Domestic and International Dimensions of the Sudanese War

An intra-military conflagration has its origins in the colonial occupation of North Africa and the inevitable neo-colonial legacy of continuing imperialist domination of the world system

By Abayomi Azikiwe

Editor, Pan-African News Wire

Monday October 5, 2026

Geostrategic Review

Sudan prior to 2011 was the largest geographic nation-state on the African continent.

Since its partitioning, which was supposed to bring peace and stability between the Republic of Sudan and the newly formed Republic of South Sudan, has not resolved the damage done by two civil wars fought between the northern and southern regions between 1955 and 2005.

A half-century of political divisions and armed conflict wreaked havoc on the people of the country, stifling its capacity to develop even after its national independence from Britain on January 1, 1956. London, after conquering the people of Sudan and its northern neighbor of Egypt during the 19th century, ruled all three entities in a manner which fostered sectionalism between the entities involved.

Britain had been a major player in the rise and dominance of the Atlantic Slave Trade in the period of the 17th to the 19th centuries. Although Britain was not the first European state to enslave and colonize African people, they played a critical role in undermining the Spanish, Portuguese and other European powers which had entered the continent much earlier beginning in the 15th and 16th centuries.

During the course of the 19th century, Egypt and Sudan were ruled as an autonomous outpost of the Ottoman Empire. Khedivate Egypt was characterized as a tributary state which governed the area between 1867 and the beginning of World War I in 1914.

The Khedivate was ruled by the dynasty of Muhammad Ali Pasha. They took over the administrative control of Egypt after the defeat of the French military leader Napoleon Bonaparte in a campaign alongside the British military forces in 1801.

Napoleon could not maintain complete French dominance of Egypt after its intervention in 1798 and was forced to cede control three years later. The objective of France was to disrupt British trade routes from North Africa to India. Napoleon believed that the control of Egypt would destroy the British colonial power around the world.

Hence even as early as the late 18th century, the control of this geostrategic area was important in the inter-imperialist rivalry between Western European powers. The building of the Suez Canal by the French diplomat Ferdinand de Lesseps who formed the Compagnie de Suez began in 1859 and took a decade to complete.

After 1869, European shareholders largely from France and England owned the Suez Canal until 1956 when the then Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nassar nationalized the company. The Suez Canal war of October-November 1956 between Egypt which fought against Britain, France and Israel proved to be a turning point in the anti-colonial struggle as Nassar prevailed when the United States under President Dwight Eisenhower rejected the colonial bid by France and Britain to reassert its imperialist dominance over the North Africa and West Asia region.

Sudanese Resistance to British Colonialism

The area known today as Sudan along with Egypt had built the earliest human civilizations in history dating back thousands of years. In fact, a canal had been built linking the Mediterranean to the Red Sea during the Sixth Dynastic period in Egyptian history from 1878-1839 BCE.

British military forces invaded and occupied the territory during the mid-1880s meeting fierce resistance from the Sudanese people under the leadership of Muhammad Ahmad, the Mahdi. British Major-General Charles George Gordon was killed in the siege on Khartoum.

The imposition of British colonialism in Sudan resulted in a systematic division of the northern and southern regions of the country. Sudan was governed by a joint consortium under British domination which included neighboring Egypt.

Brittanica reported on the conquering and administration of Sudan noting that:

“Having conquered the Sudan, the British now had to govern it. But the administration of this vast land was complicated by the legal and diplomatic problems that had accompanied the conquest. The Sudan campaigns had been undertaken by the British to protect their imperial position as well as the Nile waters, yet the Egyptian treasury had borne the greater part of the expense, and Egyptian troops had far outnumbered those of Britain in the Anglo-Egyptian army.” (https://www.britannica.com/place/Sudan/The-British-conquest)

TRT Afrika in their analysis of the divisive nature of British colonialism emphasized:

“The most important issue that the British faced during their first period in Sudan was the issue of security. In this context, the British administration in Khartoum, which imposed martial law and placed military bureaucrats in administrative positions in areas where there were problems of public order and British control had not yet been established, had two different approaches in northern and southern Sudan. Accordingly, while military administrators were appointed for a long time in South Sudan, where public order was the main issue, civilian administrators started to take office over time in North Sudan, where the situation was relatively more peaceful. This policy of dualism that divided Sudan between south and north, can be attributed as the origin of the division that Sudan experiences today.” (https://www.trtafrika.com/english/article/00a10b6aef92)

Consequently, seeds of internal divisions which would lead to civil war were sewn during the colonial period under Britain. At the time leading up to national independence in 1955-56, the first civil war erupted. The second civil war in Sudan was reignited in 1983 and continued to 2005 leading to the partition of 2011 and the founding of the Republic of South Sudan, Africa’s and the world’s newest nation-state.

Even after the partition, there were fierce clashes between the two states over the control of oil. Within the Republic of South Sudan after its independence a violent split arose between the two main factions of the SPLM/A with President Salva Kiir on the one hand and the former Vice President Reik Machar.

Divisions within the Republic of Sudan in the north created the conditions for the eruption of fighting in the western Darfur region. These internal conflicts are being reinforced in the current period with the armed opposition groupings taking sides in the war between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) led by General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) under the guidance of General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo.

The Current Crisis in Sudanese Governance

Since April 2023 there has been fierce fighting between the SAF and the RSF. Millions have been impacted in Sudan leading to an estimated death toll ranging from 150,000 to 400,00. 14 million people have been displaced with approximately 4 million fleeing the country.

Several international aid agencies and the United Nations have described the situation in the Republic of Sudan as the worst humanitarian crisis in the world. All efforts by regional organizations to resolve the crisis on a diplomatic level have failed.

There are various international actors who bear responsibility for the intractable situation. The United Arab Emirates (UAE), a close ally of the US, has been accused of funding and arming the RSF. The UAE is said to be involved in the theft and marketing of gold which exist in abundance in Sudan.

One Sudanese source reported about the ongoing humanitarian crisis during early October stressing:

“Four civilians, including a child and a woman, have been killed in RSF drone strikes on residential neighborhoods in Dilling, South Kordofan, the Sudan Doctors Network says. The network condemns the attacks as a grave violation of international humanitarian law. The attacks, carried out on Friday 2 October 2026, targeted the El Tomat, El Malikiyah, and El Ma’asir neighborhoods, injuring other residents. In a statement seen by Radio Dabanga, the network says attacks on residential neighborhoods and civilian areas constitute a grave violation of international humanitarian law and the rules protecting civilians during armed conflict. It says the attacks reflect a continuing pattern of violence that endangers civilian lives and worsens the humanitarian suffering of people in conflict zones. The network says repeated attacks on civilian gatherings, and the use of weapons in populated areas, increase casualties and undermine residents’ access to essential services. They also spread fear and instability among local communities. The Sudan Doctors Network called on the United Nations, international humanitarian organizations, and international human rights organizations to condemn attacks on civilians and residential neighborhoods, hold those responsible for the violations accountable, and take meaningful steps to protect civilians and ensure that perpetrators of serious crimes and violations do not escape justice.” (https://www.dabangasudan.org/en/all-news/article/sudan-doctors-network-four-civilians-killed-in-rsf-drone-attacks-on-south-kordofan)

Therefore, the RSF with the backing of the UAE have destroyed Sudanese cities and villages. The capital of Khartoum had been under the occupation of the RSF before being retaken by the SAF resulting in the destruction of critical infrastructure such as hospitals, schools and residential areas.

There needs to be a renewed push on the part of the African Union (AU) and other regional organizations to bring about a ceasefire and substantive talks between the belligerents in Sudan. The continuation of this fratricidal war will not benefit the people of Sudan and Africa as a whole. 

Ethiopia Ready to Repel Threats, Affirms PM Abiy Ahmed

Addis Ababa, October 5, 2026 (ENA)—Ethiopia is fully prepared to effectively confront and repel threats directed against the country, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed affirmed today, pledging that the newly established Medemer Government will remain firmly focused on protecting Ethiopia’s national interests and advancing its ambitions.

Prime Minister Abiy made the remarks in his address following his appointment for a second term during the government-formation session of the first working year of the seventh House of People’s Representatives. 

