Wednesday, August 12, 2026

Ghannouchi Begins Hunger, Meds Strike to Protest Isolation

By Al Mayadeen English

Source: Agencies

10 Aug 2026 14:26

Tunisia's Ennahda leader initiates a hunger and medication strike to protest his isolation while hospitalized, his defense team says.

The defense team for Rached Ghannouchi, the leader of Tunisia's Ennahda movement, announced on Monday that the 85-year-old has begun a hunger and medication strike to protest his "complete isolation" while hospitalized.

According to a statement published on Ghannouchi's official Facebook page, the defense team reported that the former parliament speaker was transferred to a hospital on July 29.

"Since then, he has been placed in complete isolation, with his lawyers and family prevented from visiting and communicating with him," the defense team said in the statement.

Information about his health condition has also been withheld, "despite repeated requests submitted to all concerned authorities." 

Ghannouchi launches strike despite health condition

"In light of this total blackout on information, the defense team learned that Ghannouchi began a hunger and medication strike on Aug. 6 to protest his isolation and deprivation of his most basic rights, as a last resort to defend these rights," the statement added.

The defense team said the treatment of Ghannouchi, who is in a "delicate health condition," amounts to "inhuman abuse" and "a serious violation of his basic rights and physical safety."

The team held Tunisian authorities "fully responsible for these violations and for any serious complications that may threaten" his life, demanding that "his lawyers and family be allowed to visit him and check on his health condition."

Tunis sentences Ghannouchi, Ennahda leaders to life

A Tunisian court sentenced several leaders of the Ennahda movement, including party leader and former parliament speaker Rached Ghannouchi, to life imprisonment in the case known as the "Secret Apparatus of the Ennahda Movement."

The rulings were issued by the criminal chamber specializing in terrorism-related cases at the Court of First Instance in Tunis, according to the Tunisian News Agency.

The case involved dozens of defendants, including senior Ennahda figures and former security officials. Among those sentenced was former Prime Minister and Ennahda deputy leader Ali Larayedh, who received a 42-year prison sentence.

Authorities allege Ennahda infiltrated Tunisian institutions

The proceedings stem from allegations that a clandestine apparatus linked to the movement infiltrated state institutions and was involved in activities deemed threatening to national security.

The case was reopened in early 2022 following complaints submitted by the Public Prosecutor's Office and the legal team representing the families of Tunisian politicians Chokri Belaid and Mohamed Brahmi.

Ennahda has consistently denied the accusations, describing them as politically motivated and rejecting claims that its leadership operated or supervised a secret organization.

US Eyes Expanded Puntland Military Presence as Red Sea Tensions Mount

By Al Mayadeen English

Source: Responsible Statecraft

11 Aug 2026 12:27

Escalating Red Sea tensions increase Washington’s strategic focus on the Horn of Africa and raise concerns over Somalia’s sovereignty.

The United States is moving to deepen its military presence in Puntland, a semi-autonomous region of northeastern Somalia, as Washington seeks greater operational flexibility near the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden amid widening regional tensions, Responsible Statecraft reported.

According to the outlet, the top US special operations commander for Africa reached an agreement in early August with Puntland President Said Abdullahi Deni to expand an American military installation in the port city of Bosaso.

The arrangement has so far been disclosed only by Puntland authorities, while neither US Africa Command nor officials in Washington have publicly confirmed the deal or released its terms.

“Under the agreement, the United States will expand its military base in Bosaso to improve operations against terrorism and to help protect maritime security,” the Puntland Government of Somalia said in a statement. “The Puntland state remains committed to fighting terrorism and any threat that could harm the security, stability, and development of Puntland, Somalia, and the Horn of Africa.”

The reported agreement comes as Washington reassesses its military posture around the Red Sea, where the consequences of the war on Iran and escalating maritime tensions have increased the strategic importance of the Horn of Africa.

Bosaso offers Washington greater operational freedom

US forces have previously used Puntland as a staging point for operations in Somalia, including through an Emirati-operated facility in Bosaso.

Cameron Hudson, a former director for African affairs at the US National Security Council, said the latest development may indicate that Washington wants a more permanent and directly controlled presence.

“The United States probably now sees a longer term need to have a kind of wholly owned, wholly operated U.S. base in the region,” Hudson told Responsible Statecraft.

Such a facility could support an increase in US strikes inside Somalia, but analysts cited by the outlet said its location also makes it particularly valuable for operations linked to the Gulf of Aden, Yemen, and the Bab al-Mandab Strait.

Increased focus on the Red Sea?

Michael Woldemariam, an associate professor at the University of Maryland, said the development is difficult to separate from the broader regional conflict.

“It's really only understandable in terms of the Red Sea question,” he said. “I find it hard to understand what the logic would be independent of increased focus on the Red Sea, Gulf and maritime security questions.”

The shift comes after Sanaa announced on July 20 that it would impose a maritime blockade against Saudi Arabia in the Red Sea in response to renewed Saudi attacks, adding further pressure to shipping routes already affected by the wider war.

Bosaso lies on the Gulf of Aden, close to the Bab al-Mandab, a critical maritime chokepoint linking the Red Sea with the Arabian Sea.

Djibouti restrictions increase Puntland's strategic value

Washington already operates Camp Lemonnier in neighboring Djibouti, its largest permanent military base in Africa.

However, Samar Al-Bulushi, an associate professor at the University of California, Irvine, told Responsible Statecraft that Djibouti's government has imposed limits on how the United States can use the facility during the regional conflict.

According to Al-Bulushi, Djibouti told Washington that attacks on Yemen could not be launched from its territory because authorities feared being drawn into the confrontation.

A larger US presence in Puntland could therefore provide AFRICOM with fewer political restrictions when conducting operations around Yemen and the Red Sea.

“The Trump administration might be reconsidering its engagement in Somalia,” Ahmed Ibrahim, a socio-cultural anthropologist specializing in the Horn of Africa, told the outlet.

The shift would follow a period in which Washington relied heavily on air power rather than expanding its ground presence. Trump carried out a record 124 strikes in Somalia last year, according to the report, with another 78 conducted so far in 2026.

Deal raises questions over Somalia's sovereignty

The reported agreement is also politically sensitive because it was apparently negotiated directly with Puntland without the participation of Somalia's internationally recognized federal government in Mogadishu.

Puntland has been locked in a prolonged dispute with the central government and does not currently recognize Mogadishu's authority.

“The informality is really important,” Al-Bulushi said. “If the U.S. wants to be able to stand by its claim — that seems to be a claim only — that it respects the sovereignty of the Somali government, then, in theory, it wouldn't be negotiating formal agreements with these semi-autonomous regions.”

Washington has long maintained relations both with Somalia's federal authorities and with regional governments such as Puntland and Somaliland, but analysts say direct security dealings with those entities could further strengthen them at Mogadishu's expense.

AFRICOM officials also met with leaders in Jubaland shortly before the Puntland agreement was announced. Jubaland, like Puntland, is embroiled in a dispute with the central government.

Putting Sudan between a rock and a hard place

Hudson warned that strengthening regional authorities while criticizing the weakness of Somalia's federal government could ultimately worsen the fragmentation Washington says it wants to overcome.

“We create this self-fulfilling prophecy,” he said. “If we complain about the weakness and division and then we suspend our support [for the central government] and we strengthen the peripheral states, then we are going to accelerate the thing about which we are complaining the most.”

Woldemariam, however, claimed that Somalia was already facing serious political instability before the agreement emerged.

"I'm not sure security cooperation with Puntland or Somaliland really makes it any worse. I think we're already at a pretty alarming stage,” he said.

Still, he suggested that Bosaso may represent only one element of a broader expansion of the US military presence along the Horn of Africa's Red Sea coastline.

"There's a lot of smoke here," Woldemariam said. "I think we're headed in the direction of a scaled-up U.S. presence across the Horn's Red Sea littoral. Ultimately the form it takes remains to be seen.”

'Sudan Is Losing Another Generation' to War, Mohammed Warns

UNICEF/UNI935560/Jamal

The intensifying fighting in and around Al Obeid and across North Kordofan adds serious concern for the protection of conflict-affected children in Sudan, already dramatically impacted by three years of violent conflict across the country.

7 August 2026

UN News Service

More than 1,000 days of war in Sudan have left millions of children out of school, displaced or exposed to grave violations, the UN Deputy Secretary-General said on Friday, calling for renewed action to end the conflict.

