgrace of defeat. These resounding historical blows demonstrated to Egypt that it was far weaker than Ethiopia in direct confrontation, prompting it to retreat into political cowardice and turn submissively toward shadow warfare and proxy wars.

Egypt did not content itself with the bitterness of military defeat. It subsequently revealed an overtly colonial face in the aftermath of the Second World War. When Egypt was among those opposing, within the corridors of the United Nations, the return of Eritrea to Ethiopia, the international community rejected its ambitions and issued a decision in 1952 establishing a federation between Ethiopia and Eritrea. Because Egypt never accepted a strong or stable Ethiopia, it quickly moved to undermine and dismantle the federal arrangement from within by adopting policies aimed at fracturing Ethiopia’s social fabric.

With President Gamal Abdel Nasser coming to power in the mid-1950s, Egypt officially became a principal host of the Eritrean rebellion and a major financier of separatist movements. The Eritrean Liberation Front was established and used the Egyptian capital as a principal base for its activities beginning in July 1960, receiving comprehensive financial, logistical, and training support to fracture the territorial unity of northern Ethiopia. 

Egypt did not stop there.

A massive media apparatus, particularly the Voice of the Arabs radio station, was mobilized to broadcast messages of fragmentation, inflame divisions, and attempt to strategically suffocate Ethiopia from its maritime flank. This systematic support continued for decades with the aim of tying Ethiopia’s hands and keeping it preoccupied with exhausting internal conflicts that would obstruct any genuine path to development.

The conspiracies did not stop at supporting armed groups. They extended into the corridors of international and financial organizations through questionable means, using Egyptian influence in an attempt to economically subjugate Ethiopia.

 In this context, the controversial role of prominent Egyptian figures such as Boutros Boutros-Ghali stands out. Boutros-Ghali, a former Egyptian Minister of State for Foreign Affairs who later became Secretary-General of the United Nations, used Egyptian diplomacy to impose a suffocating financial blockade and arbitrarily deny Ethiopia international loans and financing from the World Bank and major financial institutions for infrastructure projects and dams on the Aba (Nile River), in a desperate attempt to entrench unilateral colonial dominance.

Recent regional developments reveal growing risks from Egypt’s efforts to form a coordinated front against Ethiopia’s rise. The quadrilateral summit hosted by Egyptian President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi in New Alamein on October 4, 2026, with the participation of Egypt, Sudan, Somalia, and Eritrea, has raised concerns that Cairo is seeking to intensify regional pressure on Ethiopia under the guise of security cooperation.

The summit’s focus on Nile waters, Red Sea security, and coordination among governments raises serious questions about the strategic objectives of this alignment. These moves come amid Egypt and Eritrea are supporting anati-peace forces seeking to destabilize the country.

The convergence of diplomatic pressure, regional military coordination, and allegations of support for armed groups poses risks as Ethiopia pursues its development ambitions and seeks reliable sea access through dialogue. Rather than accepting Ethiopia’s growing economic and strategic influence as a reality requiring constructive engagement, Egypt risks deepening regional divisions and undermining stability in the Horn of Africa. Yet no summit or political alignment can erase Ethiopia’s sovereign interests or derail the aspirations of its people to strengthen the country’s standing and influence across Africa.

All in all, decades of carefully orchestrated conspiracies, proxy wars, and attempts at diplomatic and economic isolation have only made Ethiopia more resilient, self-reliant, and strong. Throughout history, the courageous Ethiopian people and their leadership have demonstrated that the will of free people can overcome all forms of hostility and disguised guardianship.

Ethiopia’s continued advance today in its major national development projects, driven by the efforts of its own people, represents the greatest rebuke and decisive response that permanently shatters the illusions of Egyptian dominance and affirms that Ethiopian sovereignty is a red line that cannot be violated. Ethiopia’s recent sovereign measures are fully consistent with this historical approach. On October 1 of this year, Ethiopia took a decisive decision to close its embassy in Asmara and declared ten Eritrean diplomats persona non grata, giving them 48 hours to leave the country, following their involvement in activities deemed to pose a direct threat to Ethiopia’s national security and in escalating hostile acts.

On the same day, Ethiopia declared Egyptian diplomat Ahmed Moharam Ahmed Suleiman persona non grata and also demanded that he leave the country within 48 hours.

These firm sovereign measures are nothing more than the natural outcome and direct response to Egypt’s continued policies of using Eritrea as a proxy to destabilize the Horn of Africa, in a desperate attempt to obstruct Ethiopia’s progress as it continues to flourish and grow into an emerging diplomatic, economic, and military power firmly rooted in the African continent.

Ethiopia’s Nile Development Push for Regional Integration

By Yordanos D.

October 10, 2026 (ENA) 

For generations, Abay (Blue Nile) has been treated primarily as a dispute over water. For Ethiopia, however, the river represents something much larger: a question of development, sovereignty and the right of a nation to transform its natural resources into a better future for its people. Most importantly, the country considers such development on Abay would accelerate regional integration in the region and beyond.  In a country confronting persistent food insecurity, expanding energy demand, rapid population growth, industrialization pressures and the effects of climate variability, the ability to store and use water is inseparable from the ability to generate electricity, irrigate farmland, produce food, create jobs and build a productive economy.

 This broader perspective is essential to understanding Ethiopia’s long and often difficult engagement with the Nile. The dispute did not begin with the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD). It is rooted in a much older regional order shaped by colonial-era arrangements, unequal political influence and competing interpretations of rights over the river. 

 Ethiopia was not a party to the 1929 Anglo-Egyptian Nile arrangement or the 1959 Egypt-Sudan agreement, yet the legacy of these agreements has continued to influence political arguments over the use of the Nile. The central question has therefore never been simply how much water Ethiopia should use, but whether historical arrangements can continue to constrain the development choices of an upstream country whose economic and social needs have changed fundamentally.

 The struggle has also had a financial dimension. Development can be constrained not only by physical obstruction but by the political environment surrounding finance, investment and international institutions. 

 Ethiopia’s experience with major water infrastructure has repeatedly demonstrated the difficulty of converting technical potential into completed development projects when financing becomes entangled with geopolitics. The GERD consequently acquired significance far beyond its engineering dimensions. It became a test of whether Ethiopia could mobilize its own people, institutions and financial resources to undertake a strategic national project when access to conventional external financing was politically complicated.

