A recently published article in the Zimbabwe Herald was written by Joyce Jenje Makwenda on the impact of colonialism on the status of women inside the country.
Originally uploaded by Pan-African News Wire File Photos
By Joyce Jenje Makwenda
Courtesy of the Zimbabwe Herald
EVENTS leading from 1902-1930 stripped African women of their once powerful positions in society.
They were left in a state of fear and lacking confidence as they were removed from the country’s decision-making process in the new dispensation.
Under the Pioneer Column, Zimbabwe was ruled as a company under the British South African Company (BSAC) which was formed in 1890 and lasted until 1923 when the country became a colony.
A law was passed in 1902 requiring all Africans to register the collection of hut taxes and labour recruitment.
The rule of BSAC was terminated in 1923 and Southern Rhodesia was annexed as a British colony with internal self-government, and there were first elections in 1924. The country was divided into African and European areas under The Land Apportionment Act in 1930. This saw African people migrating from their traditional homes to go into the city in search of jobs. This destabilised the African family affecting women and children. Although men were affected, there were in a much better position. In the city there were no structures put in place for an African woman.
African women disappeared from almost all the structures that controlled the country and they became invisible in the history of the country. Not much was mentioned about women except that they went about their domesticated business.
White women were not significant either, partially because they were still very few of them in the colony. When white women became more visible in later years there were still regarded as second class citizens. This is how Doris Lessing interpreted the role of white women in colonial society: "The woman was not considered to be an equal to men. The White Rhodesian woman had to be pretty, a social asset to her man . . . Their only power, indeed, lay in their control of household servants. Some women did enter the labour force but, for most part, their jobs — as secretaries, for example — merely extended their roles as the providers of services to men. Those who joined a profession were seen as odd."
White women did not enjoy the public space as their male counterparts and under this environment women could not even dream of being politicians. However, there were a few outstanding women like Muriel Rosin who made an impact across the racial divide and before her there was Tawse Jolly who was elected the first woman MP in Southern Rhodesia.
It was not until the 1950s and the 1960s that black women began participating in modern day politics. They realised that they could not continue to stand on the sidelines as they had to be involved in the running of their affairs which were controlled by politics.
The 1950s saw the birth of the nationalism movement in Zimbabwe; the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland had failed to fulfil its promise of equal partnership. When Ruth Chinamano came to settle in the then Southern Rhodesia from her country of origin South Africa, she was shocked with the amount of racism presided over by the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland yet it had portrayed itself to the outside world as a progressive government. She led women to protest against the unjust treatment of black people by the regime in the 1950s. Most educated women were not interested in protest politics. Chinamano was known for her outspokenness during the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, UDI and when Zimbabwe attained its independence. Chinamano never had time with her children as she devoted most of her time to the struggle.
When I was growing up I used to hear so much about this heroine from my mother who told me how Ruth Chinamano had been attacked by dogs for leading a protest march against the authorities during the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland. I wished I could meet her one day. The first time I met her was in 1980 at Vanguard House were the Zapu offices were located. The vibrant Chinamano brought life to these offices. I would later in life visit her at her home just to talk or to interview her. Chinamano was happy that she fought and liberated her country but she yearned to have been with her children, but this is the price that she had to pay.
In the interview that I last had with her she sang a song encouraging leaders to acknowledge the work that women did during the liberation struggle, from the grassroots women to the highest echelons.
Ruth Chinamano worked with the so-called uneducated women; she mobilised and educated them in order for them to understand politics.
In April 1964, Chinamano was detained at Gonakudzingwa with her husband, Josiah Chinamano, the late Vice President Joseph Msika and Father Zimbabwe Joshua Nkomo. They were the first four inmates at the prison and she being the only woman. She and her husband were transferred to Hwahwa Prison were they remained until 1970. When they were released, they were confined to an 8km radius restriction but were arrested again only to be released in 1974.
Ruth Chinamano was reunited with her children after 10 years, in 1975.
She held different posts in Zapu and she was part of the delegation at Lancaster House in 1979.
When Zimbabwe attained its independence in 1980, she held various posts in Zapu and Zanu-PF and the Government.
She also continued to encourage women to take their place in the political arena and supported the electing of Joice Mujuru as Vice President of the party and of the country.
Muriel Rosin was the only woman MP in the Federal Government (the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland) which was formed in 1953 and lasted up to 1963. Because of her background, Rosin found it easy to mix with men at all levels. It was easy for her to interact with men because she had gone to a conventional school, which was very unusual in her days. In the interview that I had with her in the 90s, she said:
"I think it was easier for me because I went to a conventional school, which was very unusual in my days so I got used to working with men. They respected me and they never ignored my ideas because I was just the same as them."
Rosin made meaningful contributions in Parliament and was not intimidated when it came to discussion in the House. During her time, Rosin made tremendous changes in the Territorial Government which was responsible for African Affairs. Housing was a territorial matter and when Rosin was in the Territorial Government she was very instrumental in building Highfield Township. She also convinced the then Government to turn Beatrice Cottages into a house ownership scheme were the Germans lived at the end of the war. Highfield and the Beatrice Cottages were the first to be under the home ownership scheme, whereas people living in other townships run by the city council signed a lease for 99 years.
Rosin also fought to have the Land Apportionment Act repealed, but unfortunately this was the weapon the UDI used. During UDI she gave Smith a hard time. Smith had to send the secret service to her husband to try and refrain his wife, as there were scared to face Rosin, but her husband directed them back to her.
When Zimbabwe attained its independence in 1980, Rosin served on various boards and commissions. While Rosin applauded women for fighting hard to attain high posts in politics she wished there could be more women in Parliament.
Ruth Chinamano and Muriel Rosin left a lasting legacy. With other women of the 1950s they championed modern day politics and educated women that it is through politics that they could determine and shape their lives. We will continue to celebrate women who were involved in the 1950s-1960s politics, and those who came after them.
-Joyce Jenje Makwenda is a researcher, archivist, writer and producer. She can be contacted on: joycejenje@gmail.com
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