He subsequently took the oath of office, formally beginning his second term.

The government-formation session marks a new chapter in Ethiopia’s political and institutional journey following the June 1 Seventh General Election, in which more than 54 million citizens participated, according to the National Election Board of Ethiopia.

In his address, Prime Minister Abiy expressed gratitude to the millions of Ethiopians who participated in the election, saying their votes had contributed to strengthening the nation.

He described the seventh general election as more than a routine electoral exercise, saying it carried broader significance and demonstrated what he characterized as the growing maturity of Ethiopia’s democratic culture.

The Prime Minister said Ethiopia and the wider world are experiencing rapidly changing and increasingly unpredictable national, regional and global dynamics, stressing that preparedness is essential in such an environment.

According to PM Abiy, Ethiopia has paid a heavy price in the past because of inadequate preparation in a number of areas. 

He said now the country has learned from those experiences and has now made the necessary preparations to confront challenges and what he described as hostile acts directed against Ethiopia.

“Getting tripped up by an obstacle once is natural, but stumbling repeatedly is not normal,” he said, emphasizing the importance of learning from past experiences.

The Premier further stressed that Ethiopia can overcome its challenges only through unity and collective effort, calling on citizens to move forward together as equals.

He also assured Ethiopians that the country’s development trajectory should create opportunities for all citizens, declaring that “Ethiopia will have only winning citizens, not losers.”

Reflecting on the country’s development experience, the Prime Minister said Ethiopia’s progress in recent years had demonstrated that determined efforts could turn national aspirations into practical achievements.

He cited the expansion of summer wheat production as an example, recalling that when the government launched the initiative as part of its drive toward food sovereignty and reducing dependence on imported wheat, some dismissed the ambition as unrealistic.

He said the results have since demonstrated the potential of Ethiopia’s agricultural transformation.

The Prime Minister also pointed to the government’s ability to work with competing political actors in pursuit of national interests, saying Ethiopia had demonstrated in practice that political differences need not prevent cooperation on matters of national importance.

Speaking on sea access, Prime Minister Abiy said Ethiopia’s long-standing pursuit of reliable access to the sea remains a major national priority.

“We will work tirelessly to ensure Ethiopia secures a sea outlet,” he said, reiterating the government’s commitment to pursuing the issue.

Ethiopia has repeatedly stated that it seeks sea access through peaceful engagement, negotiation and mutually beneficial arrangements.

PM Abiy framed the issue within Ethiopia’s broader national aspirations, saying the country should not merely transform itself but should aspire to grow into a country capable of contributing to transformation beyond its borders.

He also invoked the country’s recent history of political and security challenge, recalling periods when Ethiopia’s unity and survival were portrayed as being at risk.

According to the Prime Minister, those challenges have instead strengthened Ethiopia’s determination to preserve its unity and pursue its national ambitions.

He underscored that concerns about Ethiopia’s future have increasingly shifted toward its ambitions in the Red Sea, rather than the prospect of the country disintegrating.

Against this backdrop, PM Abiy’s message was centered on readiness, unity and national resilience.

As Ethiopia begins a new five-year political and institutional chapter, the Prime Minister said the country must draw lessons from its past, remain prepared for emerging challenges and continue pursuing its national aspirations.

“Yesterday has passed, and tomorrow is yet to come; but today has arrived favorably,” he said, portraying the new political chapter as an opportunity for Ethiopia to turn its ambitions into tangible achievements.

The establishment of the new Medemer State government and the formal appointment of the Prime Minister mark a significant institutional milestone following the country’s latest general election.

AU Chairperson Ndayishimiye Congratulates PM Abiy Ahmed

Addis Ababa, October 5, 2026 (ENA)—Current African Union Chairperson and President of Burundi, Évariste Ndayishimiye, has extended his congratulations to Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed on his election for a new term.

The message follows the appointment of Dr. Abiy Ahmed as Prime Minister by the seventh House of Peoples’ Representatives during its first regular session of the first working year of the seventh parliamentary term held today.

In his congratulatory message, AU Chairperson Ndayishimiye said: “Congratulations on your re-election, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed.”

He wished Prime Minister Abiy success in his new term of office, expressing hope that the growth, unity and prosperity of the Ethiopian people will endure as the country works toward achieving its strategic national goals.

The AU Chairperson also reaffirmed his commitment to working closely with the government and people of Ethiopia to advance sustainable peace, regional stability, stronger cooperation and shared economic development across the African continent.

Prime Minister Abiy as the Face of Ethiopia’s Transformation and Emerging Global Influence

Biography presented by Deputy Prime Minister Temesgen Tiruneh during the appointment of Dr. Abiy Ahmed as Prime Minister of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia

Honorable Speaker, Distinguished Members of the House, Honorable Invited Guests,

Today, before this honored Parliament, and in accordance with Article 73, Sub-Article 2 of the Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, I have the immense honor, pride and privilege, on behalf of the Prosperity Party—which has secured the profound trust of the Ethiopian people and won a parliamentary majority in the 7th General Election—to nominate a great Ethiopian of our time for the position of Prime Minister of Ethiopia.

At this defining moment, when the foundation of a new chapter in Ethiopian civilization is being laid, our party, Prosperity, demonstrates its unwavering determination to place Ethiopia firmly on the foundation of her greatness by presenting this great Ethiopian for the Premiership.

He is a leader created for Ethiopia, called to serve, untiring and undaunted; a leader who knows no fatigue, endless in innovation, tireless with his pen, rich in compassion and defined by resilience. From his parents, he learned patriotism and respect for the people at an early age. Raised among Ethiopia's diverse peoples and faiths, history shaped him to belong to all and to serve all.

From the small village of Beshasha, he looked far beyond his immediate surroundings and dreamed of a greater Ethiopia. Whether she was grieving or rejoicing, whether facing hardship or moving forward, he longed for the day when he could serve this great nation and help her rise to the height of her history and prosper to the full measure of her riches.

It was for this reason that, at the tender age of 14, he entered the armed struggle to serve his country and make sacrifices for it.

He possesses a character that fights to the very end against anything he believes is not beneficial to Ethiopia.

After the fall of the Derg regime, he joined the regular military. During the Ethio-Eritrean War, he served on the front lines in defense of his country's sovereignty.

Yet, inside the foxholes of the Badme front, he did more than fight. He wept, he reflected, he planned, and he weighed ideas about change. His military journey, which took him to the rank of Lieutenant Colonel, became a chapter in which he came to know Ethiopia intimately and, in doing so, contemplated the fate of tomorrow's Ethiopia.

He paid the price of service by traveling to different parts of the country and observing Ethiopia firsthand. As he looked upon her, his love for her deepened; her weariness concerned him; her poverty angered him; and the fact that this great country was not yet truly great gave him no rest.

In particular, when he was deployed to Rwanda as part of a United Nations peacekeeping mission to help halt the genocide, he began to see Ethiopia through a comparative lens.

He reflected: If we do not preserve our multinational unity, if each of us does not respect the rights of all, if we do not make our unity our strength and our diversity our ornament, and if we do not resolve our problems through consultation and dialogue, how will our fate differ from Rwanda's?

From that point onward, he sought to live by this conviction.

He demonstrated that it is possible to live together by resolving differences through peace, dialogue and reconciliation. In the small town of Beshasha, he played a remarkable peacebuilding role, helping resolve faith-based tensions through dialogue, counsel and forgiveness.

It was from this experience that he resolutely declared that the sword of reconciliation—carrying peace, forgiveness and love—is far better than the sword that beheads.

He holds a Bachelor's Degree in Computer Engineering from Microlink Information Technology College, an MBA in Transformational Leadership from Leadstar Management and Leadership College, an MA from the University of Greenwich, and a PhD in Peace and Security Studies from Addis Ababa University.

In addition to numerous national and international awards, he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize.

He also sought to usher Ethiopia into a new chapter of transformation through his former membership and leadership in the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), his role as founder of the Information Network Security Agency (INSA), and his service as Minister of Science and Technology.

