Saturday, November 25, 2006

Aretha Franklin Records Duet With Mary J. Blige in New Film on Robert Kennedy

From Monsters and Critics.com

Soundtracks News

‘Bobby’ soundtrack features new single from Aretha Franklin and
Mary J. Blige

By Patrick Luce
Nov 15, 2006, 19:00 GMT

Underscoring one of the most tragic, life-changing events in American history – the assassination of Senator Robert Kennedy at the Ambassador Hotel in Los Angeles in June 1968 – as envisioned by director/screenwriter Emilio Estevez in the upcoming movie Bobby, Island Def Jam will release the original motion picture sound­track album showcasing music by the premiere artists of the 1960s.

The movie (from the Weinstein Company and MGM) opened in New York and Los Angeles on Friday, November 17th, and the album arrived in stores the following Tuesday, November 21st. The movie then had its wide release to more than 1,500 screens on Thanksgiving Day, November 23rd.

Heralding the soundtrack album is “Never Gonna Break My Faith” - a newly recorded single by Aretha Franklin and Mary J. Blige, co-written and co-produced by Bryan Adams. The song is currently heard on Bobby’s theatrical trailer.

“More than any other time in our history, the most memorable recordings from the 1960s reflected upon and influenced our culture,” said Antonio “L.A.” Reid, Chairman, Island Def Jam Music Group. “Aretha and Mary’s uplifting rendition of ‘Never Gonna Break My Faith,’ along with the historic cast assembled for this soundtrack album – sum up all our hopes and dreams for a better world.”

After an introductory excerpt from a speech by RFK, the ‘Bobby’ soundtrack album opens with “Never Gonna Break My Faith,” followed by nearly a dozen touchstones from the era: “Tracks Of My Tears” (Smokey Robinson & the Miracles), “Come See About Me” (the Supremes), “Function At The Junction” (Shorty Long), “I Was Made To Love Her” (Stevie Wonder), “Tuesday Afternoon” (Moody Blues), “Black Is Black” (Los Bravos), “Ain’t That Peculiar” (Marvin Gaye), “Baby I Love You” (Aretha Franklin), “Grazing In The Grass” (Hugh Masekela), “Louie Louie” (newly-recorded by Demi Moore for her role in the film), and “The Sound Of Silence” (Simon & Garfunkel).

The album also includes two tracks of award-winning composer Mark Isham’s original score, the last of which underpins RFK’s “Mindless Menace of Violence” speech.

Already being touted on the fast track for Academy Award consideration, Bobby was written and directed by Emilio Estevez. The film follows 22 people who are at the Ambassador Hotel for different purposes but share the common thread of anticipating RFK’s arrival at the Democratic Primary election night party, which would change their lives forever. This historic night is set against the backdrop of difficult social issues gripping the country at the time, including racism, sexual inequality and class differences.

Among the all-star cast of Bobby is Anthony Hopkins, Demi Moore, Sharon Stone, Lindsay Lohan, Harry Belafonte, Elijah Wood, William H. Macy, Helen Hunt, Christian Slater, Laurence Fishburne, Freddy Rodriguez, Ashton Kutscher, Nick Cannon, Emilio Estevez, Shia LaBeouf, and Martin Sheen.

Bob Marley, the Reggae Icon, is the Subject of a New Clothing Line

"Like Che Guevara or Jimi Hendrix, Bob Marley's
image has spiraled far beyond anyone's control."
==================================

November 24, 2006

Bob Marley, Fashion Icon

The Reggae Star's Son Goes Up-Market With Clothing Line Beyond Just T-Shirts

By STEPHANIE KANG
November 24, 2006; Page B1
WALL STREET JOURNAL

At Push Emporium, a hip boutique in downtown Los Angeles, a display is devoted to denim jeans ($220), military-style jackets ($310), T-shirts ($50) and other apparel from Tuff Gong Clothing. The new, pricey fashion line was inspired by an unlikely, populist source: reggae superstar Bob Marley.

Despite the Jamaican-born icon's enduring popularity with everyone from political revolutionaries to college frat boys, Push owner Sally Daliege says it isn't easy to sell consumers upscale clothing linked to the musician. "I know what they're thinking," says Ms. Daliege, whose store is currently stocked with $10,000 in Tuff Gong merchandise. "They're thinking 'I can get this on Hollywood Boulevard for $10.' "

Tuff Gong Clothing plans to launch a new line of fashion designed for women sometime next year.