 The completion of the GERD has changed that equation, but it has not ended the larger development challenge. Ethiopia still requires additional water infrastructure to address electricity shortages, expand irrigation, strengthen food security, manage floods and droughts, support industrialization and create the conditions for sustained economic growth. The question now is how the country can move from one landmark project to a broader, financially sustainable and environmentally responsible water development strategy while maintaining cooperation with downstream states.

 At the same time, the Nile question has become increasingly intertwined with the geopolitics of the Horn of Africa. Ethiopia’s growing economic capacity, its expanding electricity exports, its pursuit of regional integration and its efforts to secure reliable and mutually beneficial access to the Red Sea have altered the strategic calculations of neighboring states and external powers. This must therefore be understood within a wider contest over development, economic influence and regional order.

 This does not make confrontation inevitable. On the contrary, Ethiopia’s strongest long-term position lies in combining development with diplomacy. Equitable and reasonable utilization of shared water resources can provide a foundation for cooperation if all basin countries recognize that the Nile must support both existing needs and legitimate future development. The river need not remain a source of perpetual rivalry. With investment, scientific cooperation, transparent information sharing and mutually beneficial energy and agricultural systems, it can become an engine of regional economic integration.

 The story of Ethiopia’s Nile policy is consequently not simply the story of a dam. It is the story of a country seeking to overcome historical development constraints, strengthen financial autonomy and transform natural resources into productive capacity. The GERD is one chapter in that story. The larger challenge is whether Ethiopia can build a new generation of water, energy and agricultural infrastructure that turns its rivers into foundations for food security, industrialization, employment and regional prosperity. 

Financial Dimension

The financial dimension of this history is especially important. Development can be constrained without a single dam being physically attacked or a construction site being closed. Diplomatic opposition to external financing can increase political risk, discourage lenders and investors, and make major infrastructure projects more difficult and expensive to develop.

 Academic and policy literature has documented claims that Egypt used diplomatic influence to discourage international financial institutions from supporting upstream Nile projects. Research during the GERD era has also described lobbying involving institutions such as the African Development Bank, World Bank and European Investment Bank. Such claims should be examined project by project and supported by documentary evidence. Nevertheless, the broader historical pattern is significant. Ethiopia’s efforts to convert its water resources into electricity and irrigation have repeatedly encountered geopolitical resistance. 

 This history helps explain the significance of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam. When conventional external financing proved difficult to secure, Ethiopia increasingly turned to domestic mobilization. Citizens purchased bonds and contributed through savings and donations, while the government and state institutions mobilized substantial domestic resources. The GERD consequently became more than an infrastructure project. It became a demonstration of Ethiopia’s capacity to finance a strategic national undertaking despite difficulties in securing conventional international project finance. 

 Reflecting on this domestic achievement, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed emphasized, “For 14 years, millions of ordinary citizens contributed to finance the construction of GERD, ranging from farmers and daily laborers to students and civil servants." 

 Economic Accountability

 The issue has now entered a new phase. In October 2026, Water and Energy Minister Habtamu Itefa announced that Ethiopia had established a national committee to assess economic losses and foregone development opportunities associated with water projects that Ethiopia says were “blocked or obstructed by Egyptians.” According to the minister, the committee had identified more than 22 projects, including the GERD. 

 "Number one is to identify and to claim the total amount of loss that they have imposed on Ethiopia because of our development. We have prepared as many projects as possible which they have opposed, including the GERD,” he said.

 The significance of this initiative extends beyond the question of compensation. It represents an attempt to quantify a dimension of the Nile dispute that has often remained political and rhetorical: the development opportunities Ethiopia says it lost because of external opposition.

If properly documented on a project-by-project basis, such an assessment could provide a more concrete basis for understanding how diplomatic pressure, financing constraints and geopolitical competition affected Ethiopia’s infrastructure development over several decades.

 Water Infrastructure, and Food Security 

 Ethiopia has repeatedly stated that completing one dam does not exhaust its development needs. A country of more than 120 million people facing rapid urbanization, industrialization, food insecurity and rising electricity demand cannot reasonably be expected to freeze its water infrastructure at the level that existed before the GERD.

 The country needs more electricity for households, schools, hospitals, irrigation systems, industrial parks, manufacturing facilities, transport infrastructure and digital services. It also needs reliable water storage to reduce its dependence on increasingly unpredictable rainfall.

 The nation is widely described as the “Water Tower of East Africa” because of its substantial highland rainfall and extensive river systems. Yet possessing water resources is not equivalent to having usable water infrastructure. The country’s major river basins contain substantial hydropower, irrigation and water supply potential, much of which remains underdeveloped.

 The development gap is particularly visible in electricity access and agricultural productivity. Millions of Ethiopians have historically depended on traditional biomass for cooking and household energy, while electricity consumption per person remains low by international standards. At the same time, much of the agricultural economy continues to depend on seasonal rainfall, leaving millions of farmers exposed to drought, irregular rainfall and increasingly severe climate shocks.

  Properly designed multipurpose reservoirs can provide electricity, irrigation, domestic water supply, flood regulation and drought management simultaneously. They can create infrastructure for agricultural commercialization and industrialization while reducing the volatility created by seasonal rainfall. 

Agriculture remains central to Ethiopia’s economy and employment structure. Yet rain-fed farming leaves millions of farmers exposed to climatic uncertainty. Expanding irrigation can fundamentally change this equation. Multipurpose dams connected to modern irrigation networks can allow farmers to move from dependence on a single rainy season toward more reliable and, where conditions permit, multiple cropping cycles. 

 The objective should therefore not simply be to build more reservoirs. It should be to create integrated water and agricultural systems in which storage, irrigation, roads, electricity, markets, storage facilities and agro-processing develop together.

 Building Hydrological Buffers

 Ethiopia’s rainfall is highly seasonal and geographically uneven. Large volumes of annual runoff occur during a relatively short rainy season, while many areas experience extended dry periods. This creates a fundamental water management challenge: substantial quantities of water can arrive within weeks or months, while communities and farms require reliable supplies throughout the year.

Storage infrastructure provides one mechanism for managing this imbalance. Well-designed reservoirs can capture part of the excess water during periods of heavy rainfall and release it gradually during dry periods. They can moderate flood peaks, improve irrigation reliability and support electricity generation when natural river flows decline.

 The value of storage is likely to become increasingly important as climate variability intensifies. Ethiopia cannot control global climate change, but it can strengthen its capacity to manage its consequences through reservoirs, watershed restoration, irrigation, soil conservation, early warning systems and improved hydrological forecasting.

