President Mugabe Lauds Xi on Cordial Sino-Africa Ties

October 30, 2017
Zimbabwe Herald

PRESIDENT Mugabe has praised China for maintaining friendly relations with Africa and the developing world at large, as well as for providing assistance to the continent. In an interview with Chinese media on Wednesday, President Mugabe said he was glad to see that China had prioritised relations with African countries for decades and shared its development achievements with them.

He said Chinese President Xi Jinping’s visit to Africa in 2015 was a major highlight in bilateral relations.

In December 2015, the Chinese president paid state visits to Zimbabwe and South Africa, and co-chaired a summit of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) in Johannesburg, where he and African leaders adopted a package of programmes aimed at strengthening China-Africa cooperation and supporting Africa’s development.

Recalling President Xi’s visit, the Head of State and Government said Zimbabweans knew they were not just hosting an individual who happened to be the head of China’s ruling party, but one who was carrying a blueprint for development with him from China to Africa and Zimbabwe.

“He was carrying with him what we regard as a real blueprint for development as being assisted by China,” he said.

In Johannesburg, President Xi pledged US$60 billion in funding to ensure the implementation of an action plan for China-Africa cooperation which covers a wide range of areas, including agricultural modernisation, infrastructure, financial services, public health, peace and security.

“So the Chinese are sharing their own development, the results of their own socio-economic endeavours with us,” he said, pointing out that China had assisted Zimbabwe in averting humanitarian crises caused by hunger.

President Mugabe acknowledged the assistance China was providing to Africa through the FOCAC, adding that President Xi had come with more assistance for Zimbabwe to develop and help its people through resources which are now at its disposal. He also said that Zimbabwe cherishes its traditional friendship with China, which was forged during the fight against imperialism and colonialism.

“The independence, the sovereignty we enjoy would not have come that easily were it not for China,” he said.

“It’s vital for our children to know as they grow up that once upon a time, when imperialism had stretched over our land, we outdid it, (and)threw it out of Africa using the assistance that came from China,” he added.

— Xinhua/ Herald Reporter.

ZANU-PF Unveils Congress Program

October 30, 2017
Tendai Mugabe Senior Reporter
Zimbabwe Herald

Zanu-PF has unveiled a programme outlining preparations for the Extraordinary Congress scheduled to run from December 12 to December 17, this year.Ten sub-committees, which will report to the National People’s Congress committee chaired by the revolutionary party’s secretary for Administration Cde Ignatius Chombo, have been set up to oversee preparations for the event.

The Extraordinary Congress agenda is spelt out in Circular Number One/2017 that was submitted to various organs of the party by Cde Chombo on October 18, 2017. Cde Chombo told The Herald last night that they had covered much ground in terms of preparations, adding that everything was being done according to the party’s constitution. The first sub-committee — according to Cde Chombo — is the Documentation and Legal Committee, which is chaired by Cde Patrick Chinamasa, the party’s secretary for Legal Affairs. This committee is responsible for preparing the agenda and programme of the Congress, including the Central Committee report. The finance sub-committee chaired by secretary for Finance Cde Obert Mpofu will be responsible for budgets and fundraising activities, while the organisation sub-committee will compile the list of Congress delegates and determine the venue of the Congress.

Meanwhile, the venue of the Congress, according to Circular Number One /2017 is Robert Mugabe Square in Harare. The security sub-committee chaired by Cde Sydney Sekeramayi will deal with the accreditation of delegates, while the Information sub-committee chaired by Cde Simon Khaya Moyo will be responsible for all material published for the purposes of the Congress. Cde Oppah Muchinguri chairs the Transport and Welfare sub-committee, while Cde Cleveria Chizema will be responsible for the Health sub-committee. The entertainment sub-committee is chaired by Cde Joram Gumbo , who is the zanu-pf secretary for Education. Cde Prisca Mupfumira will be in charge of the Environment and Tourism sub committee. All the sub-committees will report to the National People’s Congress committee. Cde Chombo said the Congress was being convened to prepare and align party structures ahead of next year’s elections.

“We have not had the Biometric Voter Registration exercise before and we did not have the polling station-based voters roll before. We are starting anew and it became necessary for us to meet as Congress that we make resolutions that address these issues to ensure a resounding victory for our party. Election Manifesto cannot be determined by a small group of people, so it requires Congress endorsement,” he said. According to the party constitution, the secretary for administration should notify party organs at least six weeks before the Congress. In line with this provision, Cde Chombo on October 18, 2017 wrote: “In compliance with provision of Article 5 Section 26 (1) (c), the Zanu-PF party provinces met as provincial executive councils and provincial coordination committees over the weekend of 14th-15th October 2017 and unanimously requested the President and First Secretary to convene and Extra ordinary Session of Congress.

“The party constitution in Article 5 Section 28, further provides that “The secretary for administration shall, on receipt of the said resolutions, give at least six weeks’ notice for the convening of an extra Ordinary session of Congress to all members, which notice shall state the date and venue of Congress. Accordingly, therefore, I herein notify the convening of the extra Ordinary session of the Congress details which are as follows: Date: 12th-17th December 2017; Venue: R.G Mugabe Square, Harare; Time: 800am-5pm.

“In terms of Article 5, Section 30, the Extraordinary session of Congress shall deliberate only on those matters for which it has been specifically convened, which are stated below: To confirm and affirm the President and First Secretary, Cde R.G Mugabe as the party presidential candidate in the 2018 harmonised general elections.

“To take stock of the state of the party and to realign its structures, including election of Central Committee members in light of recent developments that have implications on the unity and programmes of the party ahead of the 2018 harmonised general elections,” reads part of the communication from Dr Chombo. Deliberations will also be made on state of the national economy, including exploring measures to ensure economic stability and development. The secretary of administration said Congress will “design appropriate mass mobilisation and education strategies for the ongoing BVR as well as winning the 2018 general elections” and “review the state of the national economy in order to adopt the necessary policy measures in line with Zim-Asset”.

“To give directions on the theme and content of the party’s Manifesto for the 2018 general elections (and) to make the necessary constitutional amendments, including the Women’s quota in the Presidium, as per the 2015 and 2016 resolutions of the National Peoples Conference in Victoria Falls and Masvingo respectively,” reads the letter. Those attending the Congress include members of The Central Committee, National Consultative Assembly, National Council of the Women’s League, National Council of the Youth League, Provincial Executive Councils and all district chairpersons from the main wings, Women and Youth Leagues.

ZEC Fumes Over Pre-signed Affidavits

October 31, 2017
Nqobile Tshili
Bulawayo Bureau—
Zimbabwe Herald

THE Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) has said it is unacceptable for political figures among other people acting as commissioners of oaths to pre-sign affidavits used to register for the 2018 elections. Political figures that include councillors and MPs across the country’s political divide are allegedly signing affidavits beforehand and giving them to people who need proof of residence to just fill in their names and identification numbers on the forms.

There is speculation that some of the political figures are distributing the pre-signed affidavit on partisan lines. In an interview yesterday ZEC chairperson Justice Rita Makarau said it was illegal for those acting as Commissioners of Oaths to pre-sign the affidavit forms. She said affidavit forms confirming an individual’s place of residence can only be signed on the spot. “Affidavits cannot be pre-signed, it’s not allowed. Those that want to sign the affidavits should be at the registration centres,” she said.

Justice Makarau said the electoral commission has dealt with cases where those in authority were pre-signing affidavit forms. “We have heard about it from our provincial elections officers. We have told them that it is unacceptable and it must be stopped. We do not have information on the political parties that are doing it, but we have been told by our officers that they have seen people who are issuing out pre-signed affidavits,” said Justice Makarau.

To ease the challenges faced by those who do not have proof of residence, ZEC has engaged the Ministry of Home Affairs so that it accords voter registration supervisors Commissioner of Oaths status. This means a person without proof of residence who wants to register can now approach ZEC offices and fill affidavit forms confirming their place of residence.

ZEC on Sunday entered Phase Two of the Biometric Voter Registration exercise and more than 1,2 million registered during the first phase while 28 515 were turned away. ZEC said those who were turned away had wrong documents such as the driver’s licence, defaced identity documents, being under age or failed to produce proof of residence.

Quest for Women Land Ownership

October 30, 2017
Opinion & Analysis
Dorothy Chisi
Correspondent

Land empowerment for women is cardinal in the acceleration of development at community and national level. The picture may not look so encouraging in Zambia with regards to women making strides in accessing land. And even the very few women who have access to land are utilising it to full capacity. One such woman is 27-year old graduate Tamara Kaunda who is a shining example of women in leadership who can inspire others.

Dr Kaunda has a 26 hectare piece of land in Silverest area on the outskirts of Lusaka where she cultivates tomatoes and vegetables. The young leader has employed eight youths in the name of empowering them at the farm in tomato production. Dr Kaunda said farmers who buy seed from her company are also guided by a team of experts on how well to grow their crops by being involved in agriculture.

She noted that agriculture was lucrative and comes with huge profits that people could never think of until they tried it. Dr Kaunda said if given an opportunity of accessing and owning land, women can do more, just like men do, when they are empowered with land. It is through such people who truly show that women can be a great asset when empowered with land.

Women entitlement to land and other natural resources is weakened by their perceived status of being inferior in their respective households and communities. This perception is reinforced by discriminatory customary and statutory laws.According to the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA), women’s access to land and property for instance is central to women’s economic empowerment, as land can serve as a base for food production and income generation

Despite land ownership being the most important resource for a majority rural women, most of them were restricted in terms of their access to ownership of and control over land, and the income produced from it, which makes them avoid leadership roles. Being a patriarchal society, local women face many challenges related to land rights. This has made it very difficult for women to independently make their activities financially, notably in land ownership.

