Zimbabwe Vice President Hon. J.T.R. Mujuru with South African Deputy President Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka during her visit to South Africa in 2006.
Originally uploaded by Pan-African News Wire File Photos
By Richard Nyamanhindi
Courtesy of the Zimabwe Herald
THE official results for the House of Assembly in the March 29 Zimbabwe elections have been announced, with the two main political parties showing equal strength and the opposition parties in a majority.
The Movement for Democratic Change Tsvangirai party won 99 seats and the MDC faction led by Arthur Mutambara took 10 seats. The ruling Zanu-PF won 97 seats. There is one Independent, and three by-elections to come later.
As expected, the MDC Tsvangirai swept the seats in urban centres including Harare and Bulawayo, while Zanu-PF was stronger in rural areas and maintained its strength in Mashonaland and Midlands provinces. The smaller MDC won its few seats in rural areas in the south-west of the country, and independent aspirants garnered very few votes.
There was a high-profile campaign for election of women candidates, but only 28 made it into the Lower House, representing 13 percent of the total. These included the vice presidents of the leading parties, both of whom are women, and the Minister of Small and Medium Enterprises.
Meanwhile, legislators from East Africa have joined other observers in praising the harmonised elections saying, they were conducted in an environment that was democratic and fair.
Clarkson Otieno Kalan, head of the observer mission from the EAC and a Kenyan member of the East African Legislative Assembly, said his country and region have much to learn from the conduct of the polls in Zimbabwe, giving as an example the posting of results at the polling stations.
The Southern African Development Community Electoral Observer Mission was the first to give its preliminary statement on the day after the elections, saying they were "peaceful and credible" and calling on all parties to accept the results. The SEOM also commended the vote counting at polling stations, saying it was conducted "meticulously and lawfully".
This was followed by the reports of observers from the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa, the African, Caribbean and Pacific countries, and the Pan African Parliament, who separately expressed their views that the elections were well-conducted and credible.
The observer missions said the pre-election and voting periods were peaceful and conducive for a democratic and transparent election.
The head of the Comesa mission, Lucie Kasanga, said that polling stations allowed easy access to voters, observers, monitors and party agents, and guaranteed secrecy of the vote, adding that the mission did not witness any form of intimidation of voters inside or outside the polling stations.
"The mission did not witness any occurrences that compromised the integrity of the votes cast. Law and order were observed in all polling centres visited. Therefore, the presence of security personnel was limited to keeping law and order without interfering in the polling process.
"Voting procedures, such as checks on voters’ national identity cards, and/or voters’ registration slips, were used for verification of voters in the voters’ rolls and the application of indelible ink on the voter’s finger was strictly adhered to," Kasanga said.
The mission, however, observed that some voters were being turned away due to missing names on the voters’ roll, or were "aliens" hence were not allowed to vote.
The Comesa observer mission said agents of political parties and candidates were allowed to witness the process while most voters had good understanding of voting procedures and those who needed assistance were assisted in a chivalrous manner by polling staff.
The mission said electoral officials had good knowledge of rules of procedure in counting and closing operations and adhered to the law meticulously.
The mission said since the electoral process was still going on, all aggrieved parties should address their grievances through appropriate legal channels created to service electoral disputes in a peaceful manner.
It urged people in Zimbabwe, the Comesa region and co-operating partners to continue working together to consolidate democratic national governance that the country is committed to under its own constitution, Comesa Treaty, regional and international instruments.
The mission hailed the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission for the manner in which they handled the mammoth national task of organising the joint presidential, parliamentary, senatorial and council elections.
The African and Caribbean Pacific group election observer mission said it was "particularly impressed by the calm and peaceful atmosphere that prevailed before, during and immediately after polling day. From what it observed, the mission views the conduct of the voting process as orderly, transparent, democratic and fair".
The ACP said that voting procedures were followed to the letter and polling was done in an orderly manner, adding that in a few cases voters were sent away for not having the proper documentation or that their names did not appear in the voters’ roll.
The ACP observer mission was mainly concerned with observing voting, the counting process, and the other logistical aspects such as the reconciliation of unused ballot papers. The mission visited both rural and urban polling stations with a view to assessing the state of technical preparedness of the polling centres a few hours ahead of the opening of polling stations.