 Dam construction must therefore be accompanied by serious watershed management. Afforestation, soil conservation, erosion control and sediment management are essential because the long-term performance of reservoirs depends not only on engineering design but also on the condition of the watersheds that feed them.

 Equitable Utilization

 Ethiopia’s pursuit of additional water infrastructure does not inherently conflict with cooperation with downstream countries. On the contrary, equitable and reasonable utilization provides a framework through which the development interests of all Nile Basin states can be recognized.

Reaffirming this legal baseline, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed stated: "Ethiopia reaffirms its legal right to the equitable and reasonable utilization of the Nile waters... Our development seeks peace, shared growth, and mutual benefit, not harm to downstream neighbors." 

 This is particularly important because the Nile Basin is not composed of countries with identical levels of development, population pressures, water availability or economic needs. A sustainable basin framework must therefore account for changing demographic realities and legitimate development requirements rather than freezing the basin into historical patterns of utilization.

 Ethiopia’s position can consequently be framed not as a demand for unlimited use, but as a demand for development within a cooperative and rules-based framework. Ethiopia can recognize downstream interests while insisting that its own people also possess legitimate interests in electricity, irrigation, food security and economic development.

 Geopolitics of Development Pressure

 Ethiopia’s pursuit of hydropower, agricultural development and Red Sea access has altered regional strategic calculations and generated new concerns among neighboring states. Ethiopia maintains that the project is essential to its development and can operate without causing significant harm to downstream countries. The disagreement has consequently evolved into both a water dispute and a broader geopolitical contest.

 From Ethiopia’s perspective, the dispute over water resources cannot be examined separately from the wider geopolitical environment surrounding the country. In particular, Ethiopian officials and political actors have increasingly raised concerns about what they regard as a convergence between Egypt and Eritrea aimed at constraining Ethiopia’s regional influence and development.

The Egypt-Eritrea convergence narrative rests on the argument that Cairo and Asmara have found common strategic ground in opposing the expansion of Ethiopia’s economic, political and strategic capacity. 

The significance of the relationship lies partly in Eritrea’s strategic location on the Red Sea and Egypt’s longstanding concern about Ethiopia’s growing influence in the Horn. 

Egypt and Eritrea have also been supporting forces hostile to the Ethiopian government and of contributing to a regional security environment that places additional pressure on Addis Ababa. These include claims involving diplomatic pressure, political networks and support for actors opposed to the Ethiopian government. 

A stronger Ethiopia means greater electricity generation, expanded irrigation, increased industrial capacity, stronger foreign exchange earnings and greater ability to pursue independent regional diplomacy. It also means a country with greater leverage in its relations with neighboring states and greater capacity to pursue its long-term ambition for dependable and mutually beneficial access to the Red Sea.

The appropriate response is not simply confrontation. The strongest answer to external pressure is accelerated development, institutional resilience, financial self-reliance and sustained diplomatic engagement. Every additional megawatt generated, every hectare brought under irrigation, every industrial investment attracted and every regional electricity connection established can reduce the vulnerabilities that external actors might exploit.

 Next Generation of Dams

The most important lesson from the GERD may ultimately be financial rather than political.  Ethiopia demonstrated that large strategic infrastructure can be financed through substantial domestic mobilization when conventional external financing is unavailable or politically complicated. The next stage, however, should be more sophisticated.

 Domestic resources should remain central, but they can be combined with carefully structured concessional finance, private investment, diaspora capital, institutional investors, green finance and revenues generated through electricity exports. The objective should be to build a diversified infrastructure financing system that reduces exposure to political pressure from any single external actor.

 Electricity exports are particularly important in this regard. Ethiopia’s expanding generation capacity creates the possibility of converting hydropower into foreign exchange while simultaneously supporting industrialization at home. Electricity exports to neighboring countries can therefore serve two purposes: strengthening regional economic interdependence and improving Ethiopia’s capacity to finance future infrastructure.

 A stronger domestic financial system would also allow Ethiopia to mobilize its own savings more effectively. Pension funds, insurance institutions, banks, long-term savings schemes and capital markets can become sources of infrastructure finance if appropriate safeguards and investment frameworks are established.

 The GERD represents a historic milestone, but it should not be viewed as the endpoint of Ethiopia’s water development. The next challenge is to build an integrated national water strategy across the country’s major river basins.

 Regional Integration

 Ethiopia’s hydropower potential also offers a powerful opportunity for regional integration. Electricity can cross borders without many of the logistical complications associated with transporting physical commodities. Underlining this vision, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed emphasized: "Regional integration and trade will be crucial to the future of our continent, allowing us to grow beyond primary commodities and accelerate our shared development." 

 Ethiopia can produce renewable electricity, export it to neighboring countries and use the resulting revenues to finance further economic development. Sudan, Djibouti, Kenya and other neighboring countries can benefit from reliable and relatively low-carbon electricity, while Ethiopia benefits from export earnings and stronger regional economic relationships.

 This creates an important alternative to the traditional zero-sum conception of Nile politics. Instead of asking which country gains and which country loses from every cubic meter of water, the region can increasingly ask how shared water resources can generate more electricity, more food, more trade and greater economic security for everyone.

 Conclusion

 Ethiopia’s case for continued development of its water resources rests on a straightforward reality: a country cannot eradicate poverty, expand food production, industrialize and provide modern energy to its population while leaving much of its water infrastructure potential unused.

The GERD demonstrated that Ethiopia can overcome major financial and geopolitical obstacles through domestic mobilization and strategic determination. The government’s initiative to document more than 22 projects it says were obstructed by Egypt provides an opportunity to examine the historical dimension of the dispute through evidence rather than rhetoric. 

 The central issue is therefore no longer whether Ethiopia will develop its water resources. It is how it will do so. For Ethiopia, water development is ultimately about much more than dams. It is about turning rainfall and river flows into electricity, irrigation, food, employment, industrial production and economic opportunity. For the wider Nile Basin, the choice is between continuing to treat water development as a zero-sum geopolitical struggle and recognizing water infrastructure as a potential foundation for regional integration. 

 Ethiopia’s legitimate development aspirations cannot be subordinated indefinitely to historical patterns of water utilization. The strongest Ethiopian strategy, therefore, is neither confrontation nor retreat. It is evidence, engineering, financial resilience, responsible resource management and diplomacy. If Ethiopia can combine these elements, its rivers can become not instruments of regional rivalry but foundations for national transformation, food security, energy security and shared prosperity across the Horn of Africa.