Cultivating people and transforming lives, providing leadership and service free from corruption and theft, working alongside employees like a brother, and turning every responsibility—no matter how small—into a center of change for a greater Ethiopia became his daily way of life.

Eight years ago, Ethiopia yearned for change.

Poverty and backwardness had embittered the people. Division and fragmentation distressed the nation. Growth was being stifled, and grievances were accumulating. Fairness had vanished, the dominance of a single faction prevailed, and the country was suffering. Projects had stalled. Rights had been suppressed. Prisons were filled. Political divisions had sharpened. Ethiopia had entered a period of profound trial.

At that critical moment, Ethiopia needed not merely change, but an apostle of change—a leader who would not draw the sword, incite revolution, demand destruction or build upon the grave of another. She needed a leader who would unite the people, bring partners and affiliates together as one, safeguard the rights of all peoples equitably, and focus on tomorrow rather than yesterday.

At that critical hour, from within the EPRDF leadership, among its intellectuals, from the Oromia Region and from the womb of Ethiopia, a man named Abiy emerged.

With wisdom and skill, through peaceful struggle, by aligning the people behind a shared purpose, strengthening the multinational bonds among Ethiopians, and challenging the dominance of a single faction, he brought about the envisioned change.

Change was achieved through organizational appeal, public struggle and popular momentum.

Ethiopia had repeatedly experienced bloody and destructive revolutions. This time, however, through reform, she sought to uproot only the thorn. She ceased demolishing her existing capacities simply to build anew.

Erasing yesterday completely proved painful yet accepting it exactly as it was offered no solution.

Thus, building upon yesterday's foundation, she repaired what was broken, uprooted the weeds and embarked upon a new path toward tomorrow.

Eight years ago, before this very Parliament, the name of the Creator was invoked with honor. The name of Ethiopia was called with love and respect. Opponents were described as competitors. A call for peace was extended to all engaged in conflict. Mothers were honored and appreciated.

The herald of an Ethiopia embarking on a new journey toward prosperity was proclaimed. Forgiveness was sought for all misdeeds committed in the name of the EPRDF. Peace, forgiveness and love were declared. A fresh breeze swept across modern Ethiopian politics.

Since that time, this man has remained at work.

He introduced a new tradition into Ethiopian political history. He enabled competing political parties and the governing party to serve together in one government. He traveled across America, Europe, Africa and the Middle East, calling upon Ethiopians and partners to embrace peace and development. He secured pardons and the release of numerous political prisoners. Media outlets opened more freely. Politicians who had been living in exile returned home and were even entrusted with positions of government leadership.

He worked to reconcile the separated fathers of the Orthodox Synod and the Islamic Affairs leadership. He ensured legal recognition for the Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs and the Evangelical Council. He sought to make security institutions free from political bias and transform them into guardians of the constitutional order.

The Election Board and the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission became independent and impartial institutions. Laws considered oppressive and restrictive—laws deemed unfitting for a modern Ethiopia—were amended, while judicial and court independence was upheld. He traveled from district to district to consult directly with the people. He facilitated efforts to resolve regional statehood demands in Southern Ethiopia.

He transformed the concept of the Ethiopian revolution from a political revolution into a wheat and rice revolution.

Through the Gebeta le Sheger (Dine for Sheger), Gebeta le Hager (Dine for the Nation), and Gebeta le Twolde (Dine for Generations) initiatives, he brought to fruition visionary projects designed to protect Ethiopia's heritage while creating new destinations for the future. He transformed Ethiopia through initiatives such as Clean and Green Ethiopia, Bountiful Development, Rural-Urban Corridors, Summer Wheat, Ease of Doing Business, Sharing Meals, Winter Volunteerism and Digital Ethiopia. Through writing, publishing and training, he worked tirelessly to build competent leadership for Ethiopia.

He conceived the Moseb One-Stop Service initiative and expanded it across all regions. Under the Green Legacy Initiative, he oversaw the planting of 56 billion trees. He published four Medemer books and used the proceeds to build schools across all regions. He enabled Ethiopia to stop importing wheat and move toward self-sufficiency.

He expanded fruit production and positioned it for export markets.

He lifted Ethiopia's mining sector out of backwardness, enabling it to generate five years' worth of output compared with the previous century. Through Digital Ethiopia, he made it possible for money to reside in our mobile phones. By guiding macroeconomic reform, he restored balance to Ethiopia's fragile economy.

Through a fiercely challenging struggle, he navigated the completion of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD).

He built a strong and modern defense force for Ethiopia.

He raised Ethiopian industries from the brink of decline and positioned them as drivers of the economy.

He initiated and successfully guided the National Dialogue to fruition—an idea that had once been dismissed and criticized.

He dismantled the separation between "allies" and "core affiliates" in order to build a unified multinational party.

He emerged from the trials of the COVID-19 pandemic, recurring conflicts, locust invasions and severe droughts refined like a diamond and stronger through adversity.

From his youth, he has shown little tolerance for anyone who deliberately rises against Ethiopia.

He endures much and tolerates much; but when it comes to Ethiopia's sovereignty, he tolerates no one.

That is why, when enemies rose believing they could destroy Ethiopia, he set aside his office as Prime Minister, exchanged his tie for fatigue uniforms and marched to the front line.

Today, this is a man fighting for Ethiopia to secure access to the sea.

He is leading Ethiopia toward the construction of the massive Bishoftu International Airport.

He is working tirelessly, day and night, to ensure Ethiopia achieves food self-sufficiency.

He is enabling Ethiopia to become interconnected through digital identity. He is paving the way for Ethiopia to build a civilization that connects yesterday, today and tomorrow. He is facilitating the transition of farmers toward modern cluster farming. He is crafting a new rural strategy to enable pastoralists to transition into modern ways of living.

He works day and night so that urban dwellers can enjoy better and more comfortable urban infrastructure. In Addis Ababa, for instance, he has sought to turn into action his promise:

"We will make her new and a flower, just like her name."

He is a priceless leader. He is enabling the structural transformation of the Ethiopian economy. He is building a political culture in which governing and competing parties can lead the nation together and collaborate on matters of national interest. Girding his loins and dedicating his time to the country, he works relentlessly to make a great Ethiopia even greater.

He has reshaped Ethiopia's foreign relations beyond rigid notions of "enemy" and "friend," pursuing instead a pragmatic and action-oriented diplomacy.

This is why, today, before this august assembly, I nominate Honorable Dr. Abiy Ahmed Ali to serve as Prime Minister of Ethiopia.

He has envisioned change. He has led change. And he has lived change for all to see.

Born in Beshasha town, Jimma Zone, Oromia Region of Ethiopia, he is now 50 years old. He has dedicated three-quarters of his life to national service. He is married, a father of four children, and a friend to millions.

Distinguished Members of the House,

As our Prosperity Party nominates Honorable Dr. Abiy Ahmed Ali—a gifted son of Ethiopia who has emerged refined like gold through the furnace of change, who has not merely lived through history but changed its course, and whom Ethiopia has sought and found across the eras—to serve as Prime Minister of Ethiopia, we do so with the greatest honor, pride and sense of privilege.

I thank you.

Ethiopia to Reassert Regional Influence, Secure Sea Access, Says PM Abiy

Addis Ababa, October 5, 2026 (ENA)—Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed said Ethiopia will continue to assert its national interests on its own terms and strengthen its role as a decisive anchor state in the region, drawing on the country’s national strength and growing economic potential.

The Prime Minister made the remarks as he was sworn in for a new term following the establishment of the Medemer Government under Ethiopia’s seventh parliamentary term.

Addressing the House of People’s Representatives, PM Abiy said the past few years had been a critical period for laying fundamental foundations, enabling Ethiopia to build  a resilient political-economic system capable of withstanding both domestic and external pressures.

Speaking on sea access, he emphasized that Ethiopia’s long-term national and developmental vision is closely linked to securing reliable maritime access. He said his administration will actively pursue a gateway to the sea through dialogue, mutual benefit and give-and-take, while continuing to advance national development and major infrastructure projects.

Reviewing Ethiopia’s recent political and economic trajectory, the Prime Minister outlined how the country had navigated complex internal and external pressures that sought to disrupt its development path.