Street vendors have for decades oversaturated the market with unauthorized T-shirts, hoodies and other garments bearing poorly silk-screened pictures of the dreadlocked singer-songwriter, who died of cancer in 1981. Like Che Guevara or Jimi Hendrix, Bob Marley's image has spiraled far beyond anyone's control.

Now, the Marley family is trying to restore its authority over his image and move it up-market. Rohan Anthony Marley, one of the singer's children, and his associates have launched Tuff Gong, the first major premium apparel brand created by the Marley family. The company's name refers to one of Mr. Marley's many nicknames; it was also the name of his record label.

The new line goes far beyond the bootleg Bob Marley T-shirts: there are leather jackets, cargo shorts and denim jeans with red, green and gold stitched pockets. On the waistband of the jeans are snatches of lyrics from some of Mr. Marley's songs like "Stir It Up," "Get Up, Stand Up," and "Is This Love."

Most fashion lines launched by musicians -- like those from Jessica Simpson and Jennifer Lopez -- have midrange price points. Tuff Gong's high-end collection costs more, in part, because it uses fabrics from Japan and Europe and is made at a plant in Portugal whose labor standards meet Rohan Marley's ethical criteria. Mr. Marley, 34 years old, says he wanted to team up with factories that offer employees what he considers good wages, overtime pay, and medical benefits.

Rohan Marley (above), one of Bob Marley's children, has launched a new premium fashion line inspired by his father.

Tuff Gong's lofty aims present a host of challenges to Rohan and his partner, former Levi Strauss & Co. and 7 For All Mankind designer Stefano Aldighieri. People think of Bob Marley clothes and they "immediately think cheap T-shirts and the like," says Mr. Aldighieri, who has had a tattoo of Africa on his right calf for years and says he used to play Bob Marley's music as a DJ in Italy.

"We're not going to bastardize my dad's image, like just throw it on anything," Rohan Marley says. "We have to let the people know that this is a family product, and it's quality."

The younger Marley's new line isn't the first to feature Bob Marley-inspired fashion. Apparel company Zion Rootswear, for instance, has a license from the Marley family to make concert T-shirts and other garments with Bob Marley's image. And Cedella Marley, one of the reggae great's daughters, introduced her "Catch A Fire Clothing" line a few years ago, which features women's dresses, denim and other casual wear. But Tuff Gong Clothing is aiming at a more high-end consumer.

Rohan grew up in Jamaica and Florida, eventually playing football for the University of Miami. While he has long dreadlocks now and strongly resembles his father, he wore his hair short in college and was a business-administration major. After school, he played briefly in the Canadian Football League. In recent years, he received attention in the celebrity press for his relationship with Grammy-winning rapper-singer Lauryn Hill, with whom he has four children.

A blue sweatshirt from Tuff Gong Clothing draws from the apparel that Jamaican reggae superstar Bob Marley actually wore.

The younger Marley says he didn't seriously consider starting up a new apparel brand until one day in London, when an old friend of his father's commented that he looked just like his dad. "I looked in the mirror and said, 'yeah I do!' " he said, remembering that he was wearing a shirt and denim jeans from the European label Diesel. "I thought, 'We gotta have this.' The vibe was to create a garment that would represent my father in his image and his likeness."

Armed with start-up money from his more famous older brother Ziggy, Rohan plucked a few favorite images -- his father playing soccer shirtless and another with him sitting under a tree playing guitar -- and hired a graphic artist to sketch the denim jeans, cowboy-inspired button-front shirts and military jackets featured in the photos. Messrs. Marley and Aldighieri then added embroidery and other finishing touches that riffed off elements of Bob Marley's life. For example, 56 Hope Rd., the reggae singer's home address in Kingston, Jamaica, is stitched onto the side of some garments.

After more than a year, Tuff Gong Clothing's track record is mixed. It sells in about 30 stores, including trendy boutiques like Fred Segal and urban mall-based chains like Up Against the Wall. But the brand hasn't yet landed in upscale department stores like Saks Fifth Avenue or Barneys New York and Messrs. Marley and Aldighieri say that many buyers don't yet know the brand. The company's small budget has limited advertising to niche magazines like UNleashed.