Ethiopian Airlines Resumes Mekelle Flights, Rekindling Hope for Peace and Normalcy

Addis Ababa, October 11, 2026 (ENA) — The resumption of Ethiopian Airlines’ commercial flights between Addis Ababa and Mekelle has brought relief to stranded passengers and renewed hope for families, businesses, and communities seeking a return to normal life in Tigray region.

The service resumed on October 11 following a two-week suspension, restoring a vital air link between Mekelle, the regional capital, and the rest of the country.

Passengers arriving at Alula Aba Nega International Airport welcomed the resumption as more than a return to air travel, describing it as an important step toward reconnecting communities.

They described the resumption as a vital step toward reuniting families, revitalizing business activities, and improving access to essential goods and medical supplies.

As ENA reported from the scene, passengers also emphasized that sustaining peace and restoring essential services are critical to ensuring that the renewed connectivity translates into lasting improvements in people's lives.

Ashenafi Solomon, one of the passengers on the first flight, expressed relief at finally returning to Mekelle after being stranded in Addis Ababa during the suspension.

“I feel very happy. I had traveled to Mekelle for work, but when the flights were unexpectedly canceled, I was deeply disappointed. Now that flights have resumed amid relative peace, I was able to travel on the first flight,” he said.

Solomon noted that the interruption had compounded difficulties for residents, particularly by disrupting transportation, trade, and access to essential goods and medicines.

He urged the federal government and other stakeholders to consolidate peace and ensure the uninterrupted delivery of medical supplies and humanitarian assistance to communities in need.

“The people of Tigray have suffered greatly. Trade and access to medicine have been disrupted, and many people continue to face serious difficulties. We want peace to be strengthened and sustained so that essential supplies and assistance can reach those who need them,” he said.

Beyond the immediate relief brought by the restored air link, Solomon underscored the human cost of continued conflict and the urgent need for lasting peace.

“We have suffered enough. Families are losing their sons in this fratricidal conflict. We want lasting peace so that the people of Tigray can live in peace and rebuild their lives,” he said, expressing hope for stability across the country.

Another passenger, Natnael Solomon, also welcomed the resumption, describing it as an encouraging development for a region whose people need peace and opportunities to rebuild their lives.

“The benefits of this flight are clear. The people of Tigray are peace-loving and need peace. We are happy that the service has resumed, and we hope that conditions will continue to improve, normal activities will be restored, and progress will be sustained,” he said.

For Natnael, the return of flights also carries a deeply personal significance, allowing people to reunite with loved ones and resume interrupted activities.

“We are going to meet our relatives and resume our work. I am very happy, and it is difficult to express how I feel,” he said.

He called on both the government and the public to contribute to sustaining peace and building on the progress made toward restoring normal life.

Hadera, another passenger who had been stranded in Addis Ababa during the suspension, similarly welcomed the return of Ethiopian Airlines services to Mekelle.

“I am very happy that Ethiopian Airlines flights have resumed to Mekelle. I was stuck in Addis Ababa because of the suspension. We all need peace, and we want that peace to be sustained,” he said.

The restoration of commercial flights marks a significant step toward reestablishing vital transportation links to Tigray, with implications extending beyond passenger travel to trade, humanitarian operations, access to healthcare, and regional economic activity.

However, passengers stressed that the benefits of restored connectivity will depend on sustained peace, reliable essential services, and improved access to supplies for communities affected by disruptions.

Flights to Axum and Shire are also expected to resume soon, potentially extending the renewed air connectivity to other parts of Tigray and supporting the movement of people and goods.

For passengers returning to Mekelle, the resumption represents both a practical relief and a renewed hope that peace, connectivity, and normal life can be restored and sustained across the region.

Ethiopian Official Promises Change in Tigray After Troops Retake Regional Capital

By KHALED KAZZIHA and AMIR AMAN KIYARO

1:15 PM EDT, October 11, 2026

NAIROBI, Kenya (AP) — A former Tigray leader now advising Ethiopia’s prime minister on Sunday promised a “visible change” in the region after government-allied units retook Mekelle city following renewed fighting with opposition forces.

Ethiopian Airlines resumed flights to the city of Mekelle on Sunday for the first time since rebels led by the Tigray People’s Liberation Front seized the airport on Sept. 23. They withdrew Oct. 3, when government-allied fighters entered the city.

Renewed fighting in Tigray has undermined the 2022 peace agreement that ended a two-year war, as mounting tensions between Ethiopia and neighboring Eritrea have raised fears of a wider conflict.

“I would like to assure you on this occasion that we will bring visible change, a change beyond mere hope,” Getachew Reda, an adviser to Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, told supporters who greeted him and intelligence chief Redwan Hussein at Mekelle airport. He did not elaborate.

The 2020-2022 war in Tigray caused about 500,000 civilian deaths from violence, famine and the collapse of health services, according to researchers at Ghent University in Belgium.

The Tigray People’s Liberation Front joined six other opposition groups last month in an alliance seeking to oust Abiy.

U.N. Secretary-General António Guterres on Friday urged all parties to cease hostilities and resume dialogue. He warned that fighting risked further destabilizing the wider region.

Ethiopia told the U.N. Security Council on Friday that it was taking self-defense measures, accusing Eritrea of sending troops across the border and occupying parts of northern Ethiopia. Ethiopian authorities previously have accused Eritrea of supporting the TPLF, an allegation Eritrea has denied.

Ethiopian Foreign Minister Gedion Timothewos did not specify the measures being taken. His letter to the council did not identify the occupied areas or provide evidence supporting the allegations. The Associated Press could not independently verify the claims.

Eritrean Foreign Minister Osman Saleh urged the council to condemn what he called a “deplorable declaration of war” by Ethiopia. His response did not confirm or deny the alleged troop crossings.

The dispute deepens a rift between the two countries whose armies fought together against the TPLF during the 2020-2022 war.

____

Kiyaro reported from Hamburg, Germany. Associated Press journalist Filmon Equar Hailu in Mekelle, Ethiopia contributed to this report.

139 Migrants, Including Children, Die After Boat Capsizes off Djibouti

By JAMEY KEATEN and CLAUDIA CIOBANU

5:34 PM EDT, October 11, 2026

GENEVA (AP) — At least 139 people, including children, have died after a boat carrying more than 300 migrants capsized off the coast of Djibouti in east Africa, the International Organization for Migration said Sunday.