Amina Mohammed was speaking to Security Council members during an informal meeting on safeguarding education in Sudan, organised under a framework known as the Arria formula.

"Among everything this war is taking, one of the most significant is the future of Sudan depriving the education of its children," she said.

Education under fire

At least eight million school-aged children remain outside the classroom, she said, "with a disproportionate impact on millions of displaced children," especially those who have fled to other countries.

In battle-scarred Darfur alone, nearly three quarters of schools have been damaged, destroyed or otherwise rendered non-functional since fighting erupted in April 2023.

"Five children in every six are out of school, and parents will tell you they would rather keep their children at home than send them to a classroom, because home for them is the only place left where they can keep them safe," she said.

She noted that since 2024, the UN has verified more than 67 attacks on schools across Sudan, while over 154 instances of military use of schools have been reported, though the true scale is undoubtedly greater.

A 'frontal assault' on child safety and dignity

Ms. Mohammed described attacks against schools as "frontal assaults on children's safety and their dignity" because they lose protective spaces, opportunities for social development alongside peers, and access to essential services such as school feeding programmes, healthcare, and mental health support.

At the same time, more than half of all teachers in Sudan have gone unpaid, yet many continue teaching "against all odds," she added.

"I could read numbers to you for the whole of my five minutes and still fall short of what is being done to Sudan's children, especially its girls," she said Ms. Mohammed.

"Sudan has already lost a generation to its earlier wars, and it is losing another one now."

Paying the price

The Deputy Secretary-General said that this year, the UN and partners have brought more than a million Sudanese children back into some form of learning, but it is simply not enough.

"This is a war that men started," she continued. "But it is being paid for on the backs of women, and on the backs of children who had no say in any of it but suffer most."

She said it is time to silence the guns and to pull Sudan back from the brink of losing another generation of its children.

Children cannot wait

She called for Security Council members to do their utmost to bring the conflict to an end, create the conditions for peace, and the enabling environment to get Sudan's children back to learning.

"I urge you to do everything within your power to do so, for the young Sudanese living through this war today, and for future generations who will inherit whatever is left of their country.

Ms. Mohammed upheld education as being both lifesaving and life-changing because it protects children today and lays the foundations for peace, recovery and stability tomorrow.

"Sudan's children have waited 1,210 days for the war to end," she said. "They should not have to wait any longer."

Read the original article on UN News.

Africa Health Agencies Urge Faster Ebola Response in DRC As Cases Rise

11 August 2026

The Independent (Kampala)

The Democratic Republic of Congo needs to urgently expand its community-led response to Ebola as new infections and deaths continue to outpace efforts to contain the outbreak, the World Health Organization and Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention said.

The DRC had reported 3,973 confirmed cases, 1,801 deaths and 776 recoveries across 51 health zones in five provinces as of Aug. 4, according to the agencies.

The country recorded 99 new confirmed cases and 52 deaths in the latest 24-hour reporting period, while 674 patients were receiving care.

Contact tracing, a key measure for breaking chains of transmission, stood at 75%, below the operational target of at least 95%, according to the agencies. Treatment centres in North Kivu were operating at 139% occupancy, putting additional pressure on health workers and available beds.

The figures emerged after a joint high-level mission by WHO and Africa CDC to Uganda and the DRC on Aug. 4 and 5. The delegation was led by WHO Director-General Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, Africa CDC Director-General Jean Kaseya and WHO Regional Director for Africa Mohamed Janabi.

The agencies called for earlier detection, faster contact follow-up and expanded access to testing, referral, isolation and treatment in affected communities.

They also urged governments and partners to provide more supplies, laboratory and ambulance capacity, safe and dignified burial services and timely support for frontline health workers.

Uganda offers a contrasting example

The mission began in Kampala, where officials reviewed Uganda's response after the country declared its Ebola outbreak over on July 28.

Uganda recorded 20 confirmed cases and two deaths. All identified contacts completed follow-up. WHO and Africa CDC said Uganda demonstrated the importance of early detection, rapid contact tracing, coordinated government action, community engagement and cross-border surveillance.

But they warned that continued transmission in the DRC means Uganda and other neighbouring countries remain at risk.

The agencies called for sustained surveillance, laboratory readiness and coordination along borders despite Uganda ending its outbreak.

Communities face the biggest pressure

In Bunia, the capital of Ituri province and the centre of the DRC outbreak, the delegation visited an Ebola treatment centre and met health workers, provincial officials and community representatives.

The mission found that insecurity, population movement, poor roads, misinformation and pressure on health services were complicating the response.

Ituri accounts for almost 90% of confirmed Ebola cases in the DRC, with Bunia, Rwampara and Mongbwalu among the most affected health zones.

The agencies said the response must move closer to communities, with trusted local, religious, women and youth leaders involved in surveillance, referrals, treatment and public-health messaging.

"Ebola is outpacing our response" in some parts of eastern DRC, Tedros said, calling for greater resources, safer access for responders and stronger international support.

Kaseya said communities would ultimately determine whether transmission can be stopped.

"When people have information they trust, can report symptoms early and seek care without fear, we can break every chain of transmission," he said.

Financing and access remain critical

The agencies also urged donors to ensure pledged financing reaches frontline operations quickly and called for better access to areas affected by insecurity.

They said health facilities must continue providing essential services while Ebola operations are expanded.

WHO and Africa CDC advised countries against unnecessary restrictions on travel and trade, instead urging governments to strengthen surveillance, laboratory capacity, preparedness and cross-border coordination.

The mission ended in Kinshasa with meetings with President Félix Tshisekedi and members of government, where the delegation presented findings from Uganda and Bunia.

Both agencies reaffirmed support for a government-led response, while calling for national authorities, health workers, communities and international partners to work under a single coordinated effort.

The experience of Uganda, they said, shows that Ebola can be contained. The challenge in the DRC is making the response move faster than the virus.

Read the original article on Independent (Kampala).

WHO Recommends a Clinical Trial of Ebola Vaccine Against Bundibugyo Virus

Josua Mulala Raymond/ WHO

A health worker carries a stretcher into an Ebola treatment centre in the DR Congo.

9 August 2026

Premium Times (Abuja)

By Fortune Eromonsele

The recommendation followed preliminary animal study data suggesting that the vaccine may provide some cross-protection against the disease, particularly in reducing deaths.

The World Health Organisation (WHO) has recommended that a vaccine called Ervebo be prioritised for a randomised clinical trial against Bundibugyo virus disease in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).

The recommendation followed preliminary animal study data suggesting that the vaccine may provide some cross-protection against the disease, particularly in reducing deaths.

WHO's Technical Advisory Group on Candidate Vaccine Prioritisation made the recommendation at its third meeting on 31 July, after reviewing available evidence on the vaccine's safety, efficacy, availability and feasibility.

The development comes as the DRC continues to respond to an outbreak of Ebola disease caused by the Bundibugyo virus, which was declared on 15 May 2026.

As of 30 July, WHO had recorded 3,605 confirmed cases and 1,587 deaths from the outbreak in the DRC.

Why Ervebo is being considered

The advisory group's recommendation is significant because Ervebo was developed specifically against Ebola virus disease caused by the Ebola Zaire virus, rather than the Bundibugyo virus.

According to WHO, the group initially advised against using Ervebo outside carefully designed research settings because its effectiveness against Bundibugyo virus disease remained uncertain.

However, preliminary animal study data indicate that Ervebo may confer some cross-protection against Bundibugyo virus disease, particularly by reducing mortality.

The latest evidence prompted the advisory group to recommend that Ervebo be prioritised for a randomised clinical trial to determine its effectiveness against the disease.

What is the Bundibugyo virus?

The Bundibugyo virus causes Ebola disease. It is distinct from the Ebola virus that Ervebo was specifically developed to protect against.

The Bundibugyo virus disease outbreak in the DRC is the first of its kind in the country. WHO says there is currently no licensed vaccine or specific treatment for Bundibugyo virus disease.

The disease is a severe infection, and previous Bundibugyo virus disease outbreaks have recorded case fatality rates ranging from 30 to 50 per cent, according to WHO.

Safety concerns

According to WHO, the advisory group found no identified safety concerns with the use of Ervebo among contacts of confirmed cases during a Bundibugyo virus disease outbreak.

However, the experts stressed that the vaccine's effectiveness against Bundibugyo virus disease and its ability to prevent transmission have not been established.

They therefore recommended that these questions be evaluated through clinical research.

WHO said a vaccine specifically developed against the Bundibugyo virus would remain the preferred option, although preliminary data on such candidates are currently unavailable.