Still, the company is planning to rapidly expand its operations, launching a women's line in the spring and a more moderate-price apparel line later next year for those who can't afford the current collection's premium prices. Messrs. Marley and Aldighieri say they are also trying to spread the message of the elder Marley's music through the Tuff Gong venture. "Our goal in the long run is to really try and do something good," Mr. Aldighieri says. To that end, a line of "Know Your History" T-shirts, inspired by Ziggy Marley, features moments of historical significance, such as the birthday of Malcolm X, or the date when the first 20 slaves landed in Jamestown.

A page from a book of sketches used in designing the Tuff Gong collection includes an image of Bob Marley.

Anoma Whittaker, a fashion editor at men's magazine Complex, is impressed with the restraint Tuff Gong has displayed in launching the new line. "It's a sellable way of doing it. The other way is touristy," she says, adding "They're not going the obvious route. You don't just see images of Bob Marley or just lions or tie-dye -- you get an element of that but it's kind of in a subtle way."

What would Bob Marley, who sang proudly of his rough roots in the Jamaican ghetto of Trench Town, think of the new high-price fashion line? "I think he would find it sweetly ironic," says Colin Channer, a Jamaican-born writer, musician and English professor at Medgar Evers College in New York. "Bob himself had a sense that a lot of the very best things cost a good penny. ... The idea that Bob Marley-branded apparel should be cheap so the masses can buy it is an easy way of trying to devalue a brand that should be judged by the same standards as all other iconic brands."

The company says it is trying to figure out how to make a lower-price line without sacrificing its manufacturing standards. "A lot of people who love Bob Marley can't afford [Tuff Gong]," says Mr. Aldighieri. "It would be worse than ironic to come out with cheap products made in a sweatshop."

In the end, Tuff Gong executives realize that the brand's ultimate success will rest on design, rather than the appeal of Mr. Marley. Ms. Daliege of Push Emporium says Tuff Gong is one of the best-selling lines at her store, and has wide appeal among "professionals, preppies and hipsters." "The spirit behind Tuff Gong is strong," she says. "But even if you forget that it's a Bob Marley connection, the designs are still there and it's good."

President Mugabe of Zimbabwe Returns From Iran With New Economic Deals Involving Oil and Other Projects

President returns from Iran

News Editor

President Mugabe returned home early yesterday morning from a three-day State visit to Iran which saw Harare and Teheran sign six agreements to intensify political and economic co-operation.

Cde Mugabe and his delegation, which included the First Lady, Amai Grace Mugabe, and four Cabinet ministers, touched down just after midnight and were met by the Minister of Transport and Communications, Cde Chris Mushohwe, senior Government officials and service chiefs.

Bilateral relations between Zimbabwe and Iran are expected to be taken to a level higher following the agreements to co-operate in agriculture, oil industry, economic, technical and education aid.

The two countries’ delegations also issued a joint political communiqué and signed the minutes of their Fifth Joint Commission meeting, confirming their satisfaction at the outcome.

In the joint communiqué, the two countries emphasised the importance of expanding and strengthening mutual relations on political, economic and cultural co-operation and develop common positions on issues of mutual interest.

They agreed to increase exchange of technical and specialised delegations between them to strengthen mutual political, economic and cultural relations.

Zimbabwe and Iran also agreed to strengthen co-operation between the private sectors of the two countries and urged them to participate in the trade and economic activities between the two countries.

The two countries agreed to promote regional co-operation through organisations such as the African Union. Views were exchanged on the Middle East and the delegations noted with concern the massacre of Palestinians and recognised their inalienable right to self-determination.

They condemned the vicious crimes perpetrated by the Zionist regime and the silence by the international community over the killings of Palestinians. The two countries expressed worry over the situation in Iraq and its drifting towards a civil war and called for the immediate withdrawal of all foreign troops.

Zimbabwe and Iran showed their appreciation for the efforts of the AU to bring peace to conflict areas in Africa.

"Both sides agreed to continue their co-operation at the international level through the Non-Aligned Movement and the United Nations.

"Both sides reaffirmed the basic and inalienable right of all states signatory to the Non-Proliferation Treaty to develop, research, produce and use nuclear energy for peaceful purposes without any discrimination," read the communiqué.

The two countries welcomed the co-operation by Iran with the International Atomic Energy Agency to resolve remaining issues and emphasised that no pressure or improper intervention be exerted on the IAEA fact-finding mission.