The PAP observer mission, headed by Marwick Khumalo, also released their statement, saying that campaigning before the election took place in an environment dominated by peace, order and high levels of tolerance while voting was conducted in a transparent and efficient manner.
The PAP added that the changes made in the Electoral Act facilitated the independence, impartiality and transparency of ZEC, adding that the allegations of vote rigging made by some stakeholders were unfounded and baseless.
"On the overall, the basic conditions for credible, free and fair elections as contained in the African Union Declaration on the principles of Governing Democratic Elections in Africa of 2002 were reflected in the Zimbabwe harmonised elections," said Khumalo.
Most observer teams deployed throughout the 10 provinces of the country to monitor the election and make an assessment of the whole process.
The Government of Zimbabwe invited five Asian countries (China, India, Malaysia, Indonesia and Iran) and four from the Americas (Brazil, Jamaica, Venezuela and Nicaragua) to observe the harmonised elections.
Other African regional organisations invited included the Economic Community of West African States, Economic Community of Central African States, and the East African Community. Among the invited sub-regional organisations were the Non-Aligned Movement, Association of South East Asian Nations, Maghreb Union, Community of Portuguese-speaking (Lusophone) countries, and Inter-Government Authorities on Development. Some are yet to present their reports. -- sardc.net.
Revolution: It’s not over till it’s over
By Caesar Zvayi
THIS writer would like to congratulate the economy, manipulated by London and Washington, for amassing 99 seats that went to MDC Tsvangirai by proxy, and Zanu-PF for putting up a spirited fight to keep the revolution alive with 97 seats in an environment heavily skewed in favour of the pro-West opposition.
Yes, this election, as Jonathan Moyo aptly put it so many moons ago, pitted Zanu-PF against the economy and since the economy cannot contest an election, the MDC Tsvangirai faction was on hand to receive the votes as procurator having played great victim over the years to launder the illegal sanctions.
Zimbabweans, particularly those who voted for the MDC, would do well to remember the words uttered by former US assistant secretary of state on African affairs Chester Crocker when he said, in a testimony to the US Senate: "To separate the Zimbabwean people from Zanu-PF we are going to have to make their economy scream, and I hope you, senators, have the stomach for what you have to do."
These words, a carryover from the utterances made by the then secretary of state Henry Kissinger who said the US had to make the Chilean economy scream in order to topple the leftwing government of Salvador Allende in 1973, should help us identify the source of the prevailing socio-economic problems — one Morgan Richard Tsvangirai of Nerutanga village in Buhera who grovelled for the illegal economic sanctions, and continues to condone them by refusing to follow the progressive world in condemning them.
The 99 seats he got are a harvest of thorns indeed, as they did not come from the brilliance of his campaign, let alone ideological appeal, but out of the desperation of a people near breaking point after being subjected to almost a decade of ruinous sanctions complemented by a largely white-owned economy that held them captive.
By extension, the votes credited to the MDC, particularly in rural areas, can easily go back to Zanu-PF with just a slight improvement in the silos. Yes, our poor mothers and fathers fell victim to the promise of abundant food aid made by Tsvangirai having just seen their crops washed away by incessant rains over the past few months.
Get it from me, this election was not free and fair as the MDC had a distinct advantage, a vantage proffered by the over 400 British companies that made sure the shelves whistled in emptiness till election day; the MDC’s Western handlers who ensured that the sanctions remained in place despite sustained criticism from progressive bodies like NAM, Comesa, and Sadc; and, of course, a captive civil service that in some places played spoiler by ensuring that food relief did not reach the rural areas in time so that for the first time in 10 years, the rural populace was forced to cast protest votes against Zanu-PF as if it holds the keys to the heavens.
Do not get him wrong, this writer is not maligning the rural voter, far from it. He takes his hat off to this constituency for showing the fickle urbanites that there is a difference between education and wisdom. Rural Zimbabwe bore the brunt of the struggle and understands what is at stake more than the so-called technocrats in some urban settings and their lumpen elements who make pretences at being illuminati.
The MDC Tsvangirai, as in previous elections, thrived on protest votes as evidenced by the fact that it won an absolute majority of the vote in just two provinces: Harare and Manicaland while Bulawayo was a three-way contest between Zanu-PF, MDC-T and MDC.