The advisory group also emphasised the need to facilitate large-scale vaccine production and access if future evidence demonstrates sufficient efficacy to protect affected populations.

Read the original article on Premium Times.

Congo-Kinshasa: Ebola Is Killing People Before They Ever Reach a Doctor

10 August 2026

UN News Service

More than 1,900 people have died in the Democratic Republic of the Congo's Ebola outbreak - and most of them never made it to a treatment centre. Between 60 and 70 per cent of deaths are happening in communities far from care, a gap that is now central to the World Health Organization's response.

"The Bundibugyo virus continues to outpace us," said Dr. Mohamed Janabi, WHO Regional Director for Africa, speaking from Bunia, the epicentre of the outbreak in eastern DRC - referring to a particularly lethal Ebola strain for which there is still no approved vaccine.

"The Bundibugyo virus continues to outpace us," Dr. Mohamed Janabi, WHO Regional Director for Africa, said at a press conference, referring to the particularly lethal species of Ebola for which no approved vaccine currently exists.

Three months into the outbreak, the UN health agency intends - along with Congolese authorities and their partners - to "urgently intensify" the response because behind the heavy human toll lies a problem that has become central: too many patients are receiving treatment too late.

Understanding the numbers

Dr. Janabi recently spent three days in Bunia, capital of Ituri province - his fifth visit since the epidemic was declared there on 15 May.

Alongside Dr. Steve Ahuka, one of the Congolese leaders of the response, he visited several treatment centres and met community members to understand why the death toll remains so high.

Discussions with representatives of the local transport association highlighted shortcomings in the patient transport system. According to WHO, half of the deaths observed among transported individuals are linked to the conditions of their care.

"We asked ourselves why people are dying in Bunia? But talking to these leaders, we understood two things," said Dr. Janabi.

"Village centres outside of Bunia, they don't have these services. As a result, everyone comes to Bunia. Unfortunately, they come late."

Distances and deaths

The concentration of healthcare capacity in the city thus transforms distance into a factor in mortality.

As patients lack suitable facilities near their homes, they must travel long distances before receiving care, and sometimes when their health is already severely compromised.

The journey itself can also fuel the epidemic. Patients taken to Bunia are not always sent directly to an Ebola treatment centre. Some are first taken home. When they die, their bodies may be taken back to their villages, thus multiplying contacts and the risk of further infections.

WHO wants to break this chain by bringing healthcare facilities closer to communities, better informing the public and transport providers, and promptly referring suspected cases to appropriate centres.

"Three months after the start of the epidemic, if we are seeing only 30 per cent, can we sit down and review our approach?" asked the agency's head for Africa.

Aru shows the way

The town of Aru, also in Ituri province, provides an example of what this shift in strategy could achieve. No new cases have been recorded there for two weeks, representing a real "success story".

Dr. Janabi said that after a case was detected, teams identified 159 contacts, including 121 people who were considered suspected cases. However, response was not limited to monitoring these individuals and was extended to surrounding communities, from which many patients originate.

Moreover, healthcare facilities are being established - and awareness campaigns conducted - so that residents no longer have to travel to Bunia for treatment. The objective is twofold: to treat patients earlier and to prevent the provincial capital from becoming a hub for both patients and increased risk of transmission.

Centred on community

"We have to protect Bunia now," said Dr. Janabi, adding that WHO will meet with the Congolese health authorities "and see how we can build centres now outside Bunia so that we can content those people where they are."

WHO also plans to add 400 beds dedicated to Ebola patients and another 100 for various health services, but the UN agency also insists on the need to broaden the response beyond the healthcare system alone.

For example, vendors in markets could install handwashing stations themselves, he said, stressing that the fight against Ebola must be a collective effort.

"I don't expect the central Government to do everything. I don't expect our agencies to do everything. But if we raise awareness among market vendors, they can themselves donate a bucket or two for handwashing," he said.

After three months of the epidemic, WHO is therefore counting on a change of scale but above all, of method: less concentration of the response in Bunia and earlier intervention closer to transmission hotspots.

Dr. Janabi believes that this approach could produce results in the next two or three months.

The top WHO official said he was leaving Bunia "very optimistic", but the figures demonstrate the current urgency because if the majority of Ebola deaths continue to occur in communities rather than in healthcare facilities, the virus will maintain its advantage.

Read the original article on UN News.

South Africa Feels the Economic Cost of Anti-Migrant Xenophobia

Ihsaan Haffejee/GroundUp

A march against immigration in Benoni on the East Rand of the Gauteng province in South Africa. (file photo).

5 August 2026

The New Humanitarian (Geneva)

By Obi Anyadike and Oscar Nkala

Johannesburg — "Intellectually, xenophobia is not being contested, instead people are looking for scapegoats."

South Africa's Afrophobic anti-migrant protest movement has vowed to keep marching until every undocumented migrant has left the country, despite the campaign's impact on the economy and the country's standing across the continent.

The March and March movement set 30 June as the deadline for all undocumented migrants to leave. In practice, however, it was predominantly working class African nationals - regardless of their status - who were targeted by violent vigilante groups.

In response, more than 160,000 people were helped home by their governments, according to a tally of official repatriation numbers. Yet more returned privately, sent back just wives and children, or relocated to safer parts of the country.

March and March, which describes itself as a civic organisation, is planning to increase the tempo of agitation in the run-up to local government elections on 4 November. That could be a watershed moment given the weakness of the ruling ANC, with the movement seeking to make migration the key campaign issue.

"We will be making our presence felt," spokesperson Sandile Dube told The New Humanitarian. "We are fixing the country, and we can only stop when every South African job is occupied by a South African."

Yet that sentiment overlooks how integral South Africa's roughly three million migrants - officially under 4% of the population - are to the country's economy (there is no consensus on the number of undocumented).

Maggie Mpharana lives in the Diepkloof area of Soweto. She rented out her garage a decade ago to Harun Gebrelasse, a Somali trader, who turned it into a small convenience store, known locally as a spaza shop.

He paid a monthly rental equivalent to $180, and employed her teenage son when he wasn't in school. But in June, anti-migrant vigilantes beat up Gebrelasse and looted his shop - despite the fact he held a valid visa and business permits. Two days later, they came back and - during an altercation - torched the store. "I don't understand how that is fixing the country," said Mpharana.

Migrants making it in South Africa

Spaza shops are interwoven into the fabric of urban neighbourhoods in South Africa. They are on every street corner, stay open all hours, sell household items in affordable micro-quantities and, crucially, provide credit to regular customers. It's a slice of the economy that's entirely Black-owned, distinct from the commercial malls and formal retail spaces located a long bus-ride away from most urban precincts.

It is estimated that the country's 150,000-200,000 spaza shops generate nearly three million jobs and contribute just over 5% to South Africa's GDP. They also circulate money through the local economy as part of a value chain that links manufacturers, wholesalers, and transporters.

Their owners are overwhelmingly Somali or Ethiopian - like Bayene, who came to South Africa from southern Ethiopia overland in 2011 along an arduous and dangerous migration route to claim asylum.

He worked in the spaza shop of a relative who had sponsored his journey until he was able to open his own store in Soweto in 2015 - a typical first-generation migrant story of hard work and sacrifice that can be found the world over. But now he's not sure whether to quit.

Along with other shop-owners, Bayene has been negotiating with private security companies for protection. Many traders, however, have chosen to close down - or say they have been forced to. He alleged that March and March's latest tactic is to threaten landlords that their property will be torched unless they evict their foreign tenants.

"My landlord doesn't want to kick me out, he's protecting me," Bayene told The New Humanitarian. "But some landlords, to save themselves, [have complied]."

Dube said that although March and March does not condone violence, "South Africans have now been educated to know that to rent out a backroom or a house to an illegal foreigner is a crime".

Shuab (who gave only his first name) is a Somali national who runs a wholesale business - one of five in Soweto supplying hundreds of spaza shops in the area. "For the last three months, business has been down; right now it's much worse," he said. "I'm even keeping the stock of some of the shop-owners that ran away.

Shuab arrived in South Africa in 2010 as a refugee. With the support of the close-knit Somali community, he was able to open his first shop in 2018 - which was then torched and looted during political unrest in 2021.

Two years later, he managed to open his wholesale business - a 2,000-square metre warehouse stocked full of fast-selling household items. Out of his 10 employees, six are South African, whom he says worry they could lose their jobs if he was forced to close.