As a woman traditional leader, Chieftainess Mkanda of the Chewa-speaking people in Chipata District said access to land in her chiefdom was monopolised by men. But now that women were given a priority so that even in instances of their spouses dying, they could be able to be leaders at family level. Chieftainess Mkanda said women were being encouraged to own land so that they were even ready to be leaders at various levels. The traditional leaders said everybody was entitled to own land in her chiefdom and that women were a priority because of their critical leadership role in families.

She said most women were empowered with land and unlike the olden days, this had made them to be brave and lead others through the different sensitisations on what they could do if there were empowered with land. According to the Gender Status Report 2012-2014 by the Ministry of Gender, land offers were at 2 682 for men compared to 883 for women. It further said there was a decrease in the number of women owning land from 25.1 per cent in 2011 to 23.8 per cent in 2012 and an increase in 2013 with 24.1 per cent.

This means that access to customary land traditionally favours men and only a few women have had access to customary land. The situation is worsened by under-representation of women in leadership and a high level of ignorance among the local population. One solution to this difficult situation is to strengthen the position of women in their communities and entrench their position in leadership through ensuring their equal access to rights, ownership and decision making.

Women are regarded as drivers of sustainable development. If empowered with land, their leadership role could lead to some positivity in areas they operate from. Despite women’s critical leadership role and contribution to agriculture, rural development, and food security are disadvantaged. Growing commercial pressures on land increase dependency on subsistence agriculture and further undermine women’s land rights. According to Food Agriculture Organisation (FAO)’s 2011 State of Food and Agriculture Report (SOFA), evidence of gender inequalities in access to land is overwhelming.

Social norms discriminate against women, with customary practices restricting women’s ability to own or operate land. During the official opening of Lusaka Presbytery Women’s Christian Fellowship Council (WFC) annual conference for the United Church of Zambia (UCZ) in Kafue District recently, Vice President Inonge Wina observed that lack of land has remained one of the major obstacles to women empowerment in the country.

Ms Wina said Government was working on addressing challenges and was hopeful of positive policies to come out of dialogue. She said lack of titled land for most women has remained a hindrance from accessing housing finance. Ms Wina urged all relevant authorities to ensure that the policy decision to allocate 30 percent of both State and Traditional Land to women, which has not been adhered to, is implemented.

“I am, therefore, urging all relevant government departments responsible for land alienation to ensure that these processes are made easier for people,” Ms Wina said. The Vice-President said there was need to stop the culture of councillors and party cadres sharing land among themselves as it is supposed to be equally distributed among all Zambians. The Zambia 1995 Lands Act is gender-neutral and provides for everyone to have the ability to convert customary land into leasehold. Petronnela Shiaka of Lusaka said currently, it was not easy for women in leadership both in rural and urban areas to access land because ownership of land was still male-dominated.

“Even when you go to the Ministry of Lands, you will find that 90 per cent of those who own land are men compared to their female counterparts” she said. Shiaka explained that although the 2000 National Gender Policy provides that 30 percent of l and available for State distribution be allocated to women, and the remaining 70 percent allocated fairly between men and women because few women in leadership have access to land at present.

“In some instances some officers tell each other about some available land in Lusaka but when I for instance go to seek for land, they will say there is no available land in Lusaka,” she disclosed adding, “it was difficult to access land in an area where there was business but they would rather give you land in an area where they know there was no business opportunity.”

She thought women should stand up and fight for their rights to own and access land as there was already legal documentation that states that a particular percentage of land should be given to women. Lands Minister Jean Kapata ordered councils to give 50 percent of land to women in a bid to drive inclusive development.

“This means that if a council advertises 1 000 plots, 500 of those should be given to women. And we will be counter-checking to ensure compliance with the directive,” she said. Ms Kapata said she would ensure that barriers to accessing land by women were eliminated to enable the female folk fully own the natural resource. On HIV, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) has noted that women’s rights to inheritance of property are a crucial factor in reducing women’s vulnerability to violence and discrimination. While women’s land and property rights are vital to development, the reality remains that in many parts of the world these rights are often not shared equally between men and women.

Obstacles which prevent women leaders from effectively enjoying these rights equally with men are complex, and at times context specific. They range from inadequate legal standards and implementation of laws, to discriminatory social norms, attitudes, and programmes at national, regional and local levels which taken together result in wide discrepancies in practice between development outcomes for men and women. However, practical examples are there to show that given an opportunity to access land, women are able to utilize it to their full potential. And on environmental sustainability, women’s farming practices are typically less likely to contribute to environmental degradation and natural resource loss.

Without basic recognition of women’s capacity and right to make fundamental decisions about their lives, women will remain relegated to the sidelines of society. For women leaders to become active and valued participants in the lives of their communities, every woman’s right to land and property must be respected, protected, fulfilled and enforced – and this must be done on the basis of equality with men. The gains to be made would lift up women in leadership, first and foremost, as well as entire families, communities and societies would uplift their standard of living. Women leadership should also secure rights to land and improve ability to diversify livelihood, better plan for the future, escape the cycle of poverty that leads to social exclusion.

-Times of Zambia

Women’s Role As Integers of Social Cohesion, Harmony

October 30, 2017
Elliot Ziwira - At the Bookstore
Opinion & Analysis
Zimbabwe Herald

In the African experience it is rather folly to downplay the role that women have always played in upholding societal values as well as moulding the family unit, which is why the adage that “behind every successful man is a woman” holds water. African Literature, especially in indigenous languages, is inspired by the crucial role that women play in culturally encoded societies. As observed by Furusa, cited in Chiwome and Mguni (2012:40), “(a) search for language should be a search for collective wisdom and sensibility. It should be intended to bend the collective volition into harmony with the demands of social development.” This is especially so because “language embodies and is a vehicle of expressing cultural values,” (Chinweuzu, et al, 1982:7).

Cultural ethos obtaining in African folklore, folk songs, riddles, idioms and proverbs can only be aptly articulated through indigenous languages. Language is a powerful tool in the conveyance of a people’s values in their original form. However, the aesthetics of language alone without an informed viewpoint on contemporary issues obtained in any pertinent society is void, as maintained by Nyagu (1990) cited in Chiwome and Mguni (2012) when he says: “African Literature must communicate. . . Writing that is mere intellectualism is not for a country that is full of social ills and miserable poverty.”

An artiste worth his /her salt should go beyond the celebration of language and capture the paralysis, malaise and stasis that weigh down on individual and societal expectations. He /she should guard against relegating his/her people to the doldrums of socio-economic idiocy by trivialising their suffering through language.

The people’s artiste should write: “about societies drained of their essence, cultures trampled underfoot, institutions undermined, lands confiscated, religions smashed, magnificent creations destroyed, extraordinary possibilities wiped out,” (Cesaire, 1994:21) In colonial Zimbabwe, the government abetted the subjugation and oppression of the ordinary people by creating stereotypes, demeaning their religious bases and mystifying their cultural and political idols, through indigenous languages. The Rhodesia Literature Bureau with its gatekeeping posture, created artistes, who were enemies of their people as creativity was compromised in the wake of the desire to be published and fear of literary obscurity.

Early literature in African languages was meant to alienate the African from his cultural roots, make him tolerate his suffering through the creation of temporary elixirs in the bar and the city woman. The city woman is portrayed as immoral and devious, and the urban man epitomises irresponsible penchants and seemingly enlightened inclinations; yet when things go wrong they rush to their rural abodes to seek solace. The real causes of their suffering, which are colonisation and displacement are not disclosed. Enlightenment is offered through Western education and conversion to Christianity .This is especially so in the works of Patrick Chakaipa, Bernard Chidzero, Ndabaningi Sithole and Emmanuel Ribeiro.

The Generation Two of Zimbabwean writers as categorised by Viet-Wild (1993), who were elevated to international fame courtesy of Western education thrown down their throats, continued to portray the African as an alienated individual who suffers an identity crisis .He remains normless, sceptic and quarantined on an island of acrimonious ignorance, as he struggles to locate himself in the national discourse. This is especially so in Charles Mungoshi’s “Waiting for the Rain” (1975), Stanley Nyamfukudza’s “The Non-Believer’s Journey” (1980) and Dambudzo Marechera’s “House of Hunger” (1978).

The emerging Zimbabwean writers have also somehow forgotten to express themselves in their mother tongues in their pursuit of sponsored themes.

It is against this backdrop that I find Ignatiana Shongedza’s “Kagurukute Ngoma YaMutota” (2007) a worthwhile read. Shongedza is an academic of note, who plies her trade in France at the Universities of Paris 1 Sorbonne and Paris 10 Nanterre. She has written extensively on the emancipation of women in Africa, which has earned her the title Dr.Dr. after acquiring two Doctorate degrees. Notwithstanding the almost three decades she has spent in the Diaspora, the writer remains a true cultural ambassador as her depth of language and thorough understanding of the Shona culture is astoundingly original. She really gets me thinking of Chinua Achebe’s insistence that it is through his Ibo culture that he can fully express himself as an African. The book was also published in French and English. Told in the third person collective voice, the book is a fountain of knowledge to those whose gait is in pursuit of a true African sensibility expressed in the African way. It explores among other thematic concerns, the central role that women play in fostering social cohesion and harmony, death, friendship, humility, religion and marriage.

Although royalty is used as a barometer and focal point as the central characters are drawn from the royal family, the classless nature of the Shona society is given prominence, for it is this that makes it distinct in the face of colonial encroachment.

The pre-colonialism setting used capitalises on symbolic and metaphorical elements devoid of alien influence. It makes the story so authentic that the reader may only remain aghast as he/she is hoist on a whirlwind voyage of suspense and intrigue into the world of yore. The use of both prose and dramatic conventions, as the writer taps into folkloric allusions, makes the story captivatingly realistic and ennobling.

Indeed the African novel has come of age. Through VaMakwiradombo, who is Paramount Chief Nyangu’s senior wife (vaHosi), Shongedza examines the enviable role that women play in the integration of the family. She is the one responsible for the day to day running of the household, choosing women for the chief’s harem of wives, and making sure that all the other women in the palace including the royal sisters, are toed into line. The Chief reminds her, to the benefit of the reader that he is responsible for the running of the state and when it comes to his own household she is in control. Whatever she says goes without question, which makes her respected and revered even more than the Chief himself.