"Both sides strongly emphasised that concerns and differences should be resolved through dialogue and that the resumption of talks should be based on mutual respect and without any pre-conditions."

The two countries also emphasised the importance of equal treatment of different aspects of human rights issues including political, civil, economic, social and cultural rights as well as the right to development.

They criticised super power unilateralism and neo-colonialism and pledged to uphold principles of multilateralism as well as continue pressing for the reform of the United Nations and its organs particularly the Security Council.

President Mugabe wound up his visit by touring a tractor manufacturing plant in Tabriz.


Zimbabwe Signs Fuel Deal With Iran

By Peta Thornycroft
Harare
24 November 2006

Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe, center right, reviews an Iranian guard of honor with Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, center left, during an official welcoming ceremony in Tehran, Iran, 20 Nov. 2006

Zimbabwe's state press agency says President Robert Mugabe has secured a fuel deal with Iran during his state visit to Tehran this week. For VOA, Peta Thornycroft reports from Harare that Zimbabwe's state fuel supplier continues to be desperately short of fuel because the country lacks foreign currency for essential imports.

Mr. Mugabe has returned to Zimbabwe and says he has secured a pledge from Iran for its technicians to investigate whether it is possible to resuscitate the country's only oil refinery. The refinery, in Zimbabwe's eastern border town Mutare, was forced to close almost 40 years ago, when the world imposed trade and diplomatic sanctions against the then white ruled Rhodesia.

The refinery was built to process imported Iranian crude oil.

Now Zimbabwe depends on imported refined fuel, which it mainly gets by road from South Africa.

It says it has insufficient foreign currency to import fuel in bulk and pump a minimum of 30,000 liters at a time along a pipeline from nearest port, Beira in Mozambique to Zimbabwe.

Mr. Mugabe said during his visit to Tehran he has also secured several other agreements for direct aid and Iranian assistance with energy, education technology and agricultural projects, but no details have been revealed either in Harare or Tehran. Zimbabwe has also said it will allow Iran to explore unspecified mineral deposits in Zimbabwe.

Zimbabwe's energy and power development minister, Mike Nyambuya, said the Iranians made a number of proposals to meet Zimbabwe's needs in fuel and oil products, which were welcome.

Mr. Mugabe was hailed as a hero in Tehran for his anti-West stance. The Iranian president said, "We are going to stand side by side with the government and people of Zimbabwe."

Iran is one of the countries Mugabe has been warming to as part of the "Look East" policy, partly forced by Zimbabwe's isolation from the West over controversial land reforms and allegedly fraud-marred elections in 2000 and 2002.

Mr. Mugabe claims that Western sanctions have brought Zimbabwe's economy to its knees.

The United States and the European Union have refused to issue travel visas to Mr. Mugabe and leaders in the ruling Zanu PF party, but trade between Zimbabwe and the west continues normally. U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice has branded Zimbabwe and Iran as among the world's "outposts of tyranny."

Zimbabwe's economy began collapsing after the commercial agricultural sector, which provided 40 percent of annual foreign exchange, was decimated during the past six years.

Since 2000, Mr. Mugabe took more than 4,000 white-owned commercial farms and gave them to members of the ruling elite and landless peasants.

Agricultural economists say statistics show that Zimbabwe's farming production has slumped to a fifth of what it was prior to the land seizures.

Friday, November 24, 2006

Kwame Nkrumah and the Origin of Violence in Ghana Politics

Feature Article of Friday, 24 November 2006

RE: The Origin Of Violence In Ghana Politcs

I read with little surprise the article titled “The origin of political violence in Ghana” by one Asirifi Danquah which appeared in the Thursday, November 9, 2006 edition of the Daily Graphic.