Shuab regards March and March as different from previous bouts of Afrophobic violence. "This is organised, but we don't know who is behind it," he said.

Previously, protesters would loot, then things would quickly return to normal. "But with these people, you can't negotiate," he added. "Whether you are legal or illegal, so long as you are not South African, they will tell you to close."

March and March reflects a false narrative commonly repeated in South Africa. It's plastered over social media, expressed in radio call-in programmes, news broadcasts, and conversations on taxi buses: fellow African citizens bring crime, dirt, decay, don't pay taxes, and exhaust social services. It doesn't seem to matter how evidence-free those claims are.

"This is about restoring order"

Last month, the City of Johannesburg - whose inner-city has long been a byword for neglect - demolished container shops at Marble Towers, a hub for informal traders selling Chinese fast fashion and beauty products. The aim was to enforce municipal safety bylaws. "This is about restoring order," said Mayor Dada Morero. "We remain committed to reclaiming the city one precinct at a time."

Yet the area around Rahima Moosa Street, commonly known as Jeppe, attracts cross-border resale traders from throughout southern Africa. They spend close to $600 million a year - twice the turnover of Sandton, the richest mall in Africa - but March and March has had a chilling effect on that business. One Zambian bus operator said passengers were down by at least 30%.

Tanya Zack - who has researched the Jeppe Street economy for years - describes the city's enforcement action as the legitimisation of exclusion.

"The city is destroying irregular stalls, but that's not matched with a vision for what it wants," she told The New Humanitarian. "It's never recognised the value of a migrant-led economy. There's no word on regularisation, no planning; it's purely law enforcement. It's a terrible loss for the central role Jo'burg can play in the region."

That's an argument that struggles for impact among many South Africans. Journalist and commentator Mondli Makhanya sees clear parallels between South Africa's nativist wave, and the rightward lurch in many other parts of the world.

"Let's accept: reason, logic and facts are the losers in this debate," he wrote recently. "The voices of the populists are the ones being heard."

Abel (who gave only his first name) is one who would be hard to convince over the merits of migration. He lives close to Shuab's warehouse but views the businessman's apparent success through the prism of his own perceived disadvantage.

"These spaza shops are in the wrong hands," he said. "They are going to foreigners who are not paying taxes, and using our resources. But if I were to try and open one, the government would drown me in paperwork. The government is our father but is not looking after its children - instead it's looking after the children of its neighbours."

Community diversity

But proximity also builds understanding. In the communities The New Humanitarian visited around Soweto, people tended to say that March and March did not reflect their views - that any agitation came from a rent-a-mob typically recruited from the hostels that house young men from KwaZulu-Natal (KZN), the movement's birthplace.

"Yes, if you are here illegally, it's wrong," said Happiness Tuso, as she chatted with neighbours on a quiet street in Naledi. "But I don't believe what [March and March] is doing is right. In this street, we have a lady from Mozambique who braids hair, that man is from Lesotho, and he washes cars. We know them, and the ones we know, we trust."

Her friend, Ntombi, was more scathing. "People from outside [South Africa] came with nothing but have managed to build something. We don't really have an excuse - this is our home," she said. "We put too much blame on the government, but it's not right for us to be dependent on government. You can open a business in your own house - I have my own little [hustle]."

Both women had an additional gripe. Because Tuso has a dark complexion, and Ntombi wears a hijab, they are both stopped in the city-centre by vigilantes who assume they are not South African. "It's embarrassing, especially when you're with your children," said Tuso. "You have to prove yourself by speaking [in vernacular], but my children speak bad Zulu (the urban lingua franca)."

South Africa's structural problems

South Africa's xenophobia has been nurtured by the country's deep structural problems and decades of policy failures, said William Gumede, founder of the non-profit Institute for Social Dialogue. "If all non-South Africans are kicked out, it's not going to deliver jobs, employment, and services," he told The New Humanitarian.

South Africa has been burdened for decades by a crippling unemployment rate. In the first quarter of 2026, just over 60% of young people aged 15 to 24 were unemployed, and it's around 41% for those aged 25 to 34.

That's partly a reflection of a deeply flawed schooling system. Just over 80% of 9 and 10-year-olds cannot read for meaning, constraining future work and education opportunities. Benchmarked against international peers, South African learners consistently come last in maths and science surveys, with hundreds of public schools not teaching the subjects at all.

"Education cannot solve unemployment alone, but weak education almost guarantees that unemployment becomes hereditary," notes Linda du Plessis, senior deputy vice chancellor of the University of the North West.

Critics of South African business accuse employers of deliberately hiring exploitable foreign nationals who do not know - or cannot demand - their rights under the country's labour laws, and accept less than the minimum wage.

The counter-claim by employers is that they struggle to find South African candidates with the right skillsets - which schools in neighbouring countries do seem able to produce - and as a result have called on the Department of Home Affairs to issue waivers to allow them to hire foreign citizens legally.

"We employ people based on training, capabilities"

Jassat Esat runs a textile factory with a workforce dominated by locals, but with machinist and technical staff positions generally filled by people from the region. "I fully understand the demand for us to employ locals," he told The New Humanitarian. "But we employ people based on training, capabilities, and their work ethic."

He fears that the textile industry, facing stiff competition from cheap second-hand clothing, will be further damaged as staff leave as a result of a now-entrenched xenophobia, backed by immigration raids.

Agriculture is especially dependent on labour from the region. In KZN's sugar belt, one farmer reported he had lost up to 80% of his cane-cutting workforce virtually overnight. The same concerns are aired in the horticulture, fruit, and vegetable sectors, which already face narrowing profit margins and climate uncertainty.

The structure of the agriculture labour market has historically been skewed to workers from Zimbabwe, Mozambique, and Lesotho. Employers say they have struggled to retain South Africans for what is seasonal, back-breaking work, typically on remote farms. Growing mechanisation - and the demand for greater skills - will reduce demand still further.

Gumede believes that South Africa's xenophobia has done potentially irreparable harm. Not only has the country become diplomatically isolated across much of the continent, but it threatens trade links worth $42 billion annually.

"Around 30% of our exports go to the rest of Africa. If you add informal trade, it could be 35%," he said. "We're fighting the rest of Africa, while we're also destroying our economy."

Foreigners as scapegoats

Dube of March and March is confident that employers are beginning to respond to the demand to hire locally - backed by the fear of legal sanctions - but he also acknowledges the economic disruption his movement has caused.

"There is no way you can't be worried about the shake-up of the economy, but I'm also worried about crime," he said. "You can't say because of economic benefits you leave a crime - you cannot leave the drug pushers and human traffickers."

Blaming foreigners for South Africa's stagnation is low-hanging fruit for politicians. It's a sentiment increasingly shared by a middle class that fears job losses and competition in an economy growing by barely 1%.

The political fragility of the ANC, after 30 years in power, has allowed populist parties to fill the vacuum - and they are expected to make significant gains in November's local government elections.

"Intellectually, xenophobia is not being contested," said Gumede. "Instead, people are looking for scapegoats. It's a tragedy."

Edited by Andrew Gully.

Obi Anyadike, Senior editor, Africa

Oscar Nkala, Investigative journalist who works across Africa on issues of migration, environment, climate change, and the impact on people and livelihoods

Read this report on The New Humanitarian. The New Humanitarian puts quality, independent journalism at the service of the millions of people affected by humanitarian crises around the world.

 South Africa: Immigrant Traders See Their Livelihoods Destroyed By March and March

Masego Mafata / GroundUp

Informal traders in the City of Johannesburg (file photo).

11 August 2026

GroundUp (Cape Town)

By Matthew Hirsch

Traders with documents and permits chased away, leaving Bellville bus terminus market almost empty

Dozens of immigrant traders who usually traded at the Golden Arrow terminus in Bellville are staying away because of anti-immigrant protests.

When we visited the once bustling site last week, it was quiet with only a handful of traders. Many stalls were deserted.

Some traders we spoke to said they had tried to set up shop in other areas but were stopped. They have not traded at the bus site since the March and March 30 June "deadline" demanding "illegal immigrants" leave South Africa.

"I need to pay rent, put food on the table, and pay the bills," a Zimbabwean man who asked to remain anonymous told GroundUp.

He said he has been selling clothes in Bellville for about five years. He left Zimbabwe in 2008 when its economy collapsed.

While he has not been directly threatened, he has witnessed others being harassed.

"They will take your stuff and throw it on the ground," he said.

"It hurts, but as much as it hurts, it's their country, and they're also marginalised people."