That number only includes those buried by authorities in Djibouti. Others have been buried by the migrants themselves but they won’t be added to the official count until authorities can verify the bodies, Alexandre Coissac, IOM Chief of Mission in Djibouti, told the AP via the phone.

“What is terrible is that they were buried with no names, in a common grave, like in a war situation,” Coissac said. “They all have a mother, a father, and we may never learn what happened.”

Coissac said the migrants boarded the ship in the evening of Oct. 8 and that it sank very soon after, close to the shore, “mainly because it was overcrowded.”

“The local authorities did their best,” Coissac said, “but they were overwhelmed with all the bodies that kept coming at once towards the shore.”

He said authorities were bringing the surviving migrants to the IOM rescue center in Obock where they receive medical assistance after swallowing sea water, and psychological support.

“They’re all in a state of shock,” Coissac, who visited the area of the shipwreck Saturday, said. “I tried to talk to some of them but it’s very difficult.”

Some of the migrants in the IOM center are already aware that their family members died during the shipwreck. Others were given access to phones to call loved ones back home to notify them they are alive.

At least 84 people remained missing in one of the deadliest shipwrecks yet on the popular but perilous crossing from the Horn of Africa to the Arabian Peninsula, where many migrants seek work in rich Gulf nations.

The boat was traveling from Djibouti to Yemen when it capsized on Thursday night or Friday morning, according to the IOM. More than 80 people survived, all of them Ethiopian nationals, it said.

The Geneva-based U.N. migration agency said the vessel had 305 people on board and warned that the death toll could still rise.

Personal items likely belonging to the migrants, including shoes, were seen on a beach in a video shared by IOM. Rescue work continued as fears grew for the missing.

Tens of thousands of migrants from the Horn of Africa travel every year through Djibouti and across the Bab el-Mandeb Strait towards Gulf countries in search of safety and economic opportunities, the IOM said in its statement.

That movement has continued despite newly escalating fighting in Yemen, on the other side of the strait.

“This is a devastating loss of life,” said Coissac. “This tragedy is a stark reminder of the dangers faced by migrants along this migration corridor as they seek economic opportunities.”

In recent weeks, at least 2,000 Yemenis have received aid in Djibouti as the fighting has escalated in Yemen between the Saudi-backed, internationally recognized government and Iranian-backed Houthi rebels.

That’s the opposite direction from the movement of the migrants who died in the shipwreck and the typical migration patterns of recent years: The tens of thousands who cross from eastern Africa toward Yemen each year have typically been looking for work in places like Saudi Arabia.

Over 900 migrants died or went missing along the route last year, according to IOM’s Missing Migrants Project.

“No one gets into a boat like that unless they believe there is no other safe way,” IOM Director-General Amy Pope said. “We cannot keep treating these deaths as normal. Safe and legal pathways save lives. I am asking governments and donors to act before the next boat goes down.”

___

Ciobanu reported from Warsaw, Poland.

In Spain’s Ceuta, a Delayed Government Response Leaves Underage Migrants on the Streets

By SUMAN NAISHADHAM

12:00 PM EDT, October 10, 2026

CEUTA, Spain (AP) — Hundreds of teenage migrants lined up outside a church in Ceuta in early October, hoping Spain’s visiting minister of youth would bring them some good news: passage to continental Europe or at least a spot in a shelter.

For two months, they had slept on cardboard sheets and ripped sofas in squalid tent camps, or on the streets of the Spanish city in North Africa that juts into the Mediterranean like a thumb. On clear days, southern Spain is visible on the horizon.

Among them was a 17-year-old aspiring model from northern Morocco. In late July, he crossed into Ceuta with around 80,000 others in what would become Spain’s deadliest border crisis.

“Pray for me!” he told an Associated Press reporter. But instead, the teens were led down a steep hill to a soccer field so as not to overwhelm the minister. Within hours, many were back on the streets and hillsides.

Another setback for the young migrants, the scene also illustrated the Spanish government’s slow, often improvised response to the migration crisis in the territory. Thousands of minors reached Ceuta alone and, under Spanish law, are entitled to shelter, healthcare and education. Experts acknowledge the difficulties authorities face, but say the government may simply be hoping that many of them give up and head home.

“I was expecting a really easy experience,” said the 17-year-old, who did not want his name used because he is alone in Ceuta and fears for his safety. “I was expecting two to three weeks of this.”

Open-air, makeshift camps with adults and children have festered on beaches, at warehouses and on hillsides since tens of thousands of people swam or climbed around a breakwater that separates Morocco from Ceuta in July. About 140 people died trying to cross. Most of those who made it left within days, but officials do not have an exact count of how many people stayed.

A few thousand people lived in one beachside camp where the air reeked of human waste. Children as young as 13 slept and showered among adult men who frequently broke into fights.

Elsewhere, minors hid in the steep, narrow streets of some of the city’s predominantly Muslim neighborhoods.

“Our streets are littered with kids,” said Ahmed Enfed-Dal, the president of a neighborhood association.

Spanish prosecutors are investigating reports of torture and mistreatment of migrants, including minors. In September, Amnesty International published a report detailing allegations of cruel, inhumane or degrading treatment by Spanish soldiers. The report also mentioned the unsafe conditions of underage migrants and allegations of sexual abuse of girls.

In early October, the 17-year-old said he was sleeping in a car with other teens from Morocco. When he first arrived, he slept in a garage with two other minors. A resident charged them each 15 euros ($17) per night. Unable to keep paying, he went back to the streets.

“People tried to rob me twice and hit me,” he said. As weeks became months, he has started questioning why he stayed, but feels he cannot return to Morocco.

Like many Moroccan teens, he told the AP his high school diploma afforded limited opportunities back home. In Tetouan, just 40 kilometers (25 miles) south of Ceuta, he worked with his father as a butcher. He said his family has encouraged him to stay.

“Morocco is a good tourist place,” he said. “But it’s not a good place to be a citizen.”

A political blame game hardens

Minors who reach Spanish soil alone are the responsibility of regional governments or, in Ceuta’s case, the city. Under Spanish law, a child can be sent back to his or her home country only under specific circumstances.