Perhaps I would have been surprised if I were naive of the deliberate attempt by the some followers of the Danquah-Busia tradition and their financiers who aided in the overthrow of the CPP and Ghana’s first Republican Constitution since 24th February 1966 to destroy the CPP, Dr. Kwame Nkrumah and everything good about him. We anticipate that this hopeless attempt will be at its peak especially as Ghana celebrates 50years in 2007, the golden age whose foundation is the CPP and Kwame Nkrumah. We know efforts and resources are been put to obliterate the shining exemplary life of Ghana’s first President and foremost Patriot by drowning him in a confused, clouded history twisting and reframing of past deeds. But I am sorry for them because the failure and/or refusal of Nkrumahists and members of the CPP family to tell the truth about Ghana’s political history which has given them a field’s day is over. There is now a new crop of Ghanaians who are ready to make straight the distortions and incoherent manipulation of facts that these traitors of nationalism and wreckers of nation have employed all these years without a befitting response. No more shall we remain silent, for that is against our tradition; we shall tell the story as it happened and should be told. Reading Asirifi’s article, it is clear that he is either suffering from selective amnesia if indeed he witnessed the beginning of serious political activities in Ghana from 1947 or he is part of those who have been brain-washed to accept falsehood as the truth and have themselves not decided to spend quality time to search diligently for that which can be accepted as the truth and withstand the test of time. I shall deal with the issues he raised fact by fact. It is however important to discuss what violence means, and how violence comes into being. I believe that will make it easier for all to judge based on the true happenings of the past as to who the originators of political violence are. Violence: act of aggression, cruelty, sadism, bloodshed that one employs to ruthlessly advance his/her cause most often against the views of the larger portion of society. The common precipitants to (political) violence are; jealousy unguarded, discord and disunity, falsehood/lies, demeaning and disrespect, the rubbish attempt to assume that one is more human than another, call it segregation, superiority complex and lastly the indiscretion and unbalanced thought that one must lead all others because his blood is more royal than others.

In the preceding paragraphs of our friend, he avers failingly that, Nkrumah wanted to create one party state right form 1951 and did everything to achieve that. Ghana adopted a one party in 1961 because the people of the Republic decided so overwhelming in a referendum. Was is it not Kwame Nkrumah who advocated strongly for the formation of a united opposition to the government which led to the coming to being of the United Party (UP) comprising of the NPP, NLM (a tribalist/secessionist movement that never became a party), and others? I must add here that Nkrumah did not only put Dr J B Danquah in charge of Citizenship Education, he also initiated him into the Academy of Arts and Sciences at University of Ghana. Unfortunately, Nkrumah’s name was violently struck out of this academy since his overthrow to date.

Who could here be referred to as violent, the CPP or the UP?

In the first place, it is not true as purported by Asirifi Danquah that political violence started with the formation of the CPP in 1949. Indeed, the first major political violence (which was necessary though) that occurred in Ghana was in February, 1948 when led by Nii Kwabena Bonnie and the Veterans Association, the people of Ghana boycotted foreign goods and the colonial authority wanted to use force to stop those actions describing them illegal, at which time Nkrumah was still the Gen Sec of the UGCC. Peter Omari, an avowed critic of Nkrumah who has done a lot of damage to Nkrumah and the CPP has himself admitted in his book entitled “Kwame Nkrumah – The Anatomy of an African Dictatorship” that Nkrumah was innocent of these events but only took political advantage of them by identifying with Nii Kwabena Bonnie’s action. Or is it that Asirifi want us to believe that the CPP was formed before 12th June 1949? How come the big six got arrested? Perhaps in their attempt to twist history they forget that their (traitors and coupists who introduced indiscipline in Ghana) most important ally should be knowledge of the sequence of events and their timing.

Asirifi Danquah, I guess from the Danquah family if not the larger Danquah-Busia, would be doing us – the younger generation especially, some good if he will as well quote what J B Danquah said when Nkrumah was arrested in 1950 after the declaration of the positive action and the series of confrontational, not violent events that followed before telling us about a so called congratulatory letter sent by his political lord to Nkrumah after he won the 1951 election. Danquah’s instant joy over the arrest of Nkrumah and other CPP leaders ended with the expression, ‘pataku’ (wolf) had been driven away (Nkrumah, 1957) meaning the trouble shooter is gone; the man who wants independence for the masses is in jail, we can go ahead with our plan of winning power for the few “elite” and the ruthless chiefs who never respected the wishes of their subjects. Little did he know that the Lion is a fighter that never loses a battle! How could he be happy about the release of the man he so much wanted to languish in jail? Ironically, it was the same Danquah who, in 1947, happily assured the people at a mass rally in Accra that Kwame Nkrumah will never fail you. On this promise, Dr. Danquah was right. Kwame Nkrumah later embarked on the motto: One Nation, One People and One Destiny in order to unify the four fragmented territories as one country by 1951.