Another trader, who introduced herself as Meye, said she has had a permit to trade since 2010. She fled the DRC in 2003.

"We are legal; everything is correct. But they say we are foreigners and we need to go back to our country."

A single mother of three, she says she is now struggling to feed and school her children.

Another single mother, Safia, says she has been unable to trade despite having refugee status and a trading permit. She came from Somalia in 2010.

She said law enforcement needs to protect the traders better.

"I can't sleep at night because of what is happening. I can't even pay my rent. I can't support my children," she said.

Abdulhakim Husein, Western Cape director of the Somalia Association of South Africa, told GroundUp that he had been assisting traders since the start of July.

He said many asylum seekers and refugees are traders as they have to rely on being self-employed. They came from Somalia, DRC, Zimbabwe, Angola and Burundi.

He said that at a meeting on 13 July (which the City confirmed), it was agreed that traders with valid permits should be allowed to trade. But on 14 July, they received a message warning them about a March and March protest in the area.

Husein said they have approached a legal NGO for assistance.

City spokesperson Luthando Tyhalibongo said foreign nationals whose immigration status has been verified by Home Affairs are permitted to trade with a valid permit. These cost R78 per month.

"It is a concern whenever permitted traders, whether South African citizens or foreign nationals lawfully permitted to trade, are prevented from engaging in legal economic activity," he said.

He said intimidation and threats should be reported to SAPS.

Read the original article on GroundUp.

Tuesday, August 11, 2026

UN Puts Somalia Mission Assets Up for Sale As U.S. Funding Cutoff Looms

United Nations, UN Flag

10 August 2026

Radio Dalsan (Mogadishu)

By Abdirazak Gesey

Mogadishu, Somalia — The United Nations Support Office in Somalia (UNSOS) has opened a tender seeking licensed auctioneers to sell off a wide range of its vehicles, generators and other equipment in Somalia, a notice published on the UN Global Marketplace shows.

The call for expressions of interest, issued August 6, comes as Washington moves to cut off funding for the UN's logistical support mission by the end of 2026, deepening uncertainty over the future of international backing for Somalia's fight against al-Shabab.

The tender matters now because it lands at the center of a widening rift between the United States and the United Nations over how and whether, to keep supporting Somalia's security transition. UNSOS underpins the African Union Support and Stabilization Mission in Somalia (AUSSOM), supplying transport, fuel, food and other non-lethal supplies to roughly 12,000 African troops and police fighting a resilient insurgency. Any wind-down of that support network would strike at the core of the mission's ability to operate.

Under the terms of the tender, UNSOS is looking to establish a local contract for the "commercial sale" of UN-owned property. The initial deal would run three months, with up to three additional three-month extensions depending on performance and operational need.

The list of items up for sale is extensive: vehicles, generators, computers and IT equipment, office equipment, shipping containers, security watchtowers, wastewater treatment plants, prefabricated accommodation materials, medical and laboratory equipment, electrical appliances and heavy construction machinery. UNSOS said the list is indicative and may grow.

Interested firms have a narrow window to respond, with registration required by August 11 -- just five days after the notice was published.

Civil society analysts in Mogadishu have indicated that the auction notice does not lay out a clear mechanism for independent oversight, warning that disposing of mission assets without transparency could weaken public trust and open the door to diversion of state property.

The auction notice does not link the sale to the funding dispute. But it follows a July 1 letter in which the United States cited concerns over Somalia's performance against al-Shabab and its handling of security and governance issues, and comes as Washington has pushed back against extending UN logistical support for AUSSOM beyond current arrangements.

Somalia has fought al-Shabab for nearly two decades, and the group still holds sway over parts of the country. Leaders of AUSSOM troop-contributing nations have warned that a premature drawdown in support could open a security vacuum.

Read the original article on Radio Dalsan.

United Nations Prepared to Support Colombia’s Earthquake Response

Photo: EFE.

August 10, 2026 Hour: 7:25 pm

The United Nations has pledged humanitarian support to Colombia after a devastating 7.4‑magnitude earthquake, coordinating with national authorities to assess urgent needs and mobilize assistance.

The UN Secretary-General, AntĂłnio Guterres, said this Monday through his deputy spokesman that the agency is “prepared” to assist Colombia “in whatever it takes” after the earthquake that shook the country this morning. “Our thoughts are with all the people who have suffered as a result of this earthquake and we are prepared to help in whatever may be necessary”, he expressed.

Meanwhile the UN system in Colombia quickly activated its humanitarian response mechanisms, establishing direct communication with the National Unit for Disaster Risk Management and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

Resident Coordinator María José Torres Macho confirmed that UN teams are already assessing the impact in affected areas such as Cali, Pereira, Manizales, and Quibdó, where collapsed buildings and damaged infrastructure have left communities in urgent need. She emphasized that the UN is prepared to reorient existing programs and logistical capacity toward emergency relief.

“We have territorial capacity to respond in those zones,” she explained, highlighting the World Food Programme’s ability to deliver supplies near the epicenter and the UN Development Programme’s use of drone technology to evaluate damage.

UN agencies, such as the World Food Programme (WFP), have shown their solidarity with the Colombia, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) or the International Organization for Migration (IOM) have also shown their support to the country.

The UN Development Programme (UNDP) has also been contacted to support the evaluation of damages using advanced technologies, including drones, while the World Food Programme is ready to deploy its logistics hubs to ensure food and water reach isolated communities.

The UN’s integrated response aims not only to address immediate humanitarian needs but also to lay the groundwork for recovery and reconstruction. By leveraging existing programs and logistical networks, the organization seeks to ensure that food, water, health services, and protection reach those most affected by the disaster.}

The UN’s Humanitarian Country Team is preparing a joint meeting with government representatives to determine the next steps, including how to reorient existing supplies and programs toward the emergency.

Author: Laura V. Mor

Source: UN News

Colombia Receives Latin American Aid Offers After 7.4 Pacific Quake

The official balance totals so far 111 fatalities and dozens of collapsed buildings in several departments. Photo: EFE.

August 10, 2026 Hour: 6:55 pm

Colombia is coordinating the arrival of international rescue teams after a 7.4 magnitude earthquake struck the Pacific region, leaving 111 people dead and dozens of buildings collapsed across several departments.

The Government of Colombia activated its diplomatic channels to receive urgent technical and humanitarian assistance following the earthquake with its epicenter in ChocĂł.

President Abelardo De La Espriella assumed direct command from the unified command post, while the Military Forces began transporting medical supplies to isolated mountainous areas to assist affected communities.

The Colombian Association of Capital Cities consolidated the official death registry. According to Governor Juan Diego Patiño, Risaralda concentrated 40 fatalities, with 37 registered exclusively in Pereira, where Mayor Mauricio Salazar Peláez reported severe damage to multiple residences. Manizales added two deaths and 12 destroyed buildings in its urban area, while the National Unit for Risk Management documented one additional death in Quibdó.

Mayor Alejandro Eder confirmed the collapse of 30 structures in Cali, another of the most affected cities. The municipal administration documented damage to seven healthcare centers in the capital of Valle del Cauca, forcing doctors to transfer intensive care patients to clinics with certified structures.

Central authorities deployed 16 specialized units to inspect compromised foundations without machinery. These technical groups evaluated the physical stability of the city’s most densely populated sectors. For its part, La Alameda neighborhood reported a residential collapse with occupants trapped in the basement next to a vehicle.

The Colombian Geological Survey located the main rupture of that earthquake in the subduction of the Nazca plate. The constant friction between these continental masses accumulated energy and released it through abrupt failures. The entity recorded a 4.6 magnitude replica in Nóvita minutes after the main event. Another 4.8 magnitude movement shook San José del Palmar at 88 kilometers deep.

Regional Solidarity Grows

The structural collapse of buildings also paralyzed regional air connectivity. The Alfonso Bonilla AragĂłn Airport suspended operations, and six additional terminals closed their runways. This logistical interruption forced emergency teams to travel roads with landslides toward the Pacific coast. For its part, aviation regulators assessed damage to control towers before authorizing reopenings.

Following this, the Foreign Ministry opened diplomatic channels to channel external assistance amid this geological and logistical emergency.

Venezuela expressed deep solidarity and fraternity with the Colombian people and offered its civil protection mechanisms to support rescue efforts on the shared border, reinforcing cooperation ties between sister nations of the region.