Spain’s national government has told Ceuta to process those below 18 on a case-by-case basis, approving more than 90 million euros ($101 million) in funding, but the city insists it does not have the resources. Spain’s Youth Minister Sira Rego has said most minors in Ceuta wish to stay in Spain, and “they will do so,” she told Spanish radio station Cadena Ser.

But Ceuta’s Mayor Juan Vivas has urged national authorities to find a way to send the minors from Morocco back home.

“It’s easy to judge from over there,” Vivas said in September. “But you’ve got to be here.”

No one knows how many migrants stayed

The two sides also have disagreed over something even more fundamental: How many migrants are still in Ceuta.

After the initial border rush, Spain’s interior minister said all but 2,000 people had gone back to Morocco. Spain revised the figure to up to 10,000 migrants in September. But Ceuta’s mayor says up to 15,000 people remain, acknowledging “the figure changes from one day to the next.”

Estimates of the number of unaccompanied minors have also fluctuated. Authorities say thousands remain in the city, though it’s unclear how many are unsheltered.

Rights groups have criticized Spain for still not knowing how many minors there are.

“We understand that the protection system is currently overwhelmed, but that does not change the fact that there should be an official registry of all individuals in the city who declare themselves to be minors,” said Jennifer Zuppiroli, a migration expert at Save the Children in Spain.

Some remain in vulnerable situations

As more minors have entered shelters, those still waiting are growing weary.

For weeks, the aspiring model visited the beachside tent camp to collect food from the Red Cross. He and dozens of migrant boys staged small demonstrations, appealing to authorities for help.

“We just want one thing — that Spain protects minors. Long live Spain!” read a tattered sign that boys as young as 13 held up as traffic whizzed past.

In early October, Spanish police started bulldozing the camp and mountains of detritus. Groups of migrants were bused elsewhere. Rights groups and others said some minors were taken to the border.

Over WhatsApp, the 17-year-old said he knew some teenagers whom police had taken from the beach. Some ended up in shelters. He was disappointed it happened on the one day he didn’t visit the camp.

Fearful that the police will send him back to Morocco, he has stayed hidden.

“I’m feeling tired for the first time since I came,” he said. “It’s been two months and we’re still living in the streets.”

2 Months After Spain’s Worst Border Crisis, Migrants at a Ceuta Tent Camp Weigh Their Choices

By SUMAN NAISHADHAM and BERNAT ARMANGUÉ

12:48 PM EDT, October 11, 2026

CEUTA, Spain (AP) — Many of the migrants in a sprawling tent village in Ceuta came searching for better economic opportunities. Others fled war and violence, or sought refuge in Spain because of their gender or sexuality.

With a humanitarian crisis unfolding, some have come forward with allegations of abuse.

Interviews at the now-demolished camp revealed migrants’ motivations for seeking protection.

Moroccan artisan, 27, says Spanish soldiers beat him

A Moroccan migrant recalled pressing his shirt against his head in the early morning. The blood kept flowing.

A group of Spanish soldiers had tied his head to a tree that September morning, he said, and struck him in the head, on the back and on his arms. He spoke on condition of anonymity out of fear for his safety.

The soldiers had approached him and another migrant and told them to follow, saying that their superior would register them, according to a police report he filed, which The Associated Press has reviewed.

“They stuffed us into the trunk of a car, locked us in and drove us to the forest,” he said in an interview on Oct. 1. His mouth was covered with gray electrical tape, he said.

“When they were beating me, I saw death, only death,” he said. “Imagine your face being tied to a tree while they strike your head, taking hit after hit, right to the front of your face.”

He received staples in his head for his injuries, he said, and showed the AP his healing wounds. He said he wants to hold the soldiers to account.

Spanish prosecutors are investigating reports of torture and mistreatment of migrants in Ceuta, including minors. Amnesty International published a report in September detailing allegations of inhumane treatment by Spanish soldiers.

“I never thought anything like this could happen,” the artisan said. “We truly believed the people here are good and that the government is decent.”

“Sometimes I ask myself why I even came here, but other times I tell myself that God will help me.”

Transgender man, 19, returns to Morocco

A transgender teen swam to Ceuta in July from the Moroccan city of Fnideq. Soon, he thought, he would be in a shelter. Instead, he spent nearly two months at the beachside camp.

He left home because of the challenges of being transgender, he said. He spoke on the condition of anonymity due to fears of reprisals for his gender identity.

“People in Morocco don’t have any mercy,” he said in an interview on Sept. 29. “They look at the outside of you, not the inside.”

In Ceuta, he said he briefly lived with extended family, but they kicked him out after learning about his identity. “They didn’t accept my situation,” he said.

Spain’s asylum law recognizes gender identity and sexual orientation as valid grounds for seeking protection. Cases are assessed individually.

In early October, he returned to Morocco after police cleared the camp.

A gay man threatened by his family

A soft-spoken 34-year-old man left Tetouan, in northern Morocco, after his brother found pictures of him and his boyfriend on his phone and threatened to report them to the police.

The brothers were already in a bitter dispute over the sale of a family home. In a previous argument, he said his brother had burned him with hot oil.

He spoke on condition of anonymity for fear of reprisals from his family, community and the Moroccan government.

Consensual sexual activity with members of the same sex is illegal in Morocco, and can be publishable by fines and up to three years imprisonment. Hundreds of men and women are prosecuted annually under such laws, according to the U.S. State Department.

Homosexuality is regularly cited as an asylum claim for Moroccans attempting to flee.

“I left Morocco because being gay is so hard,” he said.

Persecuted for criticizing Islam

A 28-year-old Moroccan asylum seeker said he received death threats for posting content online that is critical of Islam.

In 2025, he hosted TikTok livestreams focused on the religion. He began receiving death threats, and says he was kidnapped in Marrakech by a follower.

“That was the tipping point,” he said.

The AP was not able to independently verify his claims, but viewed a copy of his asylum paperwork in which he detailed them to Spanish authorities.

He spoke on condition of anonymity due to fear of reprisals. Publicly criticizing Islam in Morocco can lead to criminal prosecution, carrying prison sentences and fines.

He crossed into Ceuta in July, joining tens of thousands more.

“The first week was pure survival” he said. “It felt like running from zombies; some people wanted to attack you, others wanted to rob you.”

He fears for his safety if he is sent back to Morocco.

___

Associated Press writer Akram Oubachir in Casablanca, Morocco, contributed to this report.