“When COVID-19 arrived and the world shut down, we continued with resolve. While campaigns were opened against us, as the world turned its back on us and repeatedly showed its injustice, we did not falter for a second,” he said.

He added that Ethiopia had also faced pressure while asserting its right to use its river and complete the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD).

“When they pulled us with a long rope to prevent us from bringing our dam to completion, we stumbled, but we did not fall, nor will we fall,” Abiy said.

The Prime Minister said these experiences had demonstrated Ethiopia’s capacity to withstand obstacles and continue pursuing its national objectives.

“We have proven in practice that we are building an invincible political-economy system that responds appropriately without falling to obstacles,” he said.

Speaking on turning ambition into results and illustrating the feasibility of Ethiopia’s long-term vision, PM Abiy pointed to progress across key economic, agricultural and infrastructure sectors.

He highlighted the expansion of wheat production, saying the initiative had helped replace imported wheat with domestic production and demonstrated the potential for large-scale agricultural self-sufficiency.

He also cited progress on major water and development projects, including the completion of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, advances on projects such as Megech, and the activation of the Tana Beles development initiative.

Our corridor development programs, he added, have accelerated infrastructure expansion and urban modernization across the country, turning long-standing development plans into visible projects and operational realities.

For the Prime Minister, these achievements demonstrate that Ethiopia’s ambitions are not limited to political declarations but can be translated into practical outcomes through sustained national effort.

Addressing a new parliamentary chapter, looking ahead, Prime Minister Abiy outlined a broad agenda for the new parliamentary term aimed at consolidating the foundations laid in recent years and turning them into lasting national institutions.

The administration plans to pursue constitutional updates through the National Dialogue process, maintain a competitive political environment and engage constructively with opposition parties.

On the economic front, the government will continue macroeconomic reforms, strengthen oversight of public expenditure and undertake civil service reforms aimed at improving measurable performance and modernizing public service delivery.

In foreign policy, Abiy said Ethiopia will pursue cooperative relations with neighboring countries based on mutual interests and shared benefits, while continuing its efforts to secure reliable access to the Red Sea.

He also pledged stronger institutional measures against corruption and nepotism, alongside the expansion of digital systems at lower levels of administration to improve efficiency, reduce bureaucracy and modernize government services.

The Prime Minister’s address therefore placed national resilience, economic transformation, political dialogue, institutional reform and maritime access at the center of Ethiopia’s next phase.

Column: Seeing China's Poverty Alleviation Through African Eyes

Source: Xinhua| 2026-08-18 16:55:45|Editor: huaxia

by Michael Mbewe

My recent visit to China, including participation in the African Mainstream Media Workshop in Beijing and a visit to the Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region, offered me a valuable opportunity to observe firsthand one of the most remarkable development transformations in modern history.

Beyond official documents and statistical indicators, the visit provided deeper insights into the policies, institutions and governance practices that have supported the Chinese modernization and its successful fight against extreme poverty.

Conversations with government officials, academics, entrepreneurs, community leaders and ordinary residents highlighted not only China's economic achievements, but also the long-term vision, strategic planning and policy consistency that have sustained its development over several decades.

The most striking observation is the integration of economic growth with social development. Development is not confined to major cities but extends to rural communities through infrastructure, education, healthcare, agricultural modernization and digital technology.

The precision and targeted nature of China's poverty alleviation strategy provides one of the clearest examples of this approach.

Rather than applying a one-size-fits-all solution, every village, household and individual was assessed according to their unique circumstances. Local authorities identified the particular challenges facing families before designing targeted interventions, whether through improved housing, better healthcare, expanded educational opportunities, vocational training or agricultural assistance. Such precision helped address the structural causes of poverty instead of merely providing temporary relief.

Equally important was the accountability embedded throughout the process. Poverty alleviation is not treated solely as an isolated welfare program but as a national priority supported by clearly defined responsibilities, measurable targets and coordinated implementation across different levels of government. This institutional commitment ensured that policies were translated into concrete outcomes.

The experience in Ningxia is a vivid example.

Once among China's relatively underdeveloped regions, Ningxia has combined rural revitalization with agricultural modernization, ecological conservation and industrial upgrading. Modern irrigation systems, improved farming techniques, agricultural processing facilities and stronger market connectivity have enabled local communities to transform traditional farming into competitive value-added industries. Rather than focusing solely on increasing production, emphasis has been placed on developing complete industrial value chains capable of generating sustainable incomes.

Education and vocational training have also played a central role in this transformation. Investment in human capital reflects the recognition that lasting poverty reduction depends not only on financial assistance but also on equipping people with the knowledge, skills and opportunities needed to participate in an increasingly modern economy.

Several factors are behind China's achievements.

Foremost is sustained political commitment. Poverty alleviation remained a national priority for decades, supported by long-term planning and consistent implementation; Second is evidence-based decision-making. Extensive data collection, household surveys and continuous monitoring enabled policymakers to identify local needs accurately and adjust interventions accordingly; Third is sustained investment in infrastructure. Roads, electricity, telecommunications, schools and healthcare facilities have connected rural communities with markets, public services and broader economic opportunities, laying the foundation for inclusive development; Fourth is the cultivation of industries based on local comparative advantages. Communities have been encouraged to develop sectors suited to their unique geographical conditions, whether agriculture, manufacturing or tourism; Technology has further strengthened these efforts. Digital platforms have expanded market access for farmers and small businesses while improving financial inclusion and the delivery of public services, particularly in rural areas.

China's experience challenges a common perception that poverty reduction on such a large scale would inevitably require decades of continuous financial support alone. Instead, the emphasis has been on creating opportunities through employment, entrepreneurship, education and market participation. This approach seeks not only to lift people out of poverty but also to enhance their capacity to achieve sustainable livelihoods.

The Chinese modernization also demonstrates that economic growth alone does not fully explain its development story. Behind the impressive statistics lies a governance model characterized by long-term planning, practical policymaking, continuous evaluation and the flexibility to adapt to changing circumstances. Economic development has been pursued alongside social stability, technological innovation, environmental protection and cultural preservation.

Africa's development path will inevitably differ from China's. Political systems, demographic structures, and historical experiences vary considerably across the continent, making it neither practical nor desirable to replicate China's model wholesale. Nevertheless, several underlying principles remain highly relevant.

Long-term national development planning provides policy continuity; Continued investment in infrastructure creates conditions for economic growth; Expanding education, vocational training and technical skills prepares young people for increasingly competitive economies; Strengthening agricultural value chains through local processing and industrialization can generate employment while retaining greater value within African economies; Equally important are effective governance, accountability and evidence-based policymaking to ensure that development initiatives produce measurable results.

The emphasis on tailoring development strategies to local realities may also offer valuable lessons for African policymakers. Development challenges differ significantly between regions and communities, making localized planning and targeted implementation particularly relevant across much of the continent.

China's poverty alleviation journey demonstrates what is possible when long-term planning, political commitment, effective implementation and broad public participation come together around a common national objective.

The experience shows that development is not achieved overnight. It requires persistence, investment in people, continuous innovation and the willingness to adapt policies as circumstances evolve.

While every country must develop according to its own realities, China's experience provides valuable lessons on strategic planning, infrastructure development, education, industrialization and good governance.

Editor's note: Michael Mbewe is an international relations and diplomacy reporter at Channel Africa International of the South African Broadcasting Corporation.

The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of Xinhua News Agency.

UNESCO, Chinese Firm Partner to Accelerate AI Education in Africa

Source: Xinhua| 2026-10-04 21:38:00|Editor: huaxia

NAIROBI, Oct. 4 (Xinhua) -- A joint initiative by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) and Chinese coding teaching platform Codemao is making progress in integrating artificial intelligence (AI) into schools across Africa.

According to Mary Nyasimi, national program specialist at the UNESCO Regional Office for Eastern Africa, AI and digital tools are transforming teaching and learning across the continent, equipping students with essential skills for future careers and innovation.