The Cuban government offered full medical and technical readiness to treat the injured, meanwhile President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva expressed concern from Brasilia over the magnitude of the disaster and confirmed Brazil’s logistical support for the families of the victims. “I express my solidarity with the Colombian people, especially the families of the victims and all those affected by the tremors. Brazil remains at the disposal of Colombia to provide the necessary support,” Lula said.

“We offer you our USAR team: 47 rescuers, specialized dogs and teams with autonomy to operate for 7 days. We are ready to mobilize when required,” the Ecuadorian President Daniel Noboa offered.

In the same vein, El Salvador President Nayib Bukele said that he was closely following the aftermath of the powerful earthquake. “Our prayers are with the families of those who lost their lives, with the wounded and with all the Colombians who are going through difficult times today”, he wrote on his social media. “Colombia has emergency and rescue teams in the affected areas, and we trust their ability to respond to this emergency. However, from El Salvador we are in communication and ready to immediately support with our rescue teams, doctors, paramedics, supplies or any other help that our Colombian brothers consider necessary”, he added.

The Andean Community, which includes Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador and Peru, issued a statement in which it affirmed that the cooperation mechanisms for disaster relief have already been activated.

For its part, the Argentinean government, through officials of the Ministry of the Interior also made contact with the Colombian administration to offer humanitarian aid if needed as a result of the earthquake that struck part of its territory. Meanwhile, Chile’s president, JosĂ© Antonio Kast, said in a post on X that his country “knows the pain and challenges that earthquakes leave” and added: “We are ready to provide all the support Colombia needs.”

The Mexican government contacted Bogotá to send structural engineers. President Claudia Sheinbaum reiterated the availability of her experienced urban rescue brigades. Mexican officials confirmed the absence of affected nationals.

For her part, the governor of Puerto Rico, Jenniffer González, also offered support. “We will be attentive and available to collaborate, within our capabilities, in everything that can contribute to the recovery of our Colombian brothers”, she said.

The Latin American nations applied regional integration protocols to accelerate the deployment of foreign contingents, demonstrating that solidarity and cooperation remain the strongest response to natural disasters in the region.

Author: Laura V. Mor

Source: Agencies

Africa: Why Inequality, Not The Next Virus, Could Be the World's Greatest Pandemic Threat

IAS - International AIDS Society

Council member and human rights activist Richard Lusimbo.

5 August 2026

allAfrica.com

By Melody Chironda

Inequality doesn't just make pandemics worse; it helps create the conditions for them to spread, persist and return

For decades, the world has poured billions into laboratories, surveillance systems, vaccines and emergency preparedness in the hope of stopping the next pandemic. But new research presented at the AIDS2026 conference argues that the single biggest factor determining whether countries survive pandemics is not the strength of their health systems - it's the gap between rich and poor. The findings suggest that unless governments confront deep-rooted inequality, the world will remain vulnerable not only to HIV and COVID-19, but also to Ebola and whatever pandemic comes next.

"Inequality shapes who is exposed to disease, who can protect themselves, who can access medicines and whose lives are treated as urgent."

"Inequality shapes who is exposed to disease, who can protect themselves, who can access medicines and whose lives are treated as urgent," said Muleya Mwananyanda, UNAIDS Director of Communications and Influencing. "It also weakens trust, limits countries' ability to respond and determines whether scientific breakthroughs reach everyone or only those who can afford them."

"The missing piece is inequality... Inequality doesn't simply make pandemics worse; it creates a cycle. Inequality allows outbreaks to spread and become more deadly, and pandemics then deepen inequality, making the next outbreak even harder to control," he said.

The findings build on new research by the Global Council on Inequality, AIDS and Pandemics, which concludes that disparities within countries are a stronger predictor of pandemic outcomes than traditional measures of preparedness. The Council argues that reducing inequality is essential not only for improving responses to HIV, COVID-19 and Ebola, but also for strengthening resilience against future disease outbreaks.

The research, presented at the 26th International AIDS Conference (AIDS2026) in Rio de Janeiro, found that countries with higher levels of economic inequality consistently performed worse during pandemics, regardless of how well they ranked on conventional health security measures. The findings challenge the long-held belief that investments in laboratories, surveillance systems and emergency preparedness alone are enough to protect populations during health emergencies.

The Council's analysis has been published in the New England Journal of Medicine, with the full supporting data and background analysis available on the Council's website.

A widening gap

Joseph E. Stiglitz, Nobel Prize-winning economist and co-chair of the Global Council on Inequality, AIDS and Pandemics, said the Council's research shows that inequality within countries has become one of the strongest determinants of how nations respond to pandemics. He said that concentrated wealth weakens public investment, erodes trust in institutions and leaves countries less able to tackle health emergencies.

In his presentation at AIDS2026, Stiglitz said that wealth and income have become increasingly concentrated among a small elite since HIV/AIDS emerged in 1981.

He cited a report he helped prepare for the G20; he said the large majority of countries - home to roughly 90% of the world's population - have now crossed the World Bank's threshold for high inequality. He also cited figures showing the richest one percent captured the overwhelming share of new global wealth in recent years, while the poorest half of the world's population saw almost none of the gains.

"When a pandemic hits, inequality undermines trust and social cohesion... and where inequality drives underinvestment in public goods, it weakens our ability to respond."

He argued that when wealth and influence are concentrated among a small elite, policies that could protect public health are often resisted if they threaten economic interests.

That underinvestment, he said, leaves ordinary people more vulnerable to outbreaks, pointing to poor nutrition, inadequate health services, and crowded housing as conditions that inequality worsens and that, in turn, accelerate the spread of disease.

"Inequality is not a fact of nature. It is, in that sense, a policy choice."

He said the Council's research found that countries considered highly prepared under conventional health security measures did not necessarily perform better during the AIDS and COVID-19 pandemics. Instead, he said, more economically equal countries proved more resilient in practice, even when their formal preparedness scores or GDP were lower.

"That should force us to rethink health security," Stiglitz said. "It is not only about hospital beds, laboratories, surveillance systems and emergency stockpiles."

He called for what the Council describes as "inequality-informed pandemic preparedness," arguing that tackling the underlying social and economic conditions that leave populations vulnerable should become a central pillar of global health security.

Stiglitz criticized what he described as a shortfall in public funding for health systems in lower-income countries, arguing that international aid cuts and heavy sovereign debt burdens have left many nations unable to keep pace even as they increase their own health spending. He said the problem is not a lack of global capital - trillions of dollars circulate worldwide in search of returns - but a lack of what he called public fiscal space.

Stiglitz also warned that widening financing gaps are undermining the global response to HIV and future pandemics. He said many low- and middle-income countries remain constrained by mounting debt and shrinking international aid, leaving them unable to invest adequately in health systems and preparedness.

"We can do better," he said. "Together with comprehensive debt restructuring, changes in the global financial architecture could help address the AIDS funding crisis and let countries invest against future pandemics."

"What we need is a new inequality-informed vision of pandemic preparedness."

Rethinking pandemic preparedness

Matthew Kavanagh, Director of the Georgetown University UNAIDS Collaborating Center on HIV and Inequality, said the findings challenge long-standing assumptions about pandemic preparedness.

Despite major scientific advances in effective vaccines and long-acting antiretroviral drugs, pandemics continue to cause devastating health and economic consequences. This, he argued, suggests that the current model of preparedness is missing a critical factor.

The Council analysed global data to examine which factors best predicted countries' responses to both HIV and COVID-19. Researchers compared pandemic outcomes with traditional preparedness measures, including the Global Health Security Index, as well as poverty and inequality. According to Kavanagh, countries that ranked highest on conventional preparedness measures, including the United States, the United Kingdom, Brazil and South Africa, did not consistently achieve better pandemic outcomes.

The United States, he said, ranked as the world's best-prepared country on multiple major indices in 2019 and 2021. It was rated the least vulnerable nation on one global infectious disease index, yet suffered a COVID-19 death rate more than double the worldwide average, along with persistently high HIV rates. He said Britain, ranked second in global preparedness, saw comparable shortfalls, and that Brazil and South Africa, each rated the most pandemic-ready country in their respective regions, likewise underperformed during COVID-19. By contrast, he pointed to Mauritius, Ethiopia, Ireland, and Uruguay, countries ranked far lower on preparedness indices, as having mounted notably stronger pandemic responses.

To test what actually explains these gaps, Kavanagh said the council built a global dataset spanning four outcome measures: COVID-19 excess mortality, cumulative COVID-19 infection rates, UNAIDS-tracked AIDS death rates, and HIV incidence, controlling statistically for standard cross-national differences between countries. The results, he said, showed that neither a country's overall preparedness score nor its narrower emergency-response capacity predicted better outcomes on either COVID-19 or HIV/AIDS. Poverty levels also failed to predict how countries performed. Instead, income inequality emerged as the strongest and most consistent predictor of pandemic outcomes.