Over 400 Saudi-backed Forces Killed or Wounded in Lahj: Source

By Al Mayadeen English

A senior Yemeni source tells Al Mayadeen that over 400 Saudi-backed forces were killed or wounded in Ras al-Ara, as Saudi Arabia mobilizes its ground forces despite the scale of its losses.

Saudi Arabia has been pressing its military mobilizations to achieve any field advance, regardless of the cost, a senior Yemeni source told Al Mayadeen, amid mounting casualties among Saudi-backed forces.

The source said there is growing discontent among Saudi-backed forces over the “shocking” number of dead and wounded, while Saudi Arabia continues pushing its forces forward despite the losses.

The Yemeni source said more than 400 members of the Giants Brigades, a Saudi-backed formation, have been killed or wounded so far in Ras al-Ara in Lahj, including commanders.

The mounting casualties have fueled discontent among Saudi-backed fighters, according to the source, who said the scale of the losses has become a source of growing concern among the forces deployed in the area.

The source added that the failure of Saudi Arabia’s air defense systems has pushed Riyadh to increase pressure on its ground mobilizations in an effort to secure a battlefield gain despite the losses.

Saudi Arabia caught off guard by Yemeni missile strikes

The senior Yemeni source further said Saudi Arabia was surprised by the volume and precision of Yemeni missile strikes.

The intensity of the Yemeni missile attacks, he said, has complicated Saudi Arabia’s efforts to achieve military gains and added pressure to its ongoing escalation against Yemen.

The source also pointed to growing fears in Saudi Arabia that the war could continue for an extended period, adding that some companies and investors have already begun considering leaving Saudi Arabia.

YAF repel second Saudi-backed advance toward Bab al-Mandab from Lahj

The Yemeni Armed Forces have repelled a Saudi-backed force attempting to advance toward Bab al-Mandab from Lahj for the second time within hours, saying they destroyed more than 22 armored vehicles and killed and wounded dozens of fighters, including several commanders.

In a statement, Yahya Saree, spokesperson for the Yemeni Armed Forces, said the YAF struck the advancing forces with a large number of ballistic missiles, supported by artillery and heavy weapons, preventing them from making any further advances.

The forces also reported that more than 30 ambulances had arrived in Aden carrying dead and wounded members of the Saudi-backed formations.

The announcement comes amid conflicting accounts of control over areas around Bab al-Mandab, with Saudi-backed forces claiming to have secured positions in the area while the Yemeni Armed Forces say they have repelled repeated advances and driven back the attacking forces.

Saudi Aviation Authority: Riyadh Airport Attack Kills 12, Hurts 309

By Al Mayadeen English

Saudi Arabia’s aviation authority says 12 people were killed and 309 wounded in Saturday’s attack on Riyadh airport. No group has claimed responsibility.

Saudi Arabia’s General Authority of Civil Aviation (GACA) said Sunday that 12 people were killed and 309 wounded in Saturday afternoon’s attack on King Khalid International Airport in Riyadh. Some of the wounded are in critical condition, and the authority said material damage is still being counted. No state or group has claimed responsibility.

A missile struck a complex housing terminals 3 and 4, which handle domestic flights, a regional official told the AP. All flights were diverted and Western governments told citizens to avoid the area.

Who was killed and wounded

Four of the dead are Saudi citizens, GACA said. The other eight are residents, including, two Bangladeshis, and one each from the United States, Egypt, Jordan, Syria, Palestine and Sudan. The injured are receiving care in several hospitals, the authority said.

No claim of responsibility

Al Mayadeen’s bureau chief in Yemen said reports suggest new Saudi airports have entered the circle of targeting, although Sanaa has made no announcement.

Earlier, Yemeni Armed Forces spokesman Brigadier General Yahya Saree announced in a statement that only pre-approved humanitarian flights may land at Riyadh airport. On Friday, he said humanitarian flights to and from the airport would be allowed with authorization from Sanaa’s Humanitarian Operations Coordination Center.

On Saturday, Sanaa said that Saudi Arabia Struck Sanaa International Airport.

The third attack on the airport this week

Attacks on October 6 and 7 hit the airports in Abha and Riyadh, killing three and wounding 36, GACA said. On Thursday, a Yemeni Armed Forces' missile attack on King Khalid airport killed three Saudis, including Saudia pilot, and damaged a Saudia plane.

On Monday, the Sanaa-based Humanitarian Operations Coordination Center warned international airlines that Saudi airspace would be a theater of operations for the Yemeni Armed Forces, and that Sanaa would bear no responsibility for what happens to aircraft.

Ansar Allah underlined that its operations answer Saudi air and missile strikes and the blockade on Yemen, which date back to 2015.

Flights, embassies, and Trump

At least 291 flights at Riyadh airport were canceled in the 24 hours before Saturday’s attack, according to FlightAware. Air India, flydubai, Lufthansa Group, Pakistan International Airlines and Kuwait Airways were among the carriers that suspended service. The United States, Britain, Germany and Spain warned their citizens to avoid the airport. The UK and Irish embassies described a “serious incident.”

An air traffic control source told TASS that Riyadh airport is expected to remain closed at least through the end of Sunday.

US President Donald Trump said Saturday that the United States “may” join Saudi strikes on Yemen.

“We’re going to look at it,” he told reporters.

Hizam Al-Assad: Yemen Controls Bab el-Mandeb, Ready for Any Escalation

By Al Mayadeen English

10 Oct 2026 23:40

Ansar Allah official Hizam al-Assad says Yemeni forces control Bab el-Mandeb and are prepared for further escalation, warning of additional retaliation if Saudi Arabia continues its aggression and blockade.

Yemeni forces control Bab el-Mandeb and are prepared to confront any further escalation, Ansar Allah political bureau member Hizam al-Assad told Al Mayadeen, warning Saudi Arabia that continued aggression and its blockade on Yemen would bring further retaliation.

Al-Assad said Sanaa had dealt a blow to Riyadh and those promoting claims that Saudi-affiliated forces controlled the strategic waterway. He described “desperate US and Saudi efforts to regain control of Bab el-Mandeb.”

According to al-Assad, the Yemeni Armed Forces had established control through firepower over Bab el-Mandeb and the Red Sea before taking control of the western coast. He added that Yemeni forces were holding their positions and advancing on the Taiz front.

Yemen warns of further responses

Al-Assad said the Yemeni Armed Forces had numerous options available and many surprises in store should Saudi Arabia continue its attacks and blockade.