Through inter-marriages women are also responsible for fostering lasting social and political alliances, as Okot p’Bitek in “Artist the Ruler” observes. Princesses, with their debonair, etiquette, deportment and humility, are expected to be exemplary as they are responsible for keeping the royal name in repute. Aunts and grandmothers are also responsible for their nieces’ behaviour-good or wayward.

However, the writer does not cushion royalty from human follies like deceit and lust, as Katoya, who is newly married, and her sister Mwiti; two of the princesses are sweet-talked into sex by the deceitful Mutambatuvisi, who lies to the former that her husband has died. He impregnates both of them and later marries Mwiti to raise his social and political bar as he is also distantly related to VaMakwiradombo. However, to the Shona people there is no such thing as a distant relationship.

Through their aunt VaNdege’s scheming Katoya’s pregnancy is forced on her unsuspecting husband Masango, who surprisingly resurfaces, much to the chagrin of the Chief’s Sahwira and traditional healer, VaMuparadzi, who sees through their folly, and jokingly admonishes it. Social cohesion is however, maintained as both marriages amicably subsists.

This deceit on the part of aunts is not unique, as it is common in African societies, as the need to protect the family name takes precedence over virtue. This rationale also obtains in Charles Mungoshi’s “Walking Still” (1997). Women are expected to remain chaste until they marry at around 20-years, and if they are found to be wanting the aunts shoulder the shame.

The issue of succession in African societies is also debunked, as Chief Nyangu; the father is succeeded by his son Toshefa while he is still living as he feels incapacitated through old age and illness. In a society where one’s wealth is determined by the number of wives and cattle he has, and not mineral wealth, he has many wives befitting his status, so he offers his younger ones for inheritance to his son, instead of holding on to them.

Death is revered in Shona societies, and the dead are respected as they are believed to join the ancestors and look after their families in the spiritual realm. Because of the fear of avenging spirits murder is frowned at. Religious and cultural rites performed after the death of loved ones are testimony to the communion that exists between the living and the dead. The chief’s death and his burial are shrouded in mystery as he is regarded closest to the ancestors and God. The use of the drum in communicating messages of death, war, celebration and exuberance is also explored.

Shongedza, as a custodian of African values lambasts the Eurocentric notion that Africans knew of God for the first time from foreigners through colonisation. Colonisation only brought Christianity and Jesus Christ and not God; the omniscient, omnipresent and omnipotent force they had always worshipped through their ancestors. Though she is aware of the moulding potency of culture at the personal, familial, communal and national levels, the writer is conscious of the bane of cultural stasis and paralysis. Like Kwame Nkrumah in his Conciencism philosophy, Shongedza advocates the creation of cultural interfaces for societal regeneration and progress because not all alien cultural norms are destructive and the reverse also stands true.

Zimbabwe, EU Must Move Forward

OPINION & ANALYSIS CONTRIBUTOR
OCTOBER 29, 2017
Nomsa Nkala
Zimbabwe Sunday Mail

On August 3, 2017 Zimpapers Television Network engaged Head of the European Union Mission to Zimbabwe Ambassador Philippe Van Damme on the EU’s interest in African elections, Zimbabwe’s relations with the bloc and whether the definition of democracy in Europe is the same in Africa. The following is the first instalment of Ambassador Van Damme’s conversation with Zimpapers Head of Television Nomsa Nkala.

Q: Your assignment in Zimbabwe began in 2014, what were your thoughts regarding the country then?

A: My mandate started with formal engagements with the Government of Zimbabwe, with the lifting of appropriate measures on development co-operation, which opened new values of engaging on policy dialogue with Government. So, that was a very exciting moment and time to come over.

My mandate finishes after the elections in 2018, so that is a perfect frame for my presence here. l very much enjoy it.

Q: And your expectations?

A: My expectations, indeed, that we can progress in our engagements. That means we can progress in a number of policy reforms, particularly the political field so that we further our relations. That’s the ultimate goal of a relationship.

Q: Are you making progress in that area?

A: Maybe not as quickly as we would have liked. That’s quite obvious. But on the other hand, we have a couple of development programmes that are running in the country. That gives us a lot of satisfaction because they directly benefit the population of this country. Notably in rural areas, we have a lot of food security resilience-building programmes where we help smallholders get access to markets and build up a viable livelihood.

We continue the contribution to the health sector through Unicef-managed health development funds and try at institutional levels to make progress. We are working on justice issues, human rights, constitutional alignment and finance management. They are all complicated and challenging.

We would have liked to progress more rapidly, and now we have the Lima Agenda that the Government prepared and presented at four meetings of the IMF and World Bank in October 2015, which created a little bit of momentum. Unfortunately, that momentum got a little bit lost, so we try to keep it alive and urge the Government to continue on that track because we honestly believe that is the only way forward.

Q: What, in your view, is stalling progress?

A: That is up to the Government to make that assessment. We try to find indicators that are willing to go to the part of those reforms. l guess there are all kinds of reasons that explain the slowdown and that process, and l guess, of course, pre-electoral moods are never — anywhere in the world — favourable for structural reforms.

But we still try, notably in the political field; it is extremely important to conduct elections in a free and transparent way so that we can continue building on that positive engagement after the elections.

Q: Can you share with us your thoughts on President Mugabe. What was your first impression of the man in 2014?

A: Clearly President Mugabe is a charismatic person, and l have to say he has a sense of humour and I like people who have a sense of humour. We had a very interesting chat. I will never forget that historical encounter to connect with a person of the liberation movement period in Africa. But l can’t reveal what we discussed.

Q: Do you believe he is a credible leader?

A: l don’t have to comment. I always say to people I am not a journalist; I am not a columnist. So, I am not commenting on the quality of leaders or quality of political personnel from wherever and l am not commenting on domestic policies.

Q: You came into the country soon after a general election which was won by President Mugabe’s Zanu-PF party and immediately after that election, the United States and some countries in the EU challenged the credibility of that poll. What particular mandate were you given by the EU in light of its position on that election and the Zimbabwe Government?

A: First of all, America is not part of the EU and the EU has a common position which it explained at that time.

There has been an observation mission of Sadc and the African Union, and both of them underlined the peaceful conduct of those elections, but both of them also highlighted some anomalies and problems and we took stock of that.

So, we said let’s move forward, but there are things to be done and part of the political agenda is for the recommendations of these observer missions have to be implemented.

Q: The EU, in particular, said, “We are concerned about the alleged irregularities and reports of incomplete participation as well as identified weaknesses in the electoral process and lack of transparency.” Sadc and AU observers determined that the election result indicated the will of Zimbabweans. So, you didn’t agree with those two observer missions?

A: This is not entirely incompatible. You can, indeed, highlight some problems and irregularities and still think that, overally, the results reflected — broadly speaking — the opinion of the people. So, this is not necessarily incompatible. But as I said when I arrived here and explained to the President during our discussions when I presented my credentials, I am not here as a historian making assessments of the past.

I am here to look forward and see how we can improve our relations and the future of the people of Zimbabwe.

Q: So, essentially, the EU recognises President Mugabe as the duly elected leader of this country?

A: I presented my letters of credentials to the President of this country, so we continue, we engage and we discuss.

Q: The Zimbabwe Government rejected the EU’s proposal to observe the last election on the basis that accepting such a mission equalled accepting foreign interference in the county’s electoral process. Do you feel Government’s position was justified?

A: The EU observes elections throughout the world, and that can be a contributing factor to confidence-building which is something very often included in this country, valuable assets. So, EU observer missions are not there to intervene because they have a very specific mandate which is to observe and not to intervene.

The presence of observers can have an appeasing impact on elections.

My previous posting was in Guinea-Conakry, and l was present throughout two elections. And each time the electoral observers were assessed by all sides, it was extremely useful to enhance the credibility and contribute to overall appeasement.

So, this is not about interference, but it’s about the international community – whether Sadc, AU or EU or other international observer missions — to contribute to the consolidation of democracy.

Q: African countries are never invited to observe elections in Europe. Why is that?

A: If African countries would request to observe the elections, I don’t think there would be any objections. There have been elections observed by external observer missions even in Europe, within the EU and that’s not an exception. We don’t have any objections to that. There might not be a necessity for that because the elections don’t create tensions and don’t require these type of confidence-building measures, but (Africans) are always welcome. Just like the America elections, they have external service participating in their elections. There is no ideological problem here.

Q: It is not a capacity issue, is it?

A: I don’t think we have capacity problems to organise elections in Europe. I am Belgian, it’s a complicated country with three communities and three regions with linguistic differences and thoughts, but we managed to organise our elections.

Q: Have any African groupings ever observed elections in Europe?

A: Not to my knowledge.

Q: Earlier this year, the government of Rwanda said it was not bothered by the EU’s non-involvement in its elections because Africans are really not invited to observe or monitor elections in Europe. What do you make of that statement? Doesn’t it reflect a disconnect between the two continents?

A: I don’t know if there is a disconnect. l don’t have to comment (on) President Kagame’s statements on that. But what l see is that between the EU and Africa, it has an increasingly narrow partnership which culminates in regular EU-AU Summits.

The next Summit will be organised in Abidjan in November this year, and you have noticed in the run-up to this Summit, which will concentrate around the fundamental theme of the role of youths in society, that there is a huge campaign to try to listen to the voice of the youths not only in Africa, but Europe as well.

A pre-Summit (event) will have youths come together and identify key concerns of the youths, and that will then be brought up at the Abidjan Summit. That relationship between EU and Africa – focusing on peace and security, migration and integration – is growing stronger.

l don’t see any problem in that.

Q: But do you agree that there is this general sentiment in Africa?