"Accelerating AI education is essential to bridge the digital divide, strengthen human capital, and improve the global competitiveness of both Kenya and the broader African continent," she said during a recent meeting in Nairobi, the Kenyan capital.

Launched in 2021, the youth coding initiative by UNESCO and Codemao promotes inclusive, safe and equitable AI and coding education across Africa and Asia.

The program focuses on delivering hands-on training, establishing cross-continental educational networks, and raising awareness of digital empowerment.

"Between 2021 and 2022, over 200 teachers from the Republic of the Congo, Kenya, Namibia and Thailand, including 45 percent women, completed UNESCO's initial international coding training program," Nyasimi said.

The initiative operates on a train-the-trainer model, with newly trained educators cascading coding and digital skills to thousands of their peers and students across the region, she added.

Augustine Nzuki, a teacher at Tala Township Primary School in Machakos County, eastern Kenya, shared how a recent trip to Shenzhen, China, sponsored by the initiative, transformed his approach to teaching.

Although Nzuki had previously taught robotics theoretically, his visit in July marked the first time he operated a real drone and interacted with a robot in person.

"I saw practically what robots and drones are, gaining hands-on knowledge of AI and coding," Nzuki said.

He was among eight Kenyans -- four teachers and four students -- who traveled to China to see firsthand how the Fourth Industrial Revolution is reshaping education.

Looking ahead, Nzuki plans to visit 20 neighboring schools to share his insights and mentor the next generation of educators.

In Kenya, 20 schools across Kiambu, Nairobi, Kajiado and Machakos counties have been incorporated into the project since 2025.

To date, the program has trained more than 1,200 Kenyan students and established dedicated school coding clubs to foster continuous peer-to-peer learning.

South Africa, U.S. Diplomatic Row Deepens Over Envoy's Public Remarks

Source: Xinhua| 2026-10-06 01:51:15|Editor: huaxia

JOHANNESBURG, Oct. 5 (Xinhua) -- Tensions between South Africa and the United States have deepened following a fresh public exchange between South African International Relations and Cooperation Minister Ronald Lamola and U.S. Ambassador to South Africa Brent Bozell III.

On Monday, Bozell responded on social media platform X to remarks by Lamola, who said the U.S. envoy should "get out of the kitchen" if he was tired of dialogue and no longer believed in diplomatic engagement with Pretoria.

"So here we go again. Another Minister Lamola personal insult aimed at an American leader (this time me)," Bozell wrote, adding that the South African government then "wonders why relations are collapsing."

Lamola's remarks were published by the Sunday Times, a South African newspaper, on Sunday, days after South Africa issued a formal diplomatic protest, or demarche, to Bozell over what the government described as "undiplomatic conduct."

Lamola said he was "taken aback" by Bozell's remarks suggesting that Washington had grown tired of repeated discussions with Pretoria.

"You can't have a diplomat who says time for talking is over. It's our job to talk," Lamola was quoted as saying.

He also accused Bozell of interfering in South Africa's domestic affairs through his public statements and engagements.

On Sept. 29, South Africa's Department of International Relations and Cooperation summoned Bozell over what it described as "undiplomatic conduct." It was the third demarche made to the U.S. envoy since he arrived in Pretoria in February.

The latest exchange came as Bozell continued to publicly criticize the South African government. In an interview with Fox News Digital published Sunday, he accused South African President Cyril Ramaphosa of refusing to condemn what he described as incitement to violence associated with the controversial anti-apartheid struggle chant "Kill the Boer."

The South African government has repeatedly rejected allegations of systematic persecution or "genocide" against white South Africans. Pretoria has said violent crime affects South Africans across racial groups and that its economic transformation policies are intended to address inequalities rooted in the country's apartheid past.

Disagreements between Washington and Pretoria have also centered on South Africa's land policies, race-based economic transformation measures and foreign policy positions.

In an opinion article published on the U.S. Embassy's website on Sept. 29, Bozell cited rural farm attacks, race-based measures affecting U.S. companies and what he called South Africa's "steady drift toward our adversaries" among Washington's concerns. He also criticized South Africa's land expropriation policy.

Bozell argued that South Africa's economic policies were discouraging some U.S. companies from investing in the country and said Washington had grown frustrated with what he described as Pretoria's failure to adequately respond to U.S. concerns.

South Africa has maintained that differences with Washington should be resolved through constructive diplomatic engagement, while insisting on respect for its sovereignty and its right to determine its domestic policies.

South Africa's Petrol, Diesel Prices for October Set to Rise Sharply

Source: Xinhua| 2026-10-06 01:24:30|Editor: huaxia

JOHANNESBURG, Oct. 5 (Xinhua) -- South African motorists and consumers face another economic blow this week as the Department of Mineral and Petroleum Resources announced major monthly fuel price increases on Monday, set to take effect this Wednesday.

Driven by ongoing conflict in the Middle East and rising global crude costs, with Brent crude climbing above 100 U.S. dollars a barrel during September, the department confirmed that petrol prices will increase by between 3.12 rand (about 0.19 U.S. dollars) and 3.33 rand per liter, while diesel will rise by 2.84 to 3.24 rand per liter.

In its statement, the department highlighted that average Brent crude oil prices rose from 87.89 to 101.00 dollars per barrel over September as U.S.-Iran tensions escalated and threatened oil transit through the Strait of Hormuz.

The exchange rate provided minimal relief, as the rand appreciated slightly against the dollar, averaging 16.21 in September.

The steep price hikes come roughly a week after the South African Reserve Bank raised its benchmark repurchase rate by 25 basis points, coupled with annual inflation reaching 4.4 percent in September.

Commenting on the wider economic fallout, Azar Jammine, chief economist at Econometrix, an independent economic consultancy, warned that South Africa remains highly vulnerable to geopolitical shocks due to its import dependency.

"We are an oil importer. Worse than that, we have seen a deterioration in our fuel refining capacity over the last decade, making us even more dependent on imported refined fuels than in the past," Jammine told Xinhua in an interview.

"The entire economy will suffer as a consequence, and job creation will be negatively affected. At present, there seems to be very little scope for a major growth upswing," he noted.

Tanzanian President Urges Parliamentary Accountability, Global Cooperation at IPU Assembly

Source: Xinhua| 2026-10-06 01:22:15|Editor: huaxia

DAR ES SALAAM, Oct. 5 (Xinhua) -- Tanzanian President Samia Suluhu Hassan on Monday evening called for increased parliamentary accountability and international cooperation in addressing global challenges.

Addressing the opening of the 153rd Assembly of the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) in Tanzania's northern city of Arusha via video link, Hassan stressed that parliaments derive their authority from the people and bear the responsibility to legislate in the public interest, scrutinize the use of public resources and hold governments accountable.

She said Tanzania's Constitution entrusts the parliament with oversight and advisory functions on behalf of the people, adding that effective parliamentary oversight strengthens government work and accountability to citizens.

The president underscored that the assembly's theme, "Enhancing good governance and empowering communities through inclusivity, trust and opportunities for all," was particularly relevant at a time of heightened geopolitical uncertainties, conflicts and socioeconomic challenges affecting efforts to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

Such multi-faceted crises as conflicts, climate change and economic uncertainties transcend national borders, requiring cooperation among governments and parliaments worldwide, Hassan added.

Contributions of the Alliance of Sahel States to the African and World Revolutions

Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger are leading the way toward the realization of Pan-Africanism and Internationalism in the 21st century

By Abayomi Azikiwe

Editor, Pan-African News Wire

Saturday October 3, 2026

Geostrategic Analysis

Note: These remarks were delivered at the Black Alliance for Peace (BAP) Africa Team webinar inaugurating an annual month of action against the United States Africa Command (AFRICOM). Other panelists were Suad Abdel Aziz, human rights lawyer and Executive Director of Decolonize Sudan along with Blanchard Kiyongo of the League of Young Peasants of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The webinar was moderated by Halle and Josh of BAP.

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Three landlocked and mineral-rich states in West Africa: Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso have provided hope and political guidance during the third decade of the 21st century.