Zanu-PF, on the other hand, won an absolute majority of the vote in five provinces: the three Mashonalands, Midlands and Masvingo; and Matabeleland South with just under 43 percent of the vote although that lead was not translated into seats.
As such, while the MDC-Tsvangirai had a small lead in seat numbers, Zanu-PF was ahead in the popular vote as it tended to win with larger majorities in its strongholds while the opposition won by slimmer leads in their strongholds.
And that will be the key in the presidential run-off. Which is why the MDC Tsvangirai and its handlers are flipping at the idea of a run-off even though it is clearly stated in Section 110 (3) of the Electoral Act that: "Where two or more candidates for president are nominated, and after a poll, no candidate receives a majority of the total number of valid votes cast, a second election shall be held within twenty-one days after the previous election in accordance with this Act."
And the fight, dear reader, has just begun. It’s not over till it’s over. While the Westerners are stubborn and patient and are used to stalking their quarry to the end, Zimbabwe was tempered by bitter wars that began in 1896, just six years after settlers set foot in Mashonaland.
Zimbabweans won their independence 90 years later after waging a protracted 14-year war of attrition against the settler regime that had the tacit support of many in the white West. To this end, that revolution can never be set aside just because the Westerners have managed, for the first time, to dent Zanu-PF’s stranglehold on this country’s politics.
The 99 seats that went to the MDC do not represent any ideological shift in Zimbabwe, which is why they will be difficult to defend at the next election. By contrast, all 97 seats won by Zanu-PF came from a conscious populace that knows what is at stake in Zimbabwe, and the 45,94 percent share of the vote that went to Zanu-PF is grounded in unshakeable ideology, which is why this writer says it’s not over till it’s over.
If anything, given the state of the economy, and the precarious food security situation, the fact that Zanu-PF still managed to win the popular vote should worry the MDC and its handlers. This revolution cannot be compromised.
As British establishment journalist Peta Thornycroft said after the Budiriro by-election in March 2005 that saw Zanu-PF give the MDC a run for its money in a perceived MDC stronghold, Zanu-PF enjoys a lot of support despite the hardships.
‘‘I first saw that demonstrated to me in the March elections of 2005. I was actually astonished by that and it is in my copy. I then saw it again demonstrated in the Budiriro by-election when 4 000 people continued to vote for Zanu-PF and it was quite a peaceful by-election. They were just as short of fuel, water and electricity as all the other people in Budiriro. And I think that I realised that I hadn’t taken into consideration that Zanu-PF was an old established party . . . it does genuinely have support.’’
This is why, dear reader, what the Westerners did to Kwame Nkrumah in Ghana, Thomas Sankara in Burkina Faso, Seku Toure in Guinea, Patrice Lumumba in the DRC, and Maurice Bishop in Grenada cannot be easily replicated here.
In Zimbabwe, it’s not over till it’s over.
One journalist from West Africa made an observation that this writer believes almost cost Zanu-PF this election. He said the problem with Zimbabwe is that the Government is too democratic while the party at times is autocratic.
He said given the forces ranged against Zimbabwe, there was need for increased vigilance, and to do away with some freedoms that are exploited by rightwing forces in their bid to subvert the revolution.
The journalist cited the prevalence of publications like The Zimbabwean that is printed in London and then brought to Zimbabwe via South Africa, and South African papers like The Sunday Times and The Mail and Guardian that he said have no business being in Zimbabwe at this critical juncture, apart from fanning anti-Government sentiment. He said Cuba withstood the US onslaught for 50 years because it protected its territory from imperialist encroachment in whatever form.
Taking this observation and the inter-party talks between Zanu-PF and the MDC into context, this writer has no choice but to agree with the observations. Zanu-PF conceded too much ground to the MDC in the talks while the MDC refused to concede ground on the illegal Western sanctions that the party leadership refused to condemn even though it was evident the sanctions would have a bearing on the outcome of the election.
The brother said what Zanu-PF should have done was to give the MDC an ultimatum: Either condemn the sanctions or we postpone the elections till the sanctions are neutralised.
The second observation made by the journalist is very important and needs to be taken seriously by the Zanu-PF leadership once these elections are over.