A: I don’t know if there is a general sentiment. Clearly, some people in Africa have this sentiment, but l am not sure if it is a general sentiment. I have been in different countries in Africa, and l did not encounter (on) a consistent basis hostility towards partnership with Europe.

And when l am travelling in Zimbabwe, l encounter a lot people with a lot of sympathy for what we are doing and the way we are doing it; for the partnership which is a real relationship for the equals and not unequal. It is one of the key aspects of our development co-operation not in my office, but jointly with the Government of Zimbabwe.

We have a trade relationship which is based on equality between the two partners.

We have a negotiated Economic Partnership Agreement which gave Zimbabwe an entire quota and tariff-free access to EU markets while we don’t have the same access to the Zimbabwean market. So, the inequality is the other way round. I don’t see any substantive problem in that.

Q: But still there are some in Africa who feel that the West is always attempting to prescribe and define democracy for Africa.

A: Opinions are divergent. From all perspectives, there are fundamental values that are universal; that are principles of democracy, principles of the rule of law and principles of human rights.

How democracy is being translated in institutions around the world can be done in different ways. And even in Europe, we have constitutional monarchs, presidential regimes and parliamentary regimes. So, each country finds its own way. Democracy is never a perfect finalised product, but the core principles of democracy are fundamental and universal.

Q: Is it the position of the EU; that democracy differs from country to country?

A: No, l am not saying democracy differs from country to country, but the principles of that democracy are universal. The ways you translate this democracy institutionally may have varieties depending on the history of different countries, but the fundamentals are similar.

Q: That is the approach the EU takes regarding every country it deals with?

A: Yes.

Q: Zimbabwe is holding another election in 2018. Is the EU going to propose to send a team of observers?

A: The time has not come yet to discuss that with the Government.

Q: Are you thinking of doing that?

A: The issue of election observer missions, normally, is discussed roughly six months before the deadlines of the elections because we need to mobilise long-term observer missions.

So, we still have time to discuss. Yes, we will, of course, raise issue in due time because we, indeed, think that we contribute value to the electoral process.

Q: So, you are likely to propose to send an observer mission?

A: Everything in due time, but that is a possibility which is on the table.

Q: Why are you not sending an observer mission to Rwanda?

A: Because President Kagame did not allow us to have an election observer mission in Rwanda.

Q: Did you propose to send a mission there?

A: Like in most countries, we bring that offer on the table.

Ambassador, you touched, earlier, on work that the EU is doing in Zimbabwe under the National Indicative Programme. Any visible results so far?
A: I am trying to get out of Harare on a regular bases to visit our projects. And what I am seeing in the countryside are, indeed, extremely successful projects. But sometimes there are challenges. The most successful programmes are those which focus, in rural areas, on creating viable long-term livelihoods for the people in the country and to achieve that, you have to bring the smallholders to the markets.

That requires a lot of organisational skills because it means that you have to bring people in groupings and organise production and then organise access to the market. That is what we call public-private community partnerships.

The communities link up with the private sector to get expertise from commercial sectors and to access markets. Of course, we have the support of the extension services of Government and so forth.

We have visited a couple of highly-successful projects in that regard in the horticultural sector and staple crops. So, yes, where there is a willingness among the different stakeholders to work together and where the legal environment allows, this country can, indeed, progress.

The problem, of course, is we are only working with smallholders on communal lands; the legal framework is not settled. There are still a lot of problems in the legal framework which hamper investment.

Q: Are those areas, in your view, being addressed at all by the Zimbabwe Government?

A: We engage with the Government on these economic reforms, which are a link to land ownership or at least security of tenure, rule of law and the macro-economic environment, including indigenisation and so forth.

So, we are engaging. Progress is slow, which means also that it is difficult to engage with multilateral agencies because as you know, the Government has debt arrears with multilateral agencies.

These should be cleared so that the Government can access new funding, but that new funding is linked to structural reforms which guarantee that whatever new funding comes in will be used in the most productive way possible and will lead to sustainable debt policy for the Government so that we don’t fall back into the trap of a vicious debt cycle.

Creating a Land of Upright People

EDITORIAL COMMENT
Zimbabwe Sunday Mail
OCTOBER 22, 2017

We are in Red October, a month soaked with the blood of martyrs.

On October 19, 1978, at least three Rhodesian military bombers and eight helicopters attacked a Zipra camp full of girls and women at Mkushi in Zambia.

This was the same month that Rhodesia also bombed Freedom Camp and Tembwe. At Mkushi, hundreds of people were killed as they were caught unawares, but they did not go down without a whimper.

Ken Flower, then head of the Central Intelligence Organisation, grudgingly and patronisingly conceded: “They gave a fair account of themselves fighting back like soldiers and not women.”

You can read more about Mkushi elsewhere in this edition of The Sunday Mail, courtesy of the biographical account of Group Captain Sithabile Sibanda aka Cde Ntombiyezizweni Mhlanga as captured by Tjenesani Ntungakwa.

On October 15, 1987, in a small country in West Africa, Blaise Compaoré took over Burkina Faso.

That was his bounty from the assassination of President Thomas Sankara.

Sankara was a man who opposed borrowing from the IMF and the World Bank; who preached the gospel of economic empowerment; who invested in local food and textile production; who clamped down on patriarchy; who pushed forward literacy and healthcare provision; who tackled corruption and paid himself a monthly salary of just US$450; who built railways, roads and houses for the poor.

In 1984, Sankara had changed the country’s name from Upper Volta to Burkina Faso, which means “The Land of Upright People”.

An account of his death, presented in a documentary by Silvestro Montanaro for Italian broadcaster RAI, has it that just before Compaoré allegedly fired the first shot, Sankara said: “Blaise, you are my best friend, I call you my brother, and yet you assassinate me?”

To this, Compaoré reportedly responded with an irritated hand gesture, a few mumbled French words, and a tightening of the trigger.

Just four days later, on October 19, 1986, a Tupolev 134 aircraft crashed in the Lebombo Mountains near Mbuzini in South Africa.

On board the plane were 44 people, 34 of whom perished.

Among the dead was President Samora Moises Machel of Mozambique.

All accounts and probability point to apartheid South Africa being at the heart of that murder.

Now, some people do not like Machel because of his strong Marxist streak, some loathe him because of his anti-religion position.

We would rather not get into that argument, because – as Vladmir Putin put it when asked if he thought Edward Snowden was a treasonous wretch or a hero of free speech – it is “like shearing a pig, too much squeaking, too little wool”.

What cannot be argued about is the immense contribution that Machel made towards restoring the dignity Africans.

This dedicated proponent of peace never saw anything but war, and died in a most violent fashion.

October is a red month. It is soaked with the blood of martyrs.

Their blood bids us introspect, urges us to place our actions on a scale and measure them to the sacrifices made by others so that we reach where we are today.

Are we doing justice to the sacrifice when we pillage national resources and indulge in wanton corruption as we abuse public office?

Are we building on their foundation when we splurge on expensive imported trinkets even as our fellow citizens sleep in bank queues in the hope of maybe getting US$50 the next morning?

Are we conducting ourselves with dignity, integrity and patriotism when we place destructive factional politics above national interests?

Surely, even in a world losing its soul to individualistic economics and politics there is a strong case to be made for Ubuntu.

This Red October, this month of the blood of martyrs, we will not do ourselves any harm to reflect on the words of Mariam Sankara, the widow of Thomas Sankara.

She once remarked: “Thomas knew how to show his people that they could become dignified and proud through willpower, courage, honesty and work. What remains above all of my husband is his integrity.”

When we look at ourselves, when other people look at us, at our economics and our politics, do they see integrity?

Do they see public officials working to build a land of upright people?

‘How I Dumped ZAPU for ZANU’

MUNYARADZI HUNI
Zimbabwe Sunday Mail
OCTOBER 22, 2017

Comrade Chrispen Tapfuma Mataire (born February 24, 1945 in Chivhu), whose Chimurenga name was Cde David Todhlana, continues his interview with our team comprising Munyaradzi Huni and Tendai Manzvanzvike. In this instalment, Cde Todhlana speaks about how during the early days of the struggle political leaders sent ill-equipped and ill-prepared comrades into Rhodesia just to make an impression to the OAU. He speaks about the clash between Cde James Chikerema and Cde Jason “JZ” Moyo in Zapu and how they, together with Cde Rex Nhongo decided to dump Zapu for Zanu.

SM: We have heard from some comrades that both Zapu and Zanu during the early years of the struggle resorted to abducting recruits in Zambia in a bid to show the then Organisation of African Unity (OAU) that they had enough fighters to wage the war. Did this actually happen?

Cde Todhlana: Yes. We were getting support from the Liberation Committee of the OAU but this support was given in accordance to what we were doing. The committee would ask, “you Zapu since you came here to Zambia, what have you done at the war front in Rhodesia? Have you fought any battles so far? Zanu, how far have you gone?’ So both Zapu and Zanu ended up sending comrades who were ill-prepared to the war front. The idea being to prove a point to the OAU that mainzwa here, iZapu yakaridza? Takatumira vakomana vakanoridza, vakadai vakadai so as to increase budget from OAU.

SM: How prevalent were such incidences were ill-prepared comrades could be sent to the war front just to make an impression to the OAU?

Cde Todhlana: You see, during the early stages, this was done quite often. From the days of William Ndangana and his Crocodile Gang. The idea during these days was not to fight the war proper. The idea was to sabotage the Rhodesian economy. The struggle during these days was a peaceful form of struggle. We were taking lessons from countries such as India. Remember the days of Mahatma Gandhi? They waged a peaceful struggle. So that was the same form of our struggle but of course with a little bit of some sabotage. Even when vana Ngwena (VP Mnangangwa) were sent to Rhodesia, the idea at this time was kuvhundutsira-vhundutsira.