Each one-point increase in a country's Gini coefficient, a widely used measure of income inequality, was associated with approximately 5.7 additional excess COVID-19 deaths per 100,000 people and a 5% increase in HIV incidence, even after accounting for differences in countries' preparedness.

"Countries with better global health security did not have better COVID mortality rates, had worse COVID infection rates, and did not have better HIV responses," he said.

Kavanagh said the finding reinforces the council's central claim: that inequality within a country creates conditions that make outbreaks spread faster, persist longer, and exact a steeper human and economic toll - and that pandemic-readiness frameworks need to be rethought accordingly.

Lessons from HIV for future pandemics

Speaking on behalf of UNAIDS Executive Director Winnie Byanyima, Kavanagh said HIV must remain central to discussions on global health security, arguing that AIDS is still a pandemic and that many of the interventions needed to end it are the same ones required to prepare for future outbreaks. He said governments should broaden pandemic preparedness beyond health infrastructure by addressing inequality and embedding social protection measures into emergency plans.

He said the Global Council's research demonstrates that many of the actions needed to end AIDS are the same ones required to strengthen preparedness for future outbreaks. Kavanagh said governments have invested in pandemic treaties, surveillance systems, and emergency response capacity, but they are failing if they do not address inequalities.

"AIDS remains a pandemic," Kavanagh said. "What we need to fight AIDS, to end AIDS, is also what we need to be pandemic prepared for the next outbreak."

He said overlapping disease outbreaks further illustrate why pandemic responses cannot be developed in isolation. Pointing to the Democratic Republic of the Congo, where Ebola outbreaks have occurred in areas with high HIV prevalence. Kavanagh said health emergencies often intersect, placing even greater pressure on already vulnerable communities. According to Kavanagh, governments should strengthen social protection programs, expand access to healthcare, and ensure people are not forced to choose between their health and earning a living during outbreaks in order to reduce inequality.

"No one is arguing that laboratories are not essential. No one is arguing that health workers are not fundamental to the response. They are necessary, but clearly they're not sufficient," he said. "Countries have to be able to assess the inequalities they have, how they are likely to inform what happens when a pandemic hits. They need to work to reduce those inequalities as part of pandemic preparedness."

Kavanagh said practical measures such as paid sick leave, unemployment support and direct cash transfers should be built into pandemic preparedness plans so that people living in poverty are not forced to choose between protecting public health and putting food on the table.

Kavanagh said governments also need to address the structural policies that fuel inequality, arguing that reducing pandemic risk requires reforms well beyond the health sector.

Echoing Stiglitz, he said inequality is the result of policy choices rather than an unavoidable reality. He called on countries to close tax loopholes, tackle tax havens and support a fairer global tax system to generate the public resources needed to strengthen health systems and prepare for future pandemics. Kavanagh also urged governments to invest in regional manufacturing capacity for new vaccines, medicines and other health technologies, saying local production would improve countries' ability to respond rapidly when the next pandemic emerges.

"All of these are pandemic preparedness, and yet they are largely missing," he said.

He warned that the world risks becoming even less prepared for future outbreaks as HIV programmes and community systems are weakened while broader pandemic preparedness efforts fail to incorporate the lessons learned from the AIDS response.

"We have two problems," Kavanagh said. "One, what's happening in HIV is that we are dismantling these capacities. And two, other pandemic preparedness measures don't include them... So that means we are potentially more vulnerable and less prepared for a pandemic than we were before COVID-19 hit. And that should worry us all."

Innovation without access

The Global Council also identified unequal access to health technologies and weak social protection systems as major factors driving the link between inequality and poor pandemic outcomes.

Council member Nisia Trindade, senior researcher at Fiocruz and Brazil's former Minister of Health, said scientific advances alone are not enough to protect populations if access to new medicines and vaccines remains unequal. She warned that international patent rules continue to limit many low- and middle-income countries' ability to build the research, manufacturing and production capacity needed to respond rapidly during health emergencies.

"If you have scientific and technological development without the process of considering the impact of inequalities, the inequalities increase a lot. This is what happened with HIV/AIDS, COVID-19 and so on," Trindade said. "Science gives us results like vaccines. But if we do not focus on the problem of inequality, we have innovation without access."

Spain's Secretary of State for Health and Council member Javier Padilla Bernáldez said the research also highlights the importance of addressing the social conditions that shape people's vulnerability during health emergencies. He argued that pandemic preparedness must extend beyond healthcare systems to include social protection measures that help people weather economic shocks and guarantee access to essential health services.

"Once pandemics arrive in a society, people need a guarantee that they are going to survive even if they cannot go to work," Padilla said. "We should be taking a look at universal public services, especially universal health coverage. We still have in many countries population groups that are not provided health coverage."

Communities are the missing link in pandemic preparedness

Ugandan human rights activist and Global Council member Richard Lusimbo said community-led organisations must be recognised as a core part of pandemic preparedness rather than treated as an afterthought.

"Laboratories may detect a pathogen, but communities detect fear, misinformation, stigma and resistance."

Lusimbo said inequalities determine who can safely follow public health advice, access healthcare and remain connected to treatment during outbreaks. He argued that while laboratories and surveillance systems are critical, communities play an equally important role by reaching vulnerable populations, combating misinformation and building trust.

"Communities operate precisely in those spaces where formal systems are weakest," he said. "During the AIDS response, we have seen that community-led organizations have built trust, identified missing populations, supported treatment and challenged harmful laws. The same lessons apply to Ebola, Mpox, COVID and future outbreaks."

Lusimbo said the research presented by the Council reflects the realities experienced by communities every day, where poverty, discrimination, insecure housing and criminalisation continue to shape people's ability to protect themselves during health emergencies.

He argued that community organisations should be viewed as part of the health system itself, warning that they continue to be overlooked despite being relied upon during crises.

"Laboratories may detect a pathogen, but communities detect fear, misinformation, stigma and resistance," Lusimbo said. "A government may issue public health guidance, but communities translate that guidance into language and action that people understand."

Lusimbo said the Uganda Key Populations Consortium is an example of community-led emergency response mechanisms that have provided support to victims of violence, eviction, medical emergencies and legal threats, and community information systems that documented service gaps and human rights violations in real time.

However, he warned that cuts to HIV funding are placing many of these organisations at risk at a time when they are needed most.

"Communities must not be treated as an optional addition to the health system. They are part of the health system," he said.

He called for governments to formally recognise community-led organisations as part of national pandemic preparedness, provide them with predictable and direct funding, and include them in decision-making processes.

"The next pandemic will test not only our science, but also our relationships," he said.

"When communities are excluded, outbreaks spread in silence. When community organizations collapse, trust collapses with them. But when communities are funded, protected and empowered, they can interrupt inequalities before an outbreak becomes a catastrophe," said Lusimbo. "Communities are not simply beneficiaries of pandemic preparedness. Communities are how preparedness becomes real."

Monday, August 10, 2026

Ivorian Drum, Looted By France, Goes On Display for First Time At Home

Pierre Firtion / RFI

The Djidji ayôkwé, or talking drum has been restored in a workshop in Paris by experts from Musée du Quai Branly.

8 August 2026

Radio France Internationale

By RFI

The Djidji Ayokwe, a sacred "talking drum" which was looted by French colonial troops in 1916 and taken to France, arrived in its home village in CĂ´te d'Ivoire on Friday, where local people were able to see it for the first time since it was repatriated in March.

The ceremony, coinciding with CĂ´te d'Ivoire's national independence day holiday, was the first time today's Ivorians were able to see it.

The imposing wooden drum, more than three metres long and weighing 430 kilogrammes, was used by the Ebrie tribe to transmit messages.

It was officially handed over in February and arrived back in CĂ´te d'Ivoire in March aboard a specially chartered plane but was not taken out of its huge wooden crate.

CĂ´te d'Ivoire had asked in late 2018 for the return of the Djidji Ayokwe among 148 works of art taken during the colonial period.

It is one of hundreds of stolen artefacts Paris is preparing to send back to Africa, aided by the approval in May of a new French law.

France hands stolen colonial-era 'talking drum' back to CĂ´te d'Ivoire

On Friday, it was carried in a military parade through the Yopougon district of Abidjan, before continuing on to the village of Adjame, where it was made.