Henceforth, Nkrumah would successfully strengthen his nationwide political party to defeat the forces of separatism and devolution, which were launched against the CPP’s nationalist agenda. Throughout history, Ghana has never been united like it did under the Nkrumah regime. I intend not to inflame passion, but in Prof Bukari Martissons book titled “ Who Killed the Ya Na?” he makes it abundantly clear that the arrangement put forward by the CPP government with respect to the Dagbon skin ensured that there was unity and peaceful succession turns without cause to violence. Assuming without doubt that there was a congratulatory letter; was it really congratulating Nkrumah? May be Asirifi suggests that former President Rawlings should be praised if he decides to send a letter off appreciation to President Kuffour for a nice treat all these years when the same character has woefully been crying over ill treatment from the president and has been ‘planning the overthrow of the NPP’. What a walking contradiction J B Danquah was! May be his followers too adore his contradictions. Isn’t it little wonder that Ghana is more divided and polarized today? That the gap between the North and South keeps widening and no one seems to care about it? Remember that the NPP is the direct offshoot of the Danquah-Busia tradition.

I wonder if anyone associates the violence against the CPP only to the NLM. The NLM was formed of course to continue an already existing agenda, the carriers of which had always been in operation day and night as saboteurs, anti – independence crusaders, imperialist agents, and the so called elite or most enlightened/learned men of their time, yet who could not reconcile what they had learnt with what they knew and who they were. These were the people who thought that we were not ripe for independence and Nkrumah was moving too fast for their liking and so he had to be stopped at all cost even if it meant eliminating (Killing) him from the political scene. What else could constitute violence if this thought of killing a man who was fighting for the most worthy cause of mankind – liberation, is to escape? Infact his worst critics like Omari admit that “Nkrumah was an organizing genius”. Why would someone who organizes the people and their votes happily and earnestly rely on violence to achieve his ends?

It is obvious that the man who is always beaten to the rules of the game would employ arbitrary methods because he fails through the proper channel. Just as a losing athlete would cross into the lane of the champion to create confusion, so did Dr J B Danquah, Prof K A Busia, and their likes introduce into Ghana politics violence because they could not stand Nkrumah and the CPP winning the hearts of the populace. The confusion in their midst attest to this. In 1949, when the CPP was launched, a vote of confidence was passed in J B Danquah. The UGCC could not survive their humiliating defeat after 1951, so it collapsed never to come up. Until 1956, they were still a divided and confused camp [the same confusion that engulfed them in 1979] while the CPP grew from strength to strength. Anyway, there is nowhere in Ghana, where chiefs outlawed the CPP except in Asante and Abuakwa headed by the Asantehene and Okyehene respectively. Women including the sister of Krobo Edusei were slaughtered for being members of the CPP, some were even buried alive. Does Asirifi know of the Subin Valley story? Please, this country deserve better and a high degree of truth. After we have had the National Reconciliation Commission, I think the way forward is to set the records straight and move on than to resort to this propaganda of lies, falsehood, conjectures and chicanery. History supports the fact that the party that fought for a peaceful and united Ghana is the CPP. No one can turn that upside down. Indeed in sometime past, it was the government of the CPP and the person of Kwame Nkrumah that suffered violence in the hands of power thirsty opposition who felt they were more suited to rule than the CPP and yet could not organize any votes. After all, was it not violence they used in overthrowing the CPP? Did Busia, a so called democrat not jubilate in all white on 24th of February, 1966? I am sure he never considered the indiscipline that they were introducing into the country of which he would later suffer from and die in exile as well.

It is important to distinguish the activities against the colonial masters before 1951 and violence carried out by Ghanaians within the period of 1947 – 1951 and of course beyond. The following chronology of events may be useful:

1. Nkrumah was invited in 1947 to help organize the UGCC as its General Secretary. Nkrumah’s main task was to build the party into a strong working force for the leadership (those more qualified than anyone else to lead) to take over and pride themselves with that achievement. Not only were the leaders, who invited Nkrumah aware of his strength, energy and organizational prowess, they also knew that he varied with them in respects of ideas on the attainment of independence. As a matter of fact, when the governor, Allan Burns summoned the leadership of the UGCC to alert them on the character (Nkrumah was a socialist and a Pan Africanist) they had brought in as general secretary, Pa Grant retorted, “we shall contain him”. The rift between Nkrumah and leadership of UGCC started when the base of the party enlarged to accommodate people who were hitherto referred to as unschooled and unworthy of reasoning with the learned. Nkrumah’s fame and rise discontented his ‘bosses’ who felt he was going too far. They became envious and planned to get rid of him at all cost. Around this time, Nkrumah’s proposed plans were cut down or reduced to embarrass and disgrace him to the people he had shared those activities with especially the youth. It was as a result of this move that Nkrumah had to look for alternative sources of raising funds and other resources, which took him to the market women, youth, chiefs, ex-service men, farmers and of course the educated who illuminated true education etc who needed independence to be able to live the fullest of their God-given potential. The leadership by the end of 1948 after their imprisonment – for which they never forgave Nkrumah – decided to sack him since they could no more contain him. They almost succeeded in frustrating Nkrumah and disorganize his entire life. But the masses, the working forces of Ghana, came to his defense and supported him to form the CPP.