This was actually understandable because the comrades who were leading the struggle at this time had no military training. They were just political leaders. People like James Chikerema, Herbert Chitepo, Jason Moyo and so on. They were not soldiers. Zvekuti ngatirwei hondo came much later. During these early days the struggle was more about demonstrations, vanhu vachinotema fodya yevarungu and so on. So kwaitotumirwa comrades who were ill-equipped and ill-prepared. Some would be told kuti munonowana zvombo ikoko kumusha. Kumusha kupi?

SM: After your training at Morogoro, where did you go?

Cde Todhlana: We were sent to Bulgaria. Our whole group. While in Bulgaria that’s when we met comrades from MPLA from Angola and others also receiving training. During training, the instructors would make us compete to establish who the sharp shooters were. I was a sharp-shooter representing Zapu. I would choose what part of the eye to hit. Not just to hit you but to choose which part of your eye to hit (laughs).

SM: Were you that good?

Cde Todhlana: I think I was. Our training was until the end of 1969. We were brought to Tanzania and were supposed to go to Lusaka but by this time, there were divisions between James Chikerema and JZ Moyo. They had two camps. Chikerema would say “I am the overall in charge representing Nkomo because I am the vice-president of the Zapu.” JZ would argue kuti mdara zvimwe zvauri kuita hazvina ma- blessings aMdara Nkomo. So there were lots of quarrels and OAU came up with a position that hakuna macadres from Zapu that could leave Zambia going anywhere and no Zapu cadres could go to Zambia. The borders were sealed.

We were taken to Mbeya, still in Tanzania. From end of 1969 to June 1970, we were staying at Mbeya. I was still with Rex Nhongo, Thomas Nhari and others. Nhari was the vice-platoon commander. He was more senior to us. I was the political commissar and Rex was seguranza (security). One day we took a decision – it was myself, Rex and Nhari. We said vakomana, ngatiende kune vamwe vedu kuZanu. Kuno kwatiri kuZapu tiri vaenzi. We agreed to cross the floor from Zapu to Zanu but we didn’t know any Zanu camp that was nearby.

I can’t remember how we ended up in the hands of Kashiri. He was the Zanu representative at Intumbi Camp. We met him in Mbeya and told him our story. We told him that Zapu was disintegrating because of the divisions between Chikerema and JZ Moyo and that only Ndebeles were being promoted in Zapu. In Zanu people were being promoted on merit. This was June 1970. Kashiri was really excited. He went and told his fellow comrades. We told Kashiri that we were not supposed to waste time and so we arranged to meet again and leave Zapu. We sold this idea to some of the Shona comrades who were in Zapu but only those we were close to. We managed to tell just a few. Cde Vhuu and others managed to join us but Magusvini and others we had informed were not there on the day we were supposed to leave. I volunteered to go back to the camp to bring Magusvini and others. Almost all comrades who were at this meeting point protested saying “Davie don’t go. Davie you are risking!”

When I got back to Mbeya, most of the comrades were in a meeting. When they spotted me, they quickly apprehended me. Yeah, they treated me nicely (grinning), I mean I got thorough beatings. Most of the comrades used to respect me. I remember there was Head Ndlovu akanga ane mazino two pafront. They used to respect me a lot but ndivo vakatanga kundirova. Head Ndlovu was very big and they dealt with me that night. These other comrades who were waiting for me went away after I took long to return to our meeting place.

The next day, I was taken back to Morogoro as a prisoner. At Morogoro I was put in an underground cell. This cell was about 2-3km from the main camp at Morogoro. I was in this cell for three months. I was given food once per day. One day, one of the guards came with my food but told me that he had forgotten his cigarettes at the main camp. He then said, chisara uchidya ndinotora fodya yangu kucamp.

The moment he got out of sight, I said this is my chance. I ran like a mad dog to the highway. I flagged down a vehicle and in no time I was in Dar es Salaam. I had no idea where the Zanu offices were but I knew that Zanu was in good books with Chama Cha Mapinduzi. I asked people in the streets where I could find the Chama Cha Mapinduzi offices. I found the offices and asked where I could find the Zanu offices.

I went to the Zanu offices where I found the Zanu representative Webster Gwauya. I told him about my capture by Zapu. He told me that my fellow comrades, including Rex, Nhari, Vhuu and others were already receiving military training at Intumbi. He took me to Intumbi the next day where I found some of my colleagues vatova macommanders. Rex Nhongo was camp commander, Thomas Nhari in security and inini mafikizolo ndangovewo tauyawo. We all got military training under Zanu. Our instructors were from China.

SM: You were receiving training again after having trained under Zapu. Were there any differences between the Zipra and Zanla training?

Cde Todhlana: The Zanla training was far inferior than the Zipra training. The Zipra training was more rigorous and you could see you were being trained to be a soldier. YekuZanu haaa it was more like they were training girls.

SM: How come when it came to the war front, we hear reports that Zipra managed to gain more ground quickly?

Cde Todhlana: I thought I would explain this later. Remember there was the Big Six of liberation movements. These included ANC of South Africa, Zapu from Rhodesia, Swapo from Namibia, MPLA of Angola, PAIDC of Guinea Bissau and Frelimo from Mozambique. These were the liberation movements that were being supported by the Soviet bloc which included Eastern Europe, Bulgaria, Romania and so on. Zanu from Rhodesia, PAC from South Africa and others were seen as splinter groups. They were not receiving support from the Soviet bloc and they got support from China, Albania and to a little extent North Korea.

The Big Six were getting support from the Soviet Bloc through the OAU but there was also direct support from these countries. As Frelimo was fighting its war against the Portuguese it opened vast areas and gave sanctuary to Zapu. Frelimo advised Zapu kuti huyai muchipinda kuRhodesia nekuno.

By this time, Zapu was using routes where it had to cross Zambezi River to get into Rhodesia. After crossing into Rhodesia there were game parks and so on that the Zipra commanders had to deal with after using the Zambian route. So when Frelimo liberated the Tete Province, it asked Zapu to come and enter into Rhodesia using Tete Province.

SM: We also hear reports that the Zambian government supported Zapu?

Cde Todhlana: That’s very true. Like I told you, Zanu was a nonentity, it was seen as a splinter group. So Kenneth Kaunda supported Zapu. But then when Frelimo offered Zapu to deploy into Rhodesia using Tete Province, that’s the same time there were divisions in Zapu. Chikerema and JZ Moyo vainetsana such that they forgot zve strategy yehondo.

There was a lot of turmoil in Zapu and so it failed to take up the offer by Frelimo. That offer by Frelimo was extended to Zanu. By this time Zanu had no problems and they embraced the idea. The party quickly sent people like Joseph Chimurenga, Earnest Kadungure, Chinamaropa and others into Tete Province. These comrades went to Tete and assessed the situation and after this, we were then deployed.

SM: Ok, let’s go back to your training.

Cde Todhlana: After our training we were taken to Kongwa Camp in Tanzania. This was a transit camp for comrades awaiting deployment. While at Kongwa, we spoke a lot about politics. One day during discussions I said I saw no reason for disunity between Zanu and Zapu. I said this was happening because of the ambitions of the leaders. I was labelled a Zapu agent but I wasn’t beaten up. Ndakango vharirwa mukaKaribotso, a small room. I was there alone for eight days.

I was released after Chitepo passed through Kongwa and was told about my issue. On hearing my story, Chitepo said, ‘call him.” I was brought to Chitepo who asked me to tell him my story. I told him that I didn’t see the reasons why Zanu and Zapu were planning to fight the struggle separately. I said my thinking was that we should fight the war as a united force. Chitepo then ordered my release. He said munhu wese anekodzero to speak his mind.

At the end of 1971, that’s when the deployment to the war front started. I was part of the Group of 45. We went into action tiri 45. However, the first task was to carry materiel from Chifombo into Rhodesia in preparation for war. The journey from Chifombo to Zambezi River would take us days takatakura heavy materiel. Up until the end of 1971, we were carrying materiel.

On one or two occasions, we had to join Frelimo to go kucombat because we were passing through Mozambique. So we had to assist Frelimo to fight the Portuguese. The Frelimo commanders said macomrades we want you to join us mumboona kuti kurova varungu kunonakidza sei. It’s enjoyable.

SM: Enjoyable?

Cde Todhlana: Yes, you see Frelimo was now on top of the situation. Maputukezi akanga ava kutotadza kubuda mumacamp. Their supplies akanga achitouya nendege and they would be dropped. So Frelimo was now on top of the situation and one day they decided to go and hit a certain camp. They asked us to join them. This became our baptism of fire. First time kuridza pfuti uchiridzirwawo. We actually managed to overrun the camp. There was a young man called Cde Sonono. During this battle, his light machine gun jammed, uumm akachema. He was crying kuti ndiri kusarira in this enjoyment to fire at the Portuguese soldiers. Akachema wena (laughs).

SM: When were you eventually deployed to the war front?

Cde Todhlana: Around June 1972, members of the High Command including Ndangana, Tongogara, Mayor Urimbo and others came to Chifombo and said machinda we think you have carried sufficient ammunition home. We think you should now go home and start the war. I raised my hand. I said “Cde Tongo why would you want to sacrifice us?” He said what do you mean? I told him that the terrain up to December kunenge kusina cover. Miti yese they are shaking their leaves. Secondly, I told him kuDande kwese hakuna mvura. The little sources of water were dams and I knew Rhodesian soldiers would wait for us there. I suggested that we should be deployed after the first rains. Thank Heavens, he agreed.

SM: Why are you saying thank Heavens?

Cde Todhlana: Because it was going to be suicidal if we had been deployed that time.

SM: We hear Cde Tongo was a tough commander. How did you manage to convince him?

Cde Todhlana: Yes, very tough but it was common sense. Any military person would appreciate and understand. This was my personal first contribution to the liberation struggle. To convince the High Command kuti iyezvino hakuiti kuti tipinde kumusha. Otherwise hondo hayaizova sustainable.