The disease of imposing candidates is not only counter-productive but tantamount to political harakiri, to say the least.
An analysis of the results shows that Zanu-PF lost in all constituencies where candidates were imposed. Names that come to mind are Gutu South constituency where Shuvai Mahofa was imposed in place of Henrietta Rushwaya; and Makoni West where Joseph Mutakwese Made was imposed over Nation Madongorere.
This is a revolution. It demands that we listen to what the people, not what some in leadership, want.
28 women voted into House of Assembly
By Bayano Valy
WHEN the Parliament of Zimbabwe was dissolved to make way for elections last week, women made up 15,8 percent of the 120-seat House of Assembly.
The results of the March 29 harmonised elections for the Lower House of Parliament, the House of Assembly, show a total of 28 women elected, although this awaits official confirmation.
This represents just 13 percent of the total 210 seats, with 17 women elected on a Zanu-PF ticket and 11 for the opposition MDC Tsvangirai.
In all, for the House of Assembly, there were 99 women candidates out of a field of 779 candidates, comprising 12,7 percent.
A higher percentage of women are contesting the Senate, whose results are still to be announced, and there is a woman contesting in most of the 60 constituencies.
During campaigning for the harmonised elections, Zanu-PF fielded 43 women out of a total of 217 candidates for the House of Assembly, almost 20 percent.
The MDC Tsvangirai party ran with 19 female candidates out of a total of 205 candidates, just over 9 percent.
The smaller MDC faction headed by Arthur Mutambara fielded 16 women out of a total of 147 candidates, that is 10,8 percent.
In 2005, 58 women candidates contested, representing 21 percent of the total 270 candidates who sought a place in the 120-seat House of Assembly.
The number of seats in Parliament has increased by 90 to 210.
Both of the leading parties campaigned strongly for the election of women candidates based on their achievements, and among those re-elected were three high-profile women: Vice President Joice Mujuru, the Minister of Small and Medium Enterprises, Sithembiso Nyoni, and the vice president of MDC Tsvangirai, Thokozani Khupe.
Mujuru is one of the most senior women in the region’s politics.
She played an active and senior role in the war of liberation against colonial rule, and she has been a Cabinet minister since independence in 1980, holding a range of portfolios.
Zimbabwe still falls short of the target of the 1997 Sadc Declaration on Gender and Development, which proposed that by 2005 at least 30 percent of positions in political and decision-making structures in the public and private sector should be held by women.
At the 2005 Sadc Summit in Gaborone, Heads of State and Government endorsed the African Union position, which provides for a 50 percent target of women in all political and decision-making positions by 2015.
The endorsement finds echo in the draft Sadc Protocol on Gender and Development, which commits member countries to 50 percent of women in all political and decision-making positions.
The draft protocol is expected to be presented to the next summit in August 2008 in South Africa for adoption, following consultation at ministerial level and wide consultations with other stakeholders.
In the Sadc region, only Botswana (11,1 percent) and the Democratic Republic of Congo (12 percent) have fewer women members of parliament than Zimbabwe, in percentage terms.
So far only Mozambique, South Africa and Tanzania among Sadc countries have managed to elect over 30 percent women in parliament, through a system of proportional representation.
In Tanzania, a constitutional amendment guarantees that 30 percent seats for women are added through party lists, based on the percentage votes won by each party.
In South Africa, 43 percent of Cabinet members are women.
Overall, there were 779 candidates for the 210 seats in the Lower House in the Zimbabwean elections, and 197 aspirants for the 60 elected seats in the Upper House, the Senate, from 12 political parties and 116 independents.
For voting day, the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission had deployed 107 690 polling officers who oversaw voting in 9 000 polling stations throughout the country — most of the polling officials and presiding officers were women.
Zimbabwe’s electorate is estimated at around 5,9 million registered voters out of a population of around 12 million.
The following is the breakdown of registered voters in the country’s 10 provinces: Bulawayo (320 772), Harare (784 598), Manicaland (774 482), Mashonaland Central (522 107), Mashonaland East (658 123), Mashonaland West (625 729), Masvingo (740 969), Matabeleland North (366 271), Matabeleland South (355 480) and Midlands (786 237). — sardc.net.
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