Poster held symbolizing the imperialist-backed conference in London to chart the future of the Horn of Africa nation of Somalia. The state has been a U.S. neo-colony under the current AMISOM and CIA occupation., a photo by Pan-African News Wire File Photos on Flickr.
SOMALIA: The new government in Mogadishu has yet to prove its mettle
MAY 11, 2013
The Economist
AT THE end of the colonial era Somalia was arguably in ethnic terms the most homogeneous country in sub-Saharan Africa. The nearest to it was probably Botswana, which is four-fifths Tswana—and turned out to be peaceful and prosperous, suggesting to some that countries populated and run by a single big tribe have a better chance of stability than those with a hotch-potch of smaller ones.
Somalia, however, became a byword for conflict, poverty and ungovernability. Yet its ethnic homogeneity is misleading. Despite also sharing a single language and religion, it is divided into more than 500 clans and sub-clans, who are notoriously fractious and competitive. This, as well as their largely nomadic way of life, has made many Somalis fiercely loth to accept the edicts of a central government.
The last man to exert real authority from the capital, Mogadishu, was a military dictator, Siad Barre, who was ousted in 1991. His downfall was the cue for two decades of civil war. Can the country’s latest president, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, who was elected by parliament last September, do any better, while using democratic methods?
So far, so good. An uneasy peace holds in much of Somalia, thanks largely to a promise of federalism and decentralised power. Under the prodding of Britain, which has been leading a foreign push to put Somalia on its feet again, the new government accepts that the half a dozen or so of Somalia’s fiefs that enjoy a measure of autonomy should be given their head—and should be only gradually drawn back, if possible, into accepting central authority. So far the mosaic of clans, with their shifting alliances, have mainly held back from openly challenging Mr Mohamud’s government while they wait to see how resources and authority will be shared.
But Mohamed Omar, the foreign minister of Somaliland, a northern breakaway from the rump of Somalia, says the government in Mogadishu has achieved little despite its international backing. Both Somaliland and Puntland, a semi-autonomous north-eastern region, cold-shouldered a grand international conference on Somalia in London on May 7th. “The days when Somalia could be governed from the centre are over,” he said. “Anyone who brings them back will not bring peace.”
A former university dean and civil-rights activist, Mr Mohamud is well liked by foreign governments. In London they pledged $300m in aid in return for his promise of a “new Somalia”. But at home his writ only runs in the areas controlled by forces (mostly Ugandans, Kenyans and Ethiopians) under the aegis of the African Union. He is being closely watched for any signs of breaching his federal pledge.
Some worry that big tasks, such as completing a new constitution, outlining how power will be shared and setting up commissions to define boundaries and electoral systems, have yet to begin. Matt Bryden, a Canadian who runs Sahan Research, a Somali-oriented think-tank in Nairobi, notes that “none of the work has been done towards federalism,” letting critics allege that the government is more centralist than it admits. They fret that the new security forces and police will be dominated by Mr Mohamud’s powerful Hawiye clan.
Abdi Aynte, the head of the Heritage Institute, a think-tank based in Somalia, complains that too many conspiracy theories abound. The president has no hidden agenda, he says, and “an incredibly hard job”. Still, some of Mr Mohamud’s opponents in rival clans are still backing the Shabab, the armed Islamists linked to al-Qaeda that previously dominated the country, to destabilise him. In the past month, scores of people were killed in two Shabab suicide-attacks in Mogadishu.
The United States, which has spent $1.5 billion channelled through the African Union to bring better security, and Britain, which promised another $280m in aid this week, are keen to take credit for gains in Somalia. “Somalia has begun a rapid recovery in the last year,” said Justine Greening, Britain’s development minister, at the conference. “But this will be put at risk if the Somali government cannot manage its own public finances properly, avoid future famines or tackle terrorism and piracy.” Quite so.
Source: Economist
Press Relations--U.S. State Department
Office of the Spokesperson
Washington, DC
May 7, 2013
U.S. assistance to Somalia aims to: help develop a stable government; ensure Somalia is not a safe-haven for terrorists; respond to and mitigate humanitarian crises; combat piracy; and prevent instability in Somalia from destabilizing the region. On January 17, 2013, the United States formally recognized the Federal Government of Somalia as an acknowledgement of the recent political and security gains in Somalia.
Thanks to the hard-won successes of Somali and international security forces in Somalia, U.S. assistance reaches some areas previously inaccessible due to security concerns. The U.S. strategy in Somalia focuses primarily on supporting the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) and Somalia’s National Security Forces (NSF) and supporting stabilization and development opportunities.
The United States is committed to assisting Somalia. At the second London Conference on Somalia on May 7, Deputy Secretary William J. Burns announced plans to provide, subject to Congressional notification, an additional nearly $40 million for Somalia. Since 2009, the United States has provided over $1.5 billion in assistance to Somalia, including $545 million in FY 2012. The U.S. Government hopes to continue substantial financial support to Somalia in future years that will support Somalia’s progress and transition to longer-term development. U.S. foreign assistance programs support security, development and humanitarian objectives, as outlined below.
Security Assistance – Security assistance is focused on two key efforts: support for peacekeeping operations, including the provision of training, equipment, and transportation to the troop contributors to AMISOM, and support to security sector reform activities and related mentoring, training, equipment, and logistical support for the NSF. Programs support the international community’s ongoing Security Sector Reform effort by building the capacity of civilian authorities to oversee Somalia’s new security institutions. As part of its stabilization strategy, the United States maintains operational support and capacity development of conventional weapons destruction programs in northern Somalia. The United States utilizes law enforcement, military, development, and public diplomacy expertise and resources to support the efforts of Somalia and other regional partners to build and sustain their own counterterrorism capabilities.
Development-related Assistance – U.S. assistance supports stabilization activities, democracy and governance, education, health, economic growth, and institutional capacity building in line with U.S. and Somali priorities. Assisting Somalis in the reestablishment of viable governance institutions is essential to support post-transition efforts, alleviate the humanitarian suffering there and in neighboring countries, and to reduce the appeal of extremism and piracy. In addition, U.S. assistance supports local authorities and private sector groups to improve the enabling environment for investment, generate more productive employment, and improve livelihoods in the targeted regions.
Humanitarian Assistance – The United States continues to provide needs-based humanitarian assistance in response to the ongoing emergency. These interventions include food assistance, health, nutrition, water, sanitation, and livelihoods programming to address immediate needs and, where appropriate, build the resilience of vulnerable households to recurrent shocks.
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