It was not easy to talk to Cde Tongo just like that. And in my case remember I was coming from Zipra, but I spoke my mind. I had received lots of training and I knew my rights. I had no problems talking to anyone. Remember I told you that I told Robson Manyika as he was beating me kuti iwe uri shef just because wakatanga kuuya kuhondo. Very few people could speak like that. So thank Heavens Cde Tongo and the High Command agreed to my suggestion. So we continued carrying materiel into Rhodesia.

On 11 November 1972, we came into Rhodesia. We wanted that day to coincide with the day that UDI was declared by Ian Smith in Rhodesia. We divided ourselves into two major groups. The first group went to Mutoko. Cde Kenneth Gwindingwi, KG was the commander of this first group. He went with comrades like Kenny Ridzai and others.

This division of comrades was done at Chamboko Base. Also at the base paiva naSekuru Chidyamauyu, Sekuru Chiodza Mamera and Sekuru Chipfeni. While at the base vana Sekuru ava vakapa macomrades tumishonga twaipfekerwa muvhudzi.

The second group went to Dande, Spolilo and so on with the commander as Rex Nhongo. I was in this second group. This group was subdivided into two groups. There was one group led by Cde John Pedzisa. I was the leader of the other group. Rex Nhongo took two of our junior comrades as his aides. He didn’t join my group or John Pedzisa’s group. He remained as the liaison between us and the comrades at the border. He was also in charge in case more reinforcements came.

John Pedzisa was ordered to look for a target and fire at that target on 25 December to coincide with Christmas Day. I was ordered that two days later, on the 27th of December, I should find a target to hit. So John Pedzisa identified Alterna Farm as his target. On 25 December, he fired. Poor Davie, I am still looking for my target. I got my target on the 29th. This was a farm that had a farm shop. Before hitting this farm, we laid landmines because we knew Rhodesian soldiers would come after the attack. We were nine in my group and I was the Section Commander. My deputy was Cde Tsanangura. In logistics there was David Mukuyi, the commissar was Cde Nyika.

SM: You spoke about vana Sekuru. What exactly was their role?

Cde Todhlana: (long pause) I am an atheist. Inini Davie. I don’t believe in creation. I don’t believe in religion. I don’t believe in mashavi. So zvemushonga wana Sekuru zvaiitwa nevanozvinzwisisa uye vanozvitenda. I didn’t participate but I didn’t oppose anyone. Vanhu vaiita zvavaiita but ini I said no. Some were given mascover eblack and white ekuisa muhuro and I said no. There was a small pool kaiiswa mushonga nana Sekuru kuti macomrades atuhwine, not me. Handituhwine. Of course other fighters believed in vana Sekuru but not me. To me it didn’t make sense.

SM: Do you believe that Spirit Mediums played a role in the liberation of Zimbabwe?

Cde Todhlana: Yes, in a way. But what way? In terms of uniting the people and in terms of encouraging the fighters. In terms of giving them hope. Not kuti shiri would guide us kuti endai neuko. It didn’t make sense to me. I never showed anyone that I was opposed to all this. Ndaingonyarara.

SM: Some comrades say they survived during the liberation struggle because of Spirit mediums. What do you attribute your survival to?

Cde Todhlana: Luck. It’s luck. Some people would die, others would survive. I am one of those who were lucky to survive.

SM: So you are an atheist by what?

Cde Tondlana: It’s my teaching – Marxism and Leninism. That’s my bible. That’s what I believe in. Marxism and Leninism focusses on people and focusses on the being. You are either good or bad. I don’t munezvema minimini.

Burnt Alive at Mkushi Camp

 

OCTOBER 29, 2017

The following is the second excerpt from the biography of Group Captain Sithabile Sibanda, aka Cde Ntombiyezizweni Mhlanga, as researched and written by Tjenesani Ntungakwa and titled “Fighting for my country, a woman’s choice: The unspoken story of the ZIPRA Women’s Brigade”. Group Capt Sibanda has been awarded the Liberation Medal (1990), Independence Medal, Mozambique Campaign Medal (1991), 10 Years Service in the Air Force (2000), Long and Exemplary Medal after 15 years of service in the AFZ (2005), Sadc Medal of the DRC Campaign (2008), the United Nations Medal (2008) after serving in the Sudan under the United Nations Mission in Sudan.

They intended to confuse us like blind mice and finish the rest of the multitudes of ZPRA women.

I was not certain if there would be a way out. Anyway, I was still convinced that somewhere somehow, God would not sit and watch us perish.hey intended to confuse us like blind mice and finish the rest of the multitudes of ZPRA women.

In no time, the cooking facilities were shredded by bomb splinters and we had to find an alternative haven. Together with Charity Ndiweni, we headed for the tributary of Mkushi River. In fact, Charity was the one who suggested we take chances.

It was not given that we would survive.

I thought twice and hesitated. Charity was joined by Consider Toyi Toyi and went into a hidden depression. They survived by default because the gunshots and grenade fragments injured their legs but left them alive. The casualties had begun to mount. The Rhodesians were baying for our blood. They dropped napalm. It was in the form of a porridge-like paste which burnt the skin, and was more reactive in water, making it difficult for us to run into the river. It lit up the trees and was fuelled by the wind that blew across the open spaces.

Hell had arrived on Earth via Rhodesian intransigence against our efforts to set Zimbabwe free. Many of my comrades burned alive as they fled the wrath of Ian Smith’s dogs of war. As a result of the vegetation burning, there was no camouflage left.

One of my companions, Chiratidzo Iris Mabuwa, commented about the fiasco which unfolded at Mkushi.

“They had a bomb which was very unusual. It looked like a cone-shaped rubber object with a height that could have measured up to a metre. It bounced up and down, taking time to explode. To make matters worse, the piece of armament sounded like a whistle and inflicted some psychological damage on us. It was frightening”.

I crossed the Mkushi tributary and waded towards an anthill. Somehow I was temporarily blessed in the sense that my movement had been in the opposite direction into which the jets flew. Training taught us that one had to go against the flight path of bombers; not along their nose line. In that way, the pilots would not easily spot what was under their jets.

They had flown in from the East and I decided to go Westwards. Such an outcome gave me a bit of breathing space, but again, there was still a long way to go before safety was assured. From my position, I observed Rhodesian paratroopers being dropped to finish us off.

They were so clear in my sight, heavily haired white soldiers and black troops who were armed with what must have been Nato machine guns, flare launchers and FN and G3 Rifles. They wanted to ensure that even our bones would not be left to tell the full account of Mkushi, and bury the Zpra Women’s Brigade in shallow graves of history.

In earnest, bombardment had started by the kitchens at around 11:00 am. It was an attacking norm of the Rhodesians to begin by hitting where everybody congregated for food. Even at Freedom Camp, as we were given the accounts much later, the Rhodesians had baptised the eating facilities with bomb-fire. They knew most of us crowded there in anticipation of being fed after the earlier part of training exercises and would have been restless because of hunger.

There was fire and smoke everywhere, and the natural undergrowth turned black with soot.

It was like the re-enactment of Sodom and Gomorrah! I kept climbing so as to avoid the heat that could have eaten into my boots. There I met Melfina and Hluphekani who had been responsible for security at Mkushi. The three of us held onto the top of one of the anthills until dark. We had no plan in mind. The Rhodesians even hoisted their flag to spite us.

At nightfall, we deliberated on our next move. We came down and began to walk in a single file.

The advantage of such a formation was that it would have been easier to tell had there be any planted explosives. If the first person survived after stepping on a particular point, it was guaranteed that the path was safe. In the event of an ambush, it would have been easier for us to make our way out of firing. Our hearts pounded like sledge hammers, but we had no choice except to keep going. As we got down, some gunfire cracked and we leapt for our lives. Just close to the waters of Mkushi, we bumped into Ossie and Florence Sikhumba holding onto to some roots by the river bank.

From there, we saw some Aborigines who were serving in the Rhodesian Army having landed a helicopter near the kitchen.  We could tell they were Aborigines by their noses.

The general practice in the British Empire was to hire indigenes of their colonies and conscript them into the state’s military service. Such had been the case when the British drafted the Gurkhas of Nepal during the Falklands War of the 80s against Argentina.

We proceeded, unsure of where we were going. It became necessary that we went further along the shores of Mkushi. The smell of corpses was everywhere, worse within the campsite where the casualty figure had been very high. On that day, the darkness was unusual and we dragged ourselves onwards.

Suddenly, we heard a faint scream from the bushes. As we drew closer, there was one of our girls who had fallen victim of Napalm. Her body had been opened up by the burns, leaving the muscles dangling like a skinned buck. We took turns to carry her on our backs. One of her legs had been torn open and the bones protruded like white staffs.

She had lost a lot of blood and could hardly hold on. Mksuhi River roared to its fullness and we would not have made our way through its waves. Then we were four: Ossie, Malfin, Sikhumba and I. The spotter planes made our confused journey difficult. The aircraft engines made a lot of noise whilst the soldiers fired flares so as to expose any among ourselves who were in hiding.

Our movement continued until dawn at which we decided to leave the helpless comrade in some kind of ravine. She had become too weak to hold on and it was no longer wise to take her with us. Thus it was prudent that we gave her our last words. We made her realise that it had become dangerous for us to continue with her. I made it clear that she had the option of jumping into the river and leave it for her fate to decide. It might have been unfair, but we had been honest with her. We got to some point where we decided to rest and there, a flare shot up lighting the whole bush veldt, exposing anything that lived and moved.

It was by sheer luck that we sneaked out.

Hluphekani was the only one among us armed with an AK47 and had just one extra magazine at hand. My Semenov had been lost during the commotion at Mkushi. All in all, we must have covered about 40km on foot from Mkushi. As the sun came out, we began to feel much safer and spotted one homestead at which some Zambians lived.

We agreed among ourselves that not all of us could go there in case the Rhodesians had deployed their units within the surroundings. It was agreed that Hluphekani had to go and find out if we could get help. The idea was such that if one person were to die, the rest of the group would survive. By the way, Hluphekhani was a man even though he had been assigned to our Brigade.