“The Yemeni people are establishing an equation on the battlefield that the Saudi enemy, and anyone seeking to join it on this dangerous path, will come to understand,” he said.

He described the confrontation as a battle between the Saudi regime and the Yemeni people in all their diversity, stressing Yemen’s readiness to respond to aggression by the United States, “Israel,” or any other party.

Most facilities struck by Saudi aircraft in Yemen were civilian, he said, including airports, bridges and telecommunications networks.

Criticism of Qatar and Syrian authorities

Turning to Qatar, al-Assad accused Doha of stirring internal tensions and backing Riyadh’s hostile position toward Yemen.

“The Qatari regime is trying to offer sacrifices to the US administration by supporting the Saudi regime’s aggression against Yemen,” he said, urging Qatar to refrain from antagonizing the Yemeni people.

Al-Assad also criticized the Syrian authorities, saying territories under Israeli occupation were closer to Syria than Yemen was.

“If the Syrian regime wants to rid itself of the foreign mercenaries it has, it would be more appropriate to send them into an honorable battle: the liberation of Syrian territory,” he said.

Attacks disrupt operations at Riyadh airport

Meanwhile, Saudi Arabia’s civil aviation authority confirmed that an attack on King Khalid International Airport in Riyadh injured several people and prompted a temporary suspension of operations.

Kuwait Airways subsequently canceled Saturday’s flights to and from Riyadh, citing the airport’s closure because of the “security situation.” The British and US embassies also advised their citizens to avoid the airport.

The disruption followed three separate operations targeting the airport on Thursday, which the Yemeni Armed Forces said had achieved precise, direct hits and interrupted air traffic.

On Friday, the Saudi General Authority of Civil Aviation announced that three Saudi citizens had been killed in two attacks on King Khalid International Airport.

The Yemeni Armed Forces have been targeting airports and vital facilities deep inside Saudi territory, alongside Saudi-affiliated military concentrations in Yemen, in response to the ongoing Saudi aggression and blockade.

Crude Tanker Strikes Mine, Catches Fire in Hormuz: IRGC

By Al Mayadeen English

10 Oct 2026 23:39

The IRGC said a crude oil supertanker struck a naval mine and caught fire while attempting to leave the Strait of Hormuz through a route it deemed unauthorized.

A supertanker carrying crude oil erupted in flames after striking a naval mine while attempting to leave the Strait of Hormuz through an unauthorized route, Iran’s Islamic Revolution Guard Corps (IRGC) said Saturday.

In a statement carried by Iranian media, the IRGC Navy said the vessel had switched off its navigation and positioning systems before entering a passage it had previously warned was dangerous. It attributed a powerful explosion aboard the tanker to contact with a naval mine.

The force said the resulting fire was large enough to be clearly visible to residents along the coast. It also renewed its warning to tankers against disregarding the navigation restrictions it has imposed in the strait.

The statement did not identify the vessel, its flag or operator, and provided no details on casualties or potential environmental damage. A Reuters-attributed report also carried the announcement, citing Iranian state media, without providing independent confirmation of the mine strike.

Announcement follows Friday’s reported strike

Saturday’s announcement came a day after the IRGC said it had struck an LPG carrier it identified as NV Sunshine while the vessel attempted to navigate a route south of the Strait of Hormuz that Iran deemed unauthorized.

According to AFP’s reporting on Friday’s statement, the IRGC said the strike caused a fire in the vessel’s engine room and propulsion system. That announcement concerned a gas carrier, while Saturday’s statement described an unnamed crude oil tanker.

The IRGC Navy also warned Friday that its actions against vessels disregarding its restrictions would extend beyond the strait, threatening to pursue such ships elsewhere in the region.

Shipping traffic falls amid mounting attacks

The developments come amid renewed disruption to shipping during the US-Israeli war on Iran.

Reuters reported Thursday that tracked vessel movements through Hormuz had fallen to their lowest level in more than two months. According to analytics firm Kpler, seven commodity vessels crossed on October 6, the lowest figure since July 23, before the number rose to 10 the following day.

Those figures exclude vessels sailing with their Automatic Identification System transponders switched off, limiting the picture of overall traffic through the waterway.

Zambia Finalises U.S.$1.5 Billion U.S. Health Funding Deal As Zimbabwe Rejects Terms

President of the Republic of Zambia, Hakainde Hichilema.

8 October 2026

New Zimbabwe (London)

Zambia is set to sign a US$1.5 billion health funding agreement with the United States this week after resolving a dispute over sensitive health data-sharing requirements.

Zimbabwe and Ghana, however, will miss out on the funding after rejecting the terms over concerns about the sharing of sensitive health data.

The development comes as both countries grapple with health funding challenges that cannot be fully addressed through their own national budgets.

Zambia had initially rejected the deal, with Foreign Minister Mulambo Haimbe criticising what he described as a US attempt to link health funding to American economic interests by connecting the agreement to a separate deal granting Washington access to critical minerals.

However, in an update on Tuesday, Zambian authorities confirmed that they had overcome obstacles encountered earlier this year over a US request for access to medical data and would now proceed with the agreement.

"The government is pleased to announce that it will sign the agreement on Thursday," Health Minister Roma Chilengi said.

Chilengi said the agreement would see the US provide US$1.5 billion in health funding over five years, while Zambia would contribute US$2.1 billion.

The United States is already a major supporter of Zambia's HIV/AIDS, malaria and public health programmes.

Like several other African countries, Zambia had raised concerns over an initial US condition requiring the sharing of broad sets of medical data in exchange for financial support.

Chilengi said the data-sharing provisions had since been narrowed.

He explained that data-sharing would now be "limited to providing information required to monitor and evaluate US-funded health programs."

"A previously proposed clause, which would have required Zambia to share patient medical specimens upon request, has been removed," the health official said.

Earlier this year, Zimbabwe rejected a US$367 million US health funding proposal, describing its terms as "lopsided" and a breach of national sovereignty, particularly over the sharing of sensitive health data and biological samples.

The United States had demanded unrestricted access to epidemiological data and citizens' biological samples for research and commercial purposes.

With the US set to end all bilateral health funding to Zimbabwe by the end of September, just before the start of the malaria season, the country faces significant gaps in its health budget.

Researchers have warned that, "as a consequence of full PEPFAR withdrawal and no additional government or international support," Zimbabwe could record more than 75,000 new HIV infections within a year.

Read the original article on New Zimbabwe.