The black, white and red instrument was transported in a glass-fronted case on a large, decorated float and welcomed by Culture Minister Françoise Remarck, traditional leaders and hundreds of local residents.

A dozen people performed a libation ceremony, pouring a few drops of liquid onto the ground as an offering to their ancestors.

"A nation cannot develop if it doesn't preserve its memory and promote its heritage," said Adjame mayor Farikou Soumahoro.

Source of pride

He said he felt "deep emotion and great pride".

"We want to see the drum with our own eyes so we can truly believe it belongs to us," 69-year-old villager Jacqueline Akrebie told French news agency AFP.

Traditional leader Cyriaque Ahoure, 63, said he had come to share a moment of "great joy, when we remembering our ancestors".

French lawmakers green light bill to facilitate return of looted artefacts

The talking drum is much more than a musical instrument. It was used by the Ebrie community to warn of danger - particularly from colonialists, call to war or summon villagers to ceremonies.

It was seized by the French colonial authorities in 1916 before being shipped to Europe in 1929 and exhibited in Paris for decades.

It is due to go on display at the Museum of Civilisations in Abidjan which has been specially renovated.

Senegal and Benin have also asked for the repatriation of their treasures.

The return of cultural artefacts taken from ex-colonies in Africa and elsewhere has become a sensitive issue, with museums, institutions and collectors in Europe and the United States facing pressure to give them back.

(with AFP)

Read or Listen to this story on the RFI website.

Senegal: Sall's Chances At UN Secretary-General Role Weakened After First Vote

9 August 2026

Radio France Internationale

By RFI

Antonio Guterres's successor as United Nations secretary-general will be named in October. So far, two candidates from the African continent - Senegal's Macky Sall and Uganda's Olara Otunnu - have failed to win sufficient support.

The UN is entering the final stages of choosing a successor to Guterres, whose second five-year term ends on 31 December.

Under the UN Charter, the selection is led by the 15-member Security Council, which holds a series of confidential, non-binding "straw polls" to test support for candidates.

In these ballots, members vote to "encourage", "discourage" or express "no opinion" on each contender.

Later rounds use colour-coded ballots to reveal whether any of the five permanent members (China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom and the United States) intend to exercise their veto.

The first straw poll took place on 30 July, with further rounds expected throughout August and potentially into September and October until a single candidate secures broad support without a permanent member veto.

The Security Council will then formally recommend one candidate to the 193-member General Assembly, which is expected to confirm the appointment before the end of the year - ahead of the new secretary-general taking office on 1 January, 2027.

Two African candidates

Two African candidates are running this year: Macky Sall, the former president of Senegal, and Ugandan diplomat Olara Otunnu.

But Carlos Lopes, a law professor in South Africa and former executive secretary of the UN Economic Commission for Africa, believes the continent's chances of securing the prestigious post this year are low.

According to him, the first vote, in late July, only confirmed the weakness of Sall's candidacy.

"The official backing provided by President Bassirou Faye came late and failed to restore institutional coherence, if I may put it that way, because Senegal remains deeply divided over his legacy and his candidacy," Lopes told RFI this week.

Sall's candidacy was also poorly received by Senegalese citizens, given that he and his government were charged with corruption and embezzlement related to the management of Covid-19 funds and are accused of inciting electoral violence during the 2024 polls.

Otunnu of Uganda is already a respected figure in UN circles - as Uganda's permanent representative, he was a key architect of the introduction of what is now known as the "straw poll" (the indicative vote).

"This historic contribution is not enough, however, to offset his late entry into the race," said Lopes. "His political track record is rather difficult to decipher, marked by zig zags and a strained relationship with the current president. Consequently, his diplomatic prestige belongs more to history than to his current political reality."

Neither candidate has received the support of the African Union.

Regional rotation

Lopes believes the principle of regional rotation - an unwritten custom that alternates leadership posts among the UN's five geographic regional blocs to ensure global representation - also weakens any African bid this year, with this set-up favouring, at least informally, candidates from Latin America and the Caribbean this year.

"I believe Africa risks appearing to challenge a principle from which it has itself greatly benefited in the past," said Lopes. "The two [previous] African secretaries-general, Boutros Boutros-Ghali and Kofi Annan, were able to count on broad support from other regions of the Global South precisely because they respected this rotation logic."

Undermining this principle could also set a precedent that might ultimately work to Africa's disadvantage, he added.

"And I think that is precisely what is already undermining both candidacies from the outset."

First female secretary-general

Many experts also hope to see a woman secure the post of secretary-general for the first time, with three female candidates in the running.

Rebeca Grynspan is the current head of UN Trade and Development and former vice-president of Costa Rica. She came first in the initial straw poll with 10 "encourage" votes and is widely seen as the frontrunner.

Carolyn Rodrigues-Birkett, Guyana's UN ambassador and former foreign minister, finished second in the first poll with nine"'encourage" votes.

The third is Michelle Bachelet, the former Chilean president and former UN High Commissioner for Human Rights.

"The two best-placed candidates following this first vote are Grynspan and Rodrigues-Birkett, I believe both have had truly remarkable campaigns. So, I think there is a real chance that one of them could ultimately secure the position," said Lopes.

This article was partially adapted from an interview by RFI's French service.

Read or Listen to this story on the RFI website.

Ugandan Statesman is in the Race to Become the Next Secretary-general of the United Nations

By RODNEY MUHUMUZA

5:39 AM EDT, August 10, 2026

KAMPALA, Uganda (AP) — A Ugandan statesman is in the race to become the next secretary-general of the United Nations, the latest entrant in a contest that includes six others who want to succeed Antonio Guterres at the end of this year.

Backed by Uganda, Olara Otunnu is traveling in New York “to meet delegations and engage in interactive dialogue” with the U.N. General Assembly and the U.N. Security Council, said Adonia Ayebare, Uganda’s permanent representative to the U.N.

Otunnu had to get visa assistance, with Ugandans currently barred from entering the U.S. as part of measures to prevent the spread of Ebola, Ayebare said.

Otunnu, 75, is a veteran of the U.N. system who has been in retirement since unsuccessfully contesting the Ugandan presidency in 2011.

He was once seen as a favorite to replace the Egyptian Boutros Boutros-Ghali as U.N. secretary-general in 1997 but was blocked by the Ugandan authorities now nominating him. Then the president of the International Peace Institute in New York, Otunnu was not on good terms with the government of President Yoweri Museveni. Ghana’s Kofi Annan won the job.

Annan named Otunnu a U.N. under-secretary-general and his special representative for children and armed conflict. Otunnu served in that role between 1997 and 2005, the year he won the Sydney Peace Prize for “his ceaseless efforts to protect children in time of war and his promotion of measures for the healing and social reintegration of children in the aftermath of conflict.”

Educated at Oxford and Harvard Law School, he was Uganda’s representative to the U.N. between 1980 and 1985, serving for a year as president of the Security Council. He also briefly served as Uganda’s foreign minister in the 1980s. He is widely respected in Uganda as an elder statesman.

“Even though the U.N. is now occupied with a number of issues across the board, the most important single mandate for the U.N. remains the issue of peace and security,” Otunnu told reporters last week.

He pointed out that as president of the Security Council, he designed the system of straw balloting, which is still in use as the so-called Otunnu Formula, first deployed with the selection in 1981 of Peru’s Javier PĂ©rez de CuĂ©llar as U.N. secretary-general.

Still, it remains unclear why Uganda nominated Otunnu several weeks after other candidates began their auditions for the role.

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An additional obstacle for Otunnu is that the job of secretary-general tends to rotate by region as a tradition, and this year it is Latin America’s turn. But there is no formal obstacle to candidates from other regions and there is no clear front-runner.

“Otunnu is the dark horse candidate,” said Angelo Izama, a Ugandan analyst with the Fanaka Kwawote think tank. “He is a safe candidate. If the top Latin American candidate is vetoed, he is going to be the fall-back candidate.”

Others seeking to replace Guterres include Senegal’s Macky Sall, Chile’s Michelle Bachelet, Argentina’s Rafael Grossi, Costa Rica’s Rebeca Grynspan, Ecuador’s Maria Fernanda Espinosa and Guyana’s Carolyn Rodrigues Birkett.

The selection is made by the 15-nation Security Council, especially its five veto-wielding members including the U.S., Russia, China, United Kingdom and France. The 193-member General Assembly must give final approval.

The successful candidate is expected to begin work Jan 1.