He took his AK onto the hip position and carefully approached the tin-roof houses of the Zambians. He came back and assured that it was safe for us to go there. The Zambian family we came across was kind to us, and offered us some Mahewu to quench our thirst. We were told about a gathering point to which we had to go.

For the unfamiliar reader on the history of guerilla warfare, a gathering point, generally referred to as a “GP”, meant some kind of designated safety zone after a battle. When we got to the GP, some of our commanders, like Mhoto, had already arrived. There was a sizeable group of survivors who were visibly shaken by what had happened at Mkushi.

It was a disused school with dilapidated buildings. That was when I realised that the four of us must have taken the longest route to the place. As a cadre trained by the nationalist Zimbabwe African People’s Union, I had to be open with my comrades. There was no choice other than telling Mhoto that we had left one of us in agony on our way from Mkushi. Mhoto got charged and insisted that in Zapu, the rule was not to leave any comrade dying in the jungle.

With five others, we were assigned to go and fetch the injured young woman. I almost fainted, but had to be strong because of the oath that we had sworn in Zapu. It had emphasised loyalty to the party, the Motherland, leadership and people of Zimbabwe.

I led the pack and retraced our spoor to where we had left the girl. She was still there, moaning for her life with no idea of what could have happened later. We took her with us back to the gathering point and my conscience was free, meaning my duty in Zapu had been accomplished. Unfortunately, I never got to know her name.

It so happened that one day after Independence in 1980, she recognised me in Bulawayo and quickly reminded me that I had been the one who rescued her after the Mkushi bombing of October 1978. I was taken aback; she looked so fit and told me of her subsequent treatment in the German Democratic Republic, formerly East Germany.

We never met again.

From the GP, we had to begin another long walk to a farm at Kafue which belonged to Aaron Milner. Milner had been the Zambian Home Affairs Minister during the 70s and was considered a darling of President Kaunda. As a matter of detail, Milner was a Zimbabwean who had joined Kaunda’s United Independence Party in the early 60s and rose to be a respectable minister of the Unip government. When the Nationalist struggle began, it brought together “some like-minded forces” in Central and Southern Africa.

It ought to be remembered that the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland had activated a serious interactive processes among Africans to reject the colonial federal system of governance imposed by Britain, France, Germany, Portugal, Italy and some other European countries on their imperial colonies in Africa. In fact, some Zambian trade unionists, the likes of Dickson Nkokola who worked with other such characters as Aron Ndabambi and Aron Ndlovu, were active in assisting the first Nationalist organisation in Zimbabwe, the Southern Africa African National Congress to take off.

By the way, it was Aron Ndabambi, born in 1911, who worked for the Rhodesia Railway African Welfare Society when Joshua Nkomo joined the organisation in about 1948. Thus when Milner left Southern Rhodesia for Northern Rhodesia, it was normal in the politics of those days.

It was after the Independence of Zimbabwe in 1980 that Milner relocated to Zimbabwe.

We took some days to Kafue.

Finally, we got there, weary and wasted like desert stowaways. Apparently, Aaron Milner had offered the sanctuary to Nkomo, one of his trusted friends.

Among the first ones to address us was Zpra’s Deputy Chief of Operations, Tjile Nleya, whose pseudonym was Ben Mathe. Mathe was also widely known within Zpra circles as “Dhubu”.

“Dubhu” had a deep meaning in Kalanga.

It referred to the traditional loin cloths which African men wore to cover themselves below the waist. Dhubhu explained to us that what had happened at Mkushi was probably the work of some Rhodesian informers who had found their way into Zapu.

I was not worried because after any defeat, there was a tendency to witch-hunt from within.

We were alive and for me that was more important than anything else.

My assessment of the situation was such that the Rhodesians had been thoroughly reconnoitring Mkushi for ages without our knowledge. They might have carried out such a mission by air, ground or both.

I remembered the stories we used to hear from sentry guards of what sounded like the shuffling of boots just outside the perimeters of Mkushi at night.

In my opinion, such reports had not been taken seriously, and that sort of information could have been helpful. To be blunt, the situation left us more vulnerable to Rhodesian air-raids.

There was a day when we paraded at the square and a huge helicopter hovered above.

Out of ignorance, we thought it could have been Joshua Nkomo.

Out of excitement, we waved at the flying machine, which later disappeared into the skies. My colleague-in-arms, Chiratidzo Iris Mabuwa, had her perception of the matter during the writing of this book.

She stuck to her conclusion concerning the bombing of Mkushi, “We were observed from the air. The Rhodesians must have even drawn a map of the camp and knew exactly where to hit.”

Explained differently, others insisted that there might have been some sellouts among us, something I took time to believe. Assuming it had happened that way, it was not unusual in a normal war.

‘We Killed Sellouts Mercilessly’

Munyaradzi Huni
Zimbabwe Sunday Mail
OCTOBER 29, 2017

When we started the series of interviews with Cde David Todhlana (born Chrispen Tapfuma Mataire) a few weeks ago, we warned about his brutal honesty. This week, he tells Munyaradzi Huni and Tendai Manzvanzvike how liberation fighters killed two sell-outs by throwing them into a fire and blowing them up with explosives.

Q: Cde Todhlana, as we continue, can you talk briefly about your training?

A: After our training we were taken to Kongwa Camp in Tanzania. This was a transit camp for comrades awaiting deployment. While at Kongwa, we spoke a lot about politics.

One day during discussions I said I saw no reason for disunity between Zanu and Zapu. I said this was happening because of the ambitions of the leaders. I was labelled a Zapu agent but I wasn’t beaten up. Ndakangovharirwa muka karibotso, a small room. I was there alone for eight days. I was released after Chitepo passed through Kongwa and was told about my issue. On hearing my story, Chitepo said “call him”.

I was brought to Chitepo who asked me to tell him my story. I told him that I didn’t see the reason why Zanu and Zapu were planning to fight the struggle separately. I said my thinking was that we should fight the war as a united force. Chitepo then ordered my release. He said munhuwese anekodzero to speak his mind.

At the end of 1971, that’s when the deployment to the war front started. I was part of the Group of 45. We went into action tiri 45. The first task was to carry materiel from Chifombo into Rhodesia in preparation for war. The journey from Chifombo to Zambezi River would take us days takatakura heavy material. Up until the end of 1971, we were carrying material.

On one or two occasions, we had to join Frelimo to go ku combat because we were passing through Mozambique. So we had to assist Frelimo to fight the Portuguese.

The Frelimo commanders said macomrades, we want you to join us mumboona kuti kurova varungu kunonakidzasei. It’s enjoyable.

Q: Enjoyable?

A: Yes. You see Frelimo was now on top of the situation. Maputukezi akanga avakutotadza kubuda muma camp. Their supplies akanga achitouya nendege and they would be dropped. So Frelimo was now on top of the situation and one day they decided to go and hit a certain camp. They asked us to join them.

This became our baptism of fire. First time kuridzapfuti uchiridzirwawo. We actually managed to overrun the camp. There was a young man called Cde Sonono. During this battle, his light machine gun jammed. He was crying kuti ndirikusarira in this enjoyment to fire at the Portuguese soldiers. Akachema wena (laughs).

Q: When were you deployed to the war front?

A: Around June 1972. Members of the High Command, including Ndangana, Tongogara, Mayor Urimbo and others, came to Chifombo and said, “Machinda, we think you have carried sufficient ammunition home. We think you should now go home and start the war.”

I raised my hand. I said, “Cde Tongo, why would you want to sacrifice us?”

He said what do you mean? I told him that the terrain up to December kunenge kusina cover. Miti yese, they are shedding their leaves. Secondly, I told him kuDande kwese hakuna mvura. The little sources of water were dams and I knew Rhodesian soldiers would wait for us there. I suggested that we should be deployed after the first rains. Thank heavens, he agreed.

Q: We hear Cde Tongo was a tough commander. How did you manage to convince him?

A: Yes, very tough, but it was common sense. Any military person would appreciate and understand. This was my first personal contribution to the liberation struggle; to convince the High Command kuti iyezvino hakuiti kuti tipinde kumusha, otherwise hondo hayaizova sustainable.

It was not easy to talk to Cde Tongo just like that. And in my case remember I was coming from Zipra, but I spoke my mind. I had received lots of training and I knew my rights. I had no problems talking to anyone. Remember I told you that I told Robson Manyika as he was beating me kuti iwe uri shef just because wakatanga kuuya kuhondo. Very few people could speak like that.

So thank heavens Cde Tongo and the High Command agreed to my suggestion. So we continued carrying material into Rhodesia. On 11 November 1972, we came into Rhodesia. We wanted that day to coincide with the day that UDI was declared by Ian Smith.

We divided ourselves into two major groups. The first group went to Mutoko. Cde Kenneth Gwindingwi, KG, was the commander of this first group. He went with comrades like Kenny Ridzai and others.

This division of comrades was done at Chamboko Base. Also at the base paiva na Sekuru Chidyamauyu, Sekuru Chiodza Mamera and Sekuru Chipfeni. While at the base vana sekuru ava vakapa ma comrades twumishonga twaipfekerwa muvhudzi.

The second group went to Dande, Spolilo and so on with the commander as Rex Nhongo. I was in this second group. This group was subdivided into two groups. There was one group led by Cde John Pedzisa. I was the leader of the other group.

Rex Nhongo took two of our junior comrades as his aides. He didn’t join my group or John Pedzisa’s group. He remained as the liaison between us and the comrades at the border. He was also in charge in case more reinforcements came. John Pedzisa was ordered to look for a target and fire at that target on 25 December to coincide with Christmas Day. I was ordered that two days later, on the 27th of December, I should find a target to hit.