When the CPP was finally formed, the stage was set for political war with respect to organization of the masses between the UGCC and the CPP. Realizing that the CPP was better organized with a visioned and disciplined leadership which they lacked in the UGCC; Danquah was bent on using all means possible to truncate the build up of the great CPP. Their initial cowardly packed move was to gossip about Nkrumah and his compatriots as trouble makers who were not fit to operate freely and give them up to the colonial powers. In fact these gossip led to the unwarranted attacks on Nkrumah and the leadership of the CPP between 1949 and 1951 when the CPP won the general elections massively. The governor (Arden Clarke) after taking a keen look at the politics then could not help but report back to the UK that “Nkrumah has the masses on his side and there is little J B Danquah and his fellows could do about that”. Suffice it to note that the UGCC leadership had a fantastic relationship with the colonial administration; they drunk tea together, shared beer and wine, danced the best western music in turns and ridiculed the suffering masses as uncivilized. In fact they wielded the power of influencing the colonial authority to arrest or free someone. Their limitation only came when they themselves were involved like in February 1944, Odikro Akyea Mensah was brutally murdered with the advice of J B Danquah and who later tried all he could together with Edward Akuffo Addo to defend the four children of the late Sir Ofori Atta I for carrying out such a violent act against humanity and their own blood brother in name of ritual purposes. No wonder they failed, and it cost J B Danquah the position of home secretary which he had been lobbying for since 1930.

From the afore mentioned, J B Danquah had the law and the law enforcers to his side and would not have allowed any harassment neither on himself nor his property as claimed by our friend Asirifi without getting the perpetrators to book. Vindictiveness is not something the father of the Danquah-Busia tradition, Dr Joseph Boakye Danquah and his political tradition can escape. When the 1951 election were due and UGCC realized that they could not win genuinely, the two kingdoms used all the power within their means to suppress the CPP. The 1951 election reveal how the CPP performed poorly in Asante areas. The great oaths (ntam keseå) of the kings were invoked to intimidate the people into rejecting the CPP. If this is not violence, then what else could violence be? Let me quote the Dr Botwe Asamoah who has done an extensive research into this subject: “Indeed, Kwame Nkrumah and his followers were insulted, ridiculed, physically attacked and called all sorts of names. Krobo Edusei and others in the Asante province, for instance, were called traitors, quislings, and fifth columnists, for supporting Nkrumah. After the birth of the NLM, the Kumawuhene and some CPP leaders in Asante had to flee to the Colony, especially Accra for refuge (Awoonor, 1990). In Akyem Abuakwa, some immigrant farmers in some of the smaller towns closer to Kyebi had to flee for their lives. In the March 6, 1956 edition of the NLM paper, Liberator, the CPP was referred to as a group of homeless tramps and jackals. But, the more the Danquah-Busia camp resorted to name-calling, brute politics and physical attacks, the more the intelligent people of Ghana rallied behind Nkrumah’s CPP and its nationalist agenda. Alas, after the Harlley-CIA conspired coup of February 1966, Kwame Nkrumah’s eighty year-old mother (almost blind) was dragged to the Commission of Enquiry in an attempt to force her at gun point to say that Nkrumah was not her real son (Kanu, 1982). So, as my admiration for her bold refusal to yield to the heartless acts of the Danquah-Busia acolytes, and as a salute to Major-General Barwah, who was butchered for his heroic refusal to betray the Black Race, I will not nor will other like-minded people be deterred by the name-calling and harebrained personal attacks by a tiny minority from writing on Ghana’s political history.”