Since 2020 much has taken place within the African world where on the continent and throughout the Diaspora people have rose up against institutional racism, national oppression, neo-colonialism, fascism and imperialism. From the George Floyd uprising which began in the United States city of Minneapolis and spread throughout the international community to revolutionary developments in what became known as the Alliance of Sahel States (AES).

In Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger during the period since the advent of the United States Africa Command (AFRICOM) in 2008 were targeted for imperialist intervention under the guise of strengthening and enhancing the security apparatus of various nation-states on the continent. Yet, what was not revealed by the US and other imperialist states during the period leading up the deployment of AFRICOM troops was that the underdevelopment which existed in the post-colonial period in the Sahel region was a direct result of continuing unequal distribution of wealth and economic power.

All three of these states were colonized by France which has a long history of enslavement and imperialist domination over African and Asian territories. Haiti in the Caribbean was the most profitable slave colony in the world leading up to the revolutionary uprising beginning 1791. Algeria was occupied as a settler-colony from 1830 to 1962 where some of the largest deposits of petroleum and natural gas exists. Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger all have massive resources which are indispensable to the world economic system. 

Transforming the Neo-colonial Economies

Mali has large amounts of mineral and metallic resources most of which remains largely unexploited. Gold is the largest export which brings in foreign exchange. They also have iron, manganese, bauxite, lithium, uranium and other important resources. Approximately 80% of the people are involved in agricultural, fishing and livestock production. Cotton exists in abundance and is a major source of national income.

Burkina Faso is a major source of gold production similar to neighboring Mali. Just recently a gold refinery was opened to generate more national income and to keep the earnings inside the country. 

In a report published by Business Insider Africa, it says of these recent events that:

“President Ibrahim Traoré inaugurated the Raffinerie Nationale d’Or du Burkina Faso in Ouagadougou, saying the country wanted to move beyond extracting minerals and develop the full value chain locally. Built at a cost of about 11 billion CFA francs ($19 million), the state-backed refinery will initially process 164 tons of gold annually. A second phase is expected to increase capacity to 515 tons a year. The facility will handle refining, assaying, certification and secure storage, allowing activities that have largely been carried out outside Burkina Faso to take place domestically. The government expects the refinery to create about 100 direct jobs and more than 5,000 indirect jobs. ‘Our ambition goes beyond gold,’ Traoré said at the inauguration. ‘We want to make the mining sector a driver of industrial transformation.’” (https://africa.businessinsider.com/local/markets/burkina-faso-opens-dollar19-million-gold-refinery-as-traore-pushes-to-keep-mining/d0xl082)

Niger is a major source of uranium internationally ranking as the eight largest deposits in the world. On the African continent it is the second largest deposit of the strategic metal only following behind the Republic of Namibia in Southern Africa. 

At present Niger is restructuring the ownership of its uranium industry. For many years it was controlled by Orano, a French corporation which provided negligible benefits to the people living inside the country. 

In a recent report from mining.com, it emphasized the changes in ownership by noting:

“The decision underscores Niger’s increasingly assertive approach to its uranium industry since soldiers seized power in the West African nation three year ago. It allows mining of the nuclear fuel to continue under the new Nigerien-controlled structure and marks another step in the military government’s push to increase state control of the industry. Niger seized control of Somaïr in June 2025, after accusing Orano of extracting more uranium than an its agreement with the state allowed. Orano has opposed the nationalization of the mine and sued Niger in multiple commercial courts following the takeover.” (https://www.mining.com/web/niger-awards-former-orano-operated-uranium-mine-to-state-company/)

These cursory assessments of the national economies of the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) illustrate the role of neo-colonialism in the 21st century. Since the seizure of power by the revolutionary forces in all three states, they signed the Liptako-Gourma Charter in September 2023 aimed at further consolidation of the transformative process. 

During this time period, Niger along with Mali and Burkina Faso were under threat of a western imperialist backed invasion aimed at reimposing governments which are favorable to international finance capital. These threats are continuing on a daily basis.

Efforts aimed at the overthrow of the governments in Mali was exemplified in a combined attack by the JNIM and the FLA. The armed forces fought these rebels to maintain control of the state. 

It was revealed that the imperialist-backed fascist regime in Ukraine provided weapons and logistical support to the attempted coup. The growing cooperation between the Russian Federation and the AES administrations has fueled efforts to undermine and replace the existing AES governments.

There have also been attempts to assassinate the leaders of Burkina Faso and most recently Niger. What was described as a “mutiny” in Niamey recently was aimed at overthrowing the government of the Committee for the Safeguard of the Homeland (CNSP) and therefore reverse the transformation process.

Consequently, the international solidarity movement must amplify its efforts to politically educate people about the processes taking place in the AES region. Organizations and coalitions committed to Pan-African consolidation and the spread of socialism on a global scale must focus on the defense of the AES.

The Founding of a Joint Communications System is Essential

One of the most promising announcements in the recent period is the founding of Tafouk Television jointly owned by Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger. Communications remains a key element in maintaining the neocolonial control over Africa, its resources and people. 

These efforts can counter the psychological warfare and misinformation which is designed to foster confusion, inertia and demoralization among the masses of people. African people throughout the continent and across the world must be informed about the revolutionary processes taking place within the AES.

Even Radio France International (RFI) reported recently on the establishment of this Pan-African media outlet saying:

“Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger are stepping up their joint media push with Tafouk TV, a new television channel aimed at challenging Western coverage and promoting the three military-led Sahel states' own account of events. Broadcasting from Bamako and available through Canal+, the channel is part of a wider media network being developed by the Alliance of Sahel States - or AES - as its members deepen ties with Russia and distance themselves from France and other Western partners. ‘We had to strike back... to ensure that these platforms could spread our own narrative,’ Malian Foreign Minister Abdoulaye Diop said this month. Tafouk TV, whose name means ‘Sun’ in Tamasheq, the language spoken by many Tuareg communities across the Sahel, began official programming on 16 September. Its presentation draws heavily on regional imagery. The opening theme is inspired by the music of traditional Dozo hunters, while the logo of its Communication Intervention Brigade program features a shield incorporating a camera, microphone and pen.” (https://allafrica.com/stories/202609300003.html)

These efforts by the AES are reminiscent of the previous work of networks such as Radio Moscow during the period of the Soviet Union, Radio Havana Cuba, Ghana National Television under the First Republic of Dr. Kwame Nkrumah which was created and directed by Shirley Graham Du Bois, Voice of the Revolution in Guinea under Ahmed Sekou Toure, Radio Freedom in Zambia during the anti-apartheid struggle, and other outlets. It is essential that the revolutionary forces convey their messages clearly on a domestic and international level.

We must spread this information across Africa as well as within the imperialist states. With the crisis of imperialism in the contemporary era, we know that total recolonization and genocide are already being implemented in Palestine and other areas of West Asia. Every state in the Horn of Africa is now under grave threat. 

Consequently, there is a sense of urgency. Let us move scientifically towards the liberation of Africa and all oppressed and working peoples throughout the globe.

El-Alamein Joint Declaration: The Quadrilateral Consultative Summit Between Egypt, Sudan, Eritrea and Somalia

El-Alamein 

4 October 2026

1. Pursuant to the invitation extended by H.E. President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi, President of the Arab Republic of Egypt, to H.E. President Isaias Afwerki, President of the State of Eritrea; H.E. President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, President of the Federal Republic of Somalia; and General Abdel Fattah Al-Burhan, Chairman of the Transitional Sovereignty Council of the Republic of the Sudan, the Presidents convened a quadrilateral summit today, 4 October 2026, in the New El Alamein City. They held intensive fraternal consultations on current regional and international issues, as well as ways to enhance political, trade and economic cooperation among the four countries and strengthen consultation and coordination among them.

2. The Summit addressed the need to uphold the fundamental principles and pillars of international law as the basis for regional stability and cooperation, particularly respect for the sovereignty, stability and territorial integrity of the countries of the region; upholding the principles of good-neighboring; rejecting interference in the internal affairs of the countries of the region under any pretext; and working to support national institutions and promote political and peaceful solutions to conflicts.

3. The Summit discussed the coordination of joint efforts to achieve regional stability, create a conducive environment for shared and sustainable development, and advance economic, trade and cultural relations, in a manner that contributes to economic integration and connectivity, promotes sustainable development, and strengthens ties among the peoples of all participating countries, taking into account their common objectives and shared destiny.

4. The Summit addressed the following issues, on which the participating leaders agreed on:

a. Supporting the unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of the Sudan and its national institutions; rejecting the establishment of any parallel entities; encouraging the resumption of a political process that is Sudanese-owned and Sudanese-led; supporting national institutions; and categorically rejecting any support to mercenaries.

b. Supporting the unity and sovereignty of the Federal Republic of Somalia and rejecting any interference aimed at undermining them, particularly recognition of what is referred to as “Somaliland.”

c. Supporting the efforts of the Federal Republic of Somalia in combating terrorism and enabling state institutions to extend their authority over the entirety of the country, and calling upon regional and international partners to provide adequate, sustainable and predictable funding to the African Union Support and Stabilization Mission in Somalia (AUSSOM), enabling it to carry out its mandate.

d. Affirming the principle of freedom of navigation and that the governance of the Red Sea is the exclusive responsibility of the littoral states.

e. Affirming the importance of respecting international law governing transboundary rivers, including the Nile River, particularly the principle of non-harm, and the obligation to cooperate through prior notification, consultation and consensus, while categorically rejecting any unilateral measures that adversely affect the existing water uses of the two downstream countries of the Nile.

f. Continuing to further strengthen consultation and coordination among the four countries.

5. The leaders agreed to establish a mechanism for follow up on the outcomes of this Consultative Summit, which will be held periodically and whenever necessary to enhance consultation and coordination among them.

6. The Presidents of Eritrea, Sudan and Somalia expressed their sincere thanks and appreciation for hosting this Consultative Summit.

President Isaias Afwerki on Working Visit to Egypt

On Oct 3, 2026

Asmara, 03 October 2026 – At the invitation of President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, President Isaias Afwerki departed for Egypt on a working visit early this morning.

During the visit, President Isaias will participate in the Summit of Heads of State on collective security, stability and partnership.

The summit is a continuation of periodic forums held through various platforms to discuss issues concerning the wider neighbourhood, encompassing the Red Sea region, the Gulf of Aden, the Arabian Gulf and the Nile Basin.

President Isaias Afwerki and President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi will also discuss ways to further strengthen bilateral ties during the visit.

President Isaias Afwerki Holds Talks with President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi

Oct 3, 2026

Asmara, 03 October 2026 – President Isaias Afwerki and President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi held extensive talks in New Alamein City earlier today on the enhancement of bilateral ties, regional and international developments and trends, and other matters of mutual interest.

President Isaias Afwerki underlined the convergent positions of Eritrea and Egypt on regional matters, particularly regarding the cardinal principles of respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of nations and non-interference in their internal affairs.

President Isaias further expressed appreciation for President el-Sisi’s efforts to strengthen bilateral cooperation in various sectors and for Egypt’s goodwill and readiness to bolster these ties for the benefit of both peoples and countries.

President el-Sisi, for his part, highlighted the profound historical and strategic ties between the two countries and reaffirmed Egypt’s readiness to further deepen the existing warm bilateral relations through the implementation of economic partnership projects and programmes in priority sectors.

President Isaias will participate in the Summit of Heads of State on collective security, stability and partnership, which will be convened in Alamein tomorrow.

At the invitation of President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, President Isaias Afwerki departed for Egypt in the early morning hours today for a working visit.

Senior Eritrean Delegation Participating in Alamein Business Forum

On Oct 3, 2026

Asmara, 03 October 2026 – A senior Eritrean delegation composed of Mr. Hagos Gebrehiwet, Head of Economic Affairs, and Mr. Nesredin Mohammed Saleh, Minister of Trade and Industry, is participating in the Alamein Business Forum, hosted by Egypt from 2 to 3 October.

Participants in the forum include Heads of State, government representatives, senior leaders from leading international and regional financial institutions, and key actors driving transformative change across Africa’s most critical sectors, including infrastructure, trade, critical minerals, digital innovation, health markets and emerging industries.

The senior Eritrean delegation also met yesterday with Dr. George Elombi, President and Chairman of the Board of Directors of the African Export-Import Bank (Afreximbank). The discussions centred on existing financial services between Eritrean banks and Afreximbank.

At the meeting, the two sides agreed to expand and strengthen their ongoing cooperation and introduce new financial services for various projects.

Semantic Shifts and Strategic Deceptions: The Prosperity Party’s Rhetorical Pivot on the Red Sea

General

On Oct 4, 2026

In just the past week, the internal security landscape in Ethiopia has dramatically escalated into a profound structural crisis. Major war has erupted in the Tigray Region while the simmering conflicts in the Amhara, Oromia, Afar and other hotbeds of perennial military confrontation continue with varying intensities.

Faced with this compounding domestic failure, the PP regime has simultaneously escalated its external hostility against Eritrea, combining renewed threats of invasion under the fallacious rubric “of self-defense” with an unprovoked diplomatic assault. The PP has expelled all Eritrean diplomats as persona non grata, including officials specifically accredited to the African Union (AU) and the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA). By taking this reckless step, the PP has flagrantly disregarded the 2008 AU Headquarters Agreement and the 1958 UN-Ethiopia Agreement, both of which legally guarantee the immunity and protection of diplomats accredited to regional and international organizations.

The upsurge on military confrontations confirms that the Prosperity Party (PP) regime in Addis Ababa had merely been preparing the ground for expanded wars. Over the past month, it has noticeably shifted its rhetoric on international platforms, including the UN General Assembly and the BRICS Summit. The previously aggressive, coercive demands for a “maritime imperative” and “sovereign access to the sea” had increasingly been replaced by more polished, diplomatic language calling for “equitable access to the sea” through “reliable and dependable” arrangements.

While the PP framed this semantic shift as a “commitment to peaceful dialogue”, the reality reveals a calculated diplomatic deception designed to mislead the international community and mask an ongoing campaign of regional destabilization and territorial expansion now unfolding on the ground.

The fundamental question is why the PP shifted its parlance at this particular juncture. This change in wording is a direct response to the international pushback, weak as it is, that Addis Ababa faced after openly trampling on the territorial integrity of Horn of Africa nations. For the past three years, senior Ethiopian officials have used aggressive, unprovoked rhetoric, to delegitimize Eritrean statehood and to claim as their own sovereign Eritrean territory, particularly the Port of Assab.

This repackaging cannot and should not mislead anyone, as the real intent of the PP still remains on public record. In fact, just a month prior to these recent shifts in diplomatic tone and language, senior civilian and military officials within the PP establishment were actively propagating war timelines. They openly boasted that a military strike against Eritrea was well within their capabilities and could be concluded by October 2026. Prominent regime voices, including Ambassador Dina Mufti and General Bacha Debele went to the extreme. They argued that a military strike on Eritrea would fundamentally dissolve the regional order, in essence declaring that following their intervention, there would be no borders, no frontiers, and no administrative boundaries separating the two sovereign nations. This extreme rhetoric exposes an agenda that goes far beyond commercial port access; It envisions the total erasure of an internationally recognized borders through military force.

Therefore, the recent shift to softer terminology and couch the PP’s war agenda as “reactive and in self-defense” is merely a sinister tactical camouflage. The regime continues to employ a dangerous dual-track propaganda strategy:

Domestically, the regime continues to stoke expansionist sentiments and military timelines to distract from internal political failure.

Internationally, it uses terms like “strategic priority,” “economic imperative,” “regional integration” to project a false image of a peaceful, rule-abiding state.

This diplomatic exercise cannot erase years of threats, open hostility, and institutionalized revisionism aimed at the occupation as well as the annexation of sovereign Eritrean territory.

In this vein, the PP’s new mantra revolves around incriminating Eritrea for Ethiopia’s severe internal security crises. The compounding conflicts with the potential to fracture the Ethiopian state, are entirely self-inflicted, and stem from structural mismanagement and the regime’s failure to handle the political transition following its rise to power in 2018.

The numerous internal armed conflicts tearing through Ethiopia are the direct manifestation of the current government’s own policy choices. For instance:

The severe instability across the Amhara region erupted directly after the Federal Government attempted to forcibly disarm the Amhara region special forces known as the Fano militia, which had previously fought alongside federal forces. The Fano militia, citing existential threats facing the Amhara population rejected the disarmament, and the ensuing confrontation metastasized into a broader armed conflict, with serious consequences for civilians as well as domestic and regional stability.

Likewise, ongoing political and security crises in Oromia, Tigray, and other parts of Ethiopia are structural consequences of a government that has consistently mismanaged domestic transitions; inter alia power struggles, popular expectations, and who relied on military coercion rather than inclusive political consensus.

These developments within Ethiopia should be examined on their own merits rather than attributed externally whenever they become politically inconvenient.

While the PP accuses Eritrea of fostering a hostile regional alliance, the actual record proves that Addis Ababa has been the primary sponsor of proxy subversion in the region for a long time. The incumbent ruling party actively provides financial, military, and logistical support to various anti-Eritrean ‘color-revolution” fringe groups and sectarian factions harboring an explicit regime-change agenda targeted against the government of the State of Eritrea.

The PP has granted these subversive groups platforms on Ethiopian state-owned media outlets to broadcast their anti-Eritrea hostile propaganda. Recent investigative reports, including findings published by Haaretz, establish that the PP regime has permitted these factions to use Ethiopian territory as an active staging ground for planned military operations against Eritrea (Shimoni, 2026). The dangerous, criminal nature of these exact proxy networks has been explicitly confirmed by European law enforcement.

For instance, Germany’s Federal Public Prosecutor’s Office officially classified the anti-Eritrean network, German Branch of an obscure and self-styled BNH Group, as a domestic terrorist organization. The Prosecutor’s Office latest press statement reveals that the cell’s internationally networked goal is the violent overthrow of the sovereign Eritrean government. Furthermore, the Prosecutor’s Office detailed a horrific track record of crimes, including orchestrating mass, heavily armed riots at Eritrean diaspora cultural festivals in cities across Germany, using iron bars, rocks, smoke bombs, and similar other weapons to inflict injury on peaceful Eritrean nationals attending the cultural events.

In a further extension of this hostile campaign, senior PP officials and co-opted think-tanks continue to increasingly question Eritrea’s ability to safeguard the safety and security of the Red Sea, particularly against the backdrop of the ongoing geopolitical volatility across the water in Yemen. Eritrea occupies a strategically important position along the southern Red Sea and has consistently attached great importance to the security of its territorial waters, including freedom of navigation. It has also maintained that the security of the Red Sea must be addressed collectively only by the littoral States themselves, with full respect for their sovereignty and without attempts by non-littoral states to transform their economic interest into claims of strategic entitlements.

Nonetheless, the record shows that Eritrea remains an exemplary nation in the Horn of Africa enjoying complete domestic peace, stability, and internal cohesion. Despite working with modest resources, Eritrea has consistently secured the southern corridor of the Red Sea through its own self-reliant defense capabilities. Furthermore, Eritrea remains an active bastion for genuine stability across the wider Horn of Africa. Thus, for the PP government that relies heavily on foreign aid and which cannot even secure its own regional states: to question Eritrea’s strategic capacity is a bizarre inversion of reality, designed solely to justify an unlawful maritime overreach.

Additionally, the PP’s claims of pursuing peaceful diplomatic options are contradicted by its historical record of wartime duplicity. A concrete example occurred in 2022, during the height of the Northern Ethiopian conflict.

According to statements made by Getachew Reda – who was involved in the negotiations, the Prosperity Party had secretly met twice with representatives of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) in the Seychelles and Djibouti prior to the Pretoria Agreement. The objective of these secret meetings was to entice the TPLF into a joint military alliance with the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF) to launch a coordinated attack against Eritrean forces, which the PP tried to portray as the “ultimate enemy of both the PP and the TPLF”. This episode illustrates that the PP’s visceral war agenda against Eritrea which precedes the “sovereign sea access” discourse flaunted later.

Thus, the PP’s hostile posture toward Eritrea is part of a broader expansionist foreign policy that has destabilized the Horn of Africa on multiple fronts including:

The PP has pursued a persistent campaign of denigrating Eritrean statehood and advancing expansionist claims over sovereign Eritrean territories.

The PP’s hypocrisy is stark; it exploits the fact that AU is headquartered in the Ethiopian capital for purposes of continental diplomacy. At the same time, it bypassed international protocols by signing a unilateral, unlawful Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with Somaliland, directly violating the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Federal Republic of Somalia.

Furthermore, the PP regime has aggravated the catastrophic civil war in Sudan by hosting a UAE-financed military training facility, which serves as an active staging ground for cross-border drone strikes, weapon trafficking networks, and the recruitment of Mercenaries to reinforce the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), thereby catalyzing widespread regional destabilization.

In conclusion, irrespective of the shifting terminology, the sanitized packaging, or the diplomatic arenas chosen by the Prosperity Party to provide a veneer of validation for its “maritime imperative” and/or “self-defense”, the legal reality remains unchanged.

Despite these adverse realities, the Government of Eritrea has maintained a consistent, principled position: Eritrea’s sovereignty and territorial integrity are absolute and non-negotiable. Its internationally recognized borders are not subject to revision through coercion, military threats, political pressure, or manufactured historical narratives.

In the event, the international community must look past the changing parlance of the PP regime and address its underlying expansionist policies, which lie at the root of the current instability in the Horn of Africa.

Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the State of Eritrea

Research and Documentation Division

4 October 2026

Ethiopia’s Regional Rivals Urge ‘Peaceful’ Solutions to Disputes at Egypt Summit

Left to right: General Abdel Fattah Al-Burhan of Sudan, Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki, Egyptian President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi, and Hassan Somalia’s President Sheikh Mohamud. (Egyptian Presidency handout photo)

https://arab.news/zx6eg

4 October 2026 19:46

AFP

October 4, 2026

Egypt, Eritrea, Somalia, and Sudan convened in El-Alamein, Egypt, amid concerns over escalating violence in Ethiopia

Tensions recently escalated after Ethiopia accused Egypt, Sudan, and Eritrea of backing Tigray rebels, a charge all 3 countries deny

CAIRO: Ethiopia’s regional rivals Egypt, Eritrea, Somalia and Sudan met in the Egyptian coastal city of El-Alamein on Sunday, calling for regional disputes to be resolved through “peaceful means.”

The gathering comes as concerns grow that the escalating violence in Ethiopia could spill across borders.

The mini-summit brought together Egyptian President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi, Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki, Somalian President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and Sudanese army chief Abdel Fattah Al-Burhan.

The leaders called for “respecting the sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity of states” and “rejecting interference in their internal affairs,” according to a statement from the Egyptian presidency.

They also stressed the importance of “international law governing transboundary rivers,” including the Nile, and rejected “any unilateral measures” that could harm downstream states, read a joint statement after the talks.

The four countries have had strained relations with landlocked Ethiopia in recent years.

Egypt and Sudan remain at odds with Ethiopia over its giant Nile dam, which they fear could threaten their share of the river’s waters.

Sudan’s army has also accused Ethiopia of involvement in its war against the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF), an allegation Addis Ababa denies.

Relations between Somalia and Ethiopia have likewise been strained since Ethiopia signed an agreement with Somaliland, Somalia’s breakaway region, in 2024.

Tensions have mounted further this month after Ethiopia accused Egypt, Sudan and Eritrea of backing Tigray rebels, a charge all three countries reject.

Ethiopia and Eritrea severed diplomatic ties, while Cairo and Addis Ababa expelled members of each other’s diplomatic missions.

Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty told state-linked media on Sunday that Cairo has “absolutely nothing to do” with events in Ethiopia, describing the unrest as a “domestic crisis” rooted in ethnic and political divisions.

Renewed fighting in Ethiopia’s northern Tigray region has revived fears of a return to the country’s 2020-2022 civil war.

The Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) launched attacks on federal forces last month. Ethiopian troops were reported on Sunday to have taken full control of Mekelle, the regional capital.