So John Pedzisa identified Alterna Farm as his target. On 25 December, he fired. Poor Davie, I (was) still looking for my target. I got my target on the 29th. This was a farm that had a farm shop. Before hitting this farm, we laid landmines because we knew Rhodesian soldiers would come after the attack. We were nine in my group and I was the Section Commander. My deputy was Cde Tsanangura. In logistics there was David Mukuyi, the Commissar was Cde Nyika.

Q: You spoke about vana sekuru. What exactly was their role?

A: (Long pause) I am an atheist; inini Davie. I don’t believe in creation. I don’t believe in religion. I don’t believe in mashavi. So zvemushonga wana sekuru zvaiitwa nevanozvinzwisisa uye vanozvitenda. I didn’t participate but I didn’t oppose anyone.

Vanhu vaiita zvavaita but ini I said no. There was a small pool kaiiswa mushonga nana sekuru kuti macomrades atuhwine, not me. Handituhwine. Of course other fighters believed in vana sekuru but not me. To me it didn’t make sense.

Q: Do you believe spirit mediums played a role in the liberation of Zimbabwe?

A: Yes, in a way. But what way? In terms of uniting the people and in terms of encouraging the fighters. In terms of giving them hope. Not kuti shiri would guide us kuti endai neuko. It didn’t make sense to me. I never showed anyone that I was opposed to all this. Ndaingonyarara.

Q: Some comrades say they survived because of spirit mediums. What do you attribute your survival to?

A: Luck. It’s luck. Some people would die, others would survive. I am one of those who were lucky to survive.

Q: So you are an atheist …?

A: It’s my teaching – Marxism and Leninism. That’s my bible. That’s what I believe in. Marxism and Leninism focuses on people and focuses on the being. You are either good or bad. I don’t believe mune zvemaminimini.

You know, my young brother died in 1989. He was a taxi driver. I said to him, “Nyasha, ndanga ndiri kuhondo all along, now I am back, go to school. I will assist you to go to school.”

He refused to take my advice saying he was already married and so couldn’t leave his wife. He then asked me to assist him to become a taxi driver. I advised him against being a taxi driver but he remained adamant. One day he was involved in a road accident and he died on the spot. He was driving from Chitungwiza towards Harare.

Akarohwa ne Puma yemasoja. Takaenda kumusha to bury him and everything went well. After the burial, my big brothers said, “Mangwana tiri kuenda kun’anga kunobvunzira kuti chauraya mwana chii?”

I said, “Ahh, mukoma. Mwana awuraiwa ne Puma (laughs).”

I am trying to emphasise that I don’t believe in some of these things but I don’t discourage anybody. Even my wife, she goes to church. Each time she says, “Nhasi daddy murikuda kuenda kupi? Ndirikuda kuenda nemota kuchurch.” I say take, nhasi handina kwandiri kuenda.

“Ndirikudawo some money kunobvisa chipo ku church.” I give her. I encourage her to go to church because I know ku church anofundiswa tsika dzakanaka to take care of me and our children.

That’s good. Mai vakanaka, mai veChita, vanofanirwa kuchengeta murume zvakanaka. For me that’s good and its ends there. Zvokuzoti kana ndafa what what, that’s something else.

Q: Anyway, let’s go back to your journey during the liberation struggle. We had gotten to that stage were you have laid landmines with your group after Cde Pedzisa had hit Alterna Farm…

A: Yes, after laying the landmines, we moved away from the area and went to Centenary around Chiweshe area. In Chiweshe, I emphasised to my comrades that we need to mobilise people. I would always tell the comrades that we were the nucleus of the war.

I would tell them, “Look, we are only 45, going to fight a whole army ya Smith. We can’t win (alone). Let’s mobilise our people kuti vatambire hondo so that we get support and get more recruits.”

I said we should not do what we had done in Zapu at Wankie in 1968 . . .Then Zanu in 1966, paChinhoyi. . .

I was saying as much as possible, let’s avoid confrontation nevarungu. Avoid them, don’t hit them unless you are cornered. As the nucleus, our main task was to mobilise the masses and recruit more comrades. Replenish our numbers. At one time I was challenged by James Bond. He said, “Cde Davie, tavane two weeks takauya, hatisati tarova murungu. Did we come to talk to people?”

He challenged me as his commander. He said two weeks tisina kurovavarungu, what the hell is this? You see, understanding inosiyana. I had read a lot about revolutions. I had read about the Chinese revolution, the Cuban revolution, the Vietnamese revolution. He had not read all this and so he had nowhere to make any reference.

I refused to succumb to pressure yana James Bond. I told them we want a sustainable liberation struggle; hondo iyenderere mberi. Because of my beliefs, some people regarded me as a coward. Kwanzi Cde Davie vanotya varungu.

Q: Your ideas led to mapungwe?

A: Yes. At our stage during the early 1970s, we had to hold mapungwe privately. We would go to villages totaura nevabereki, telling them of their role in the struggle and we would tell them today vana marecruits vauye tiwande.

Q: How difficult was it to explain this to the masses considering these were the early days of the struggle?

A: In the areas where we started operating around Mt Darwin and so on, it was easy going due to the influence yehondo yeku Mozambique. These people were close to the border with Mozambique. They knew what was happening in Mozambique so we told them tazowuyawo isu vana venyu. They quickly understood.

The other issue I was also teaching my colleagues was that for us to survive, we must deal with sell-outs.

This was more important than kurova varungu. Kurova sellout zviri more important than kurova varungu. Ukarova sell-out, the whole area ya free and we can operate. I would tell the comrades that kana tichirova or kill ma sell-outs, don’t do it in private. No.

Assemble the people, kuwunganidza vanhu and tell them, “Baba nhingi ava vanodai, vanodai. Isusu magandanga enyu, vana venyu, hatina majeri, we don’t have any prisons. Unlike varungu vanosunga and put you in prisons, isu ukatengesa hatina majeri – tinoponda. Tino kupondai, manzwa vabereki? We kill!”

Q: You were teaching your comrades to kill sell-outs in front of povo but this is the same povo you want to support you. How did this work? Was this a well-thought strategy? The fish and water philosophy, how does it work here?

A: It works perfectly well in this strategy. There is no contradiction at all. We are talking about a sell-out, not the generality of povo. And I was emphasising, don’t destroy sell-outs in private. Do it in public. Gather the people and explain to them kuti baba vaChipo vakaita one, two, three things. Isusu vana venyu hatina majeri. These sell-outs vano dzosera hondo kumashure. So hatinamajeri, we kill.

Q: Some comrades have told us that sometimes the comrades would be used by povo to settle personal issues. Some people would lie that this and that person is a sell-out just to settle scores. . .

A: That’s very true. It’s possible pane vakapinda in that crossfire. It’s possible that their disagreements, their feuds in the villages aizowuya kwatiri munhu akunzi sell-out.

I can’t defend what we did in that regard. Sometimes taingoti zvataudzwa, we work with that.

Q: Tell us of your personal experience with some of the sell-outs. What exactly did you do yourself?

A: I remember some sell-out, mupfana who was mid-age. He came to Mukumbura. That was 1973. Awuya aifamba musango and isu taigara musango. Takamubata tikati, “Muchinda, kwakanaka, urikuitei?” He said, “Haa, ndiri kutsvaga mushonga werukawo.” “Wabvakupi?” “Ndabva ku Harare.” “Kuno unoziva ani?” “Hapana wandino ziva asi ndakarairwa kuti area ino ndiyo inowanikwa mushonga werukawo.”

So we assembled the local people. “Pane anomuziva here munhuuyu?” Hapana. “Inzwaiwo story yake yaari kutaura.” He is saying ari kutsvaga mushonga werukawo kubva kuHarare but isusu we suspect this must be a spy. Atumwa to come and spy on our activities here. So we want to deal with him.

Q: Which area was this?

A: KuDande. Ndakati isai moto, matanda, huni and so on. Kwakusunga makumbo nemawoko like we do on a goat. Kwakukanda. Hapana pata mubaya nebanga, hapana patarova. Vanhu vakatenderedza mavivi emoto. Takatora mutumbi uya watasunga kwakukanda mumoto. Everybody is watching. Everybody is watching. That’s enough cruelty to teach you kuti hazviitwe izvi.

Q: Had you interrogated him enough to be sure?

A: His language kuti akabva kuHarare kuzotsvaga mushonga werukawo. Ahh, one plus one equals two. This was a spy. Some people get caught in crossfire. That’s war.

Q: Cde, you are taking someone who is alive and throwing him into a fire. As the commander, as you were doing this, what was going through your mind? No guilty conscience, no nothing?

A: No, not at all.

Q: Even up to today?

A: No. I am convinced I did the right thing. For my comrades to be safe, we must remove such people.

Q: No one among your comrades protested against doing this?

A: No one.

Q: And the reaction from the povo?

A: Of course vanhu vakachema. Uyu ndiye wataka kanda mumoto. The other one taka musungirira ma explosives kubva kuma kumbo tichi monerera monerera. When we were satisfied that every part yasvika ma explosives, then vanhu vakawunga, seberai uko, seberai uko. Press button to detonate the explosives.

Hapana chinowonekwa chasara ipapo. You are reducing the body into thin air.

Young man, don’t behave like a church man, kuita kunge fata anobva anzwa tsitsi maningi. This is war. Ine vanhu vanofira mucrossfire but tichizowana the main goal. W

e were supposed to avoid such incidents as much as possible, but these are some of the things that happened.

My teaching was instil fear into the people. Over time, transform that fear into support. It will be strong support. Munhu wese anenge ava kuziva kuti ukangova on the wrong side, magandanga, they kill. We don’t just kill, we kill mercilessly. Mercilessly.

Q: When you have blown someone into thin air, as commander do you sleep soundly?

A: Sleeping? No, problem. No problem (laughs). These were my two experiences but others were doing it in many other ways. Vamwe vaiti isa gumbo padanda and chop it off. Hapana mushonga, hapana bandage. Nothing. Chop it off.