Asirifi, in citing the Kulungungu bombing claims that the CPP bombed itself and named the opposition for it. Perhaps he should read the reports of the Exemptions Committee that was set up by the NLC immediately after the overthrow of Nkrumah to pardon all those who had previously engaged in acts of subversion against the state, the CPP and Kwame Nkrumah. The list is a long one, but includes names of people like Obetsebi Lamptey, the financers/orchestrator of bomb throwing, R. R Amponsa, Gbedemah – Nkrumah’s henchman who turned to join the gang of Busia-Danquah-Lamptey bomb throwers and subvervisionist. Additionally, Nkrumah noted in the “DARK DAYS IN GHANA” that naturally there were people who joined the CPP out of mischief. It is no wonder if the nation wreckers could find allies within the CPP. Violence been their character, in which they were so intoxicated, more violence took place from 1951 and beyond. They just did not want Kwame Nkrumah, a lower class citizen to become president. Independence was not on their agenda. They preferred to be lords among their people and peckers of the crumbs from the table of the European. The CPP and Nkrumah thought otherwise, “the Blackman is capable of managing his own affairs”. After the calls on the British authority to stop the granting of independence with the claim that the British “experiment is not over. We wonder why you seem so much in hurry to leave” (Busia). They resorted to violence to stop 6th March. I wish to add here that Busia as the Opposition leader at the time of independence was absent during the celebration and wrote an insulting letter citing ill health. Later the truth came out that while he was resting at Wenchi; he was monitoring the activities of criminals like S G Antor. Again I wish to make reference to Dr Kwame Botwe–Asamoah: On the eve of Ghana’s Independence on March 6, 1957, the Ewe Unificationists, led by S.G. Antor (Danquah’s confidant), formed themselves into a ragged guerilla army in Alavanyo and prepared for an armed insurrection with homemade guns against the CPP government.

The Governor- General sent troops to the region to put down the revolt (Mahoney, 1983). Dr Botwe–Asamoah furthers explains: “After the passage of the Avoidance Act, the anti-Nkrumah movement, the Ga-Shifimo Kpee, was formally launched in Accra, where a sheep was slaughtered and oaths were sworn against all strangers, including Nkrumah who was accused of encumbering a Ga constituency seat. Strangely, Danquah and S. G. Antor were in attendance. From then, on the organization’s youth wing, Tokyo Joes, thronged themselves at vantage points in Accra hooting and jeering at Nkrumah and the CPP leaders.
After his trip from abroad, Nkrumah was met with placards reading: Welcome Mr. Dictator, PM Is Goldsmith Your father’s name? etc. (Austin, 1964; Awoonor, 1991, Bing, 1974).

2. In 1958, there was a plot to assassinate Nkrumah at the airport and then overthrow the CPP government as Nkrumah was about to leave for a state visit to India. The plot was discovered and the plotters were arrested (Forward Ever, 1977).

3. On July 7, 1961, two bombs exploded in Accra, one wrecking Nkrumah’s statue in front of the Parliament House (McFarland &Owusu-Ansah).

4. In September 1961, there was a conspiracy among the senior Ghanaian military officers, but the plot collapsed because of the death of the chief conspirator Brigadier General Joseph E. Michel in an airplane crash (Mahoney, 1983).

5. On August 1, 1962, as Nkrumah was returning from a state visit to Upper Volta (now Burkina Faso), and had gotten out of his car to speak to the school children in the crowd that had gathered to greet him at Kulungungu, a bomb contained in a bouquet carried to him by a schoolgirl, exploded; it killed several school children and injured many others. The victim’s bodies bled from cuts caused by the splinters from the bomb (Kanu 1982; Tetteh, 1999). Nkrumah sustained a serious injury but he refused to have any device to deaden his pain while the operation went on.

6. On September 9, 1962, another bomb exploded near the Flagstaff House, where the Ghana Young Pioneers Orchestra Band was entertaining the audience to modern Ghanaian Music. The explosion killed one person and injured many others (Tetteh).

7. On September 18, 1962, two bombs exploded in Accra killing and injuring many people. One of these bomb blasts occurred in Lucas House in Accra, where nine children fell dead on the spot with their intestines gushed out of their bodies (Tetteh).

8. September 20, 1962, two bombs exploded in Accra, killing and injuring several people (McFarland & Owusu-Ansah).

9. On September 22, 1962, there was another bomb explosion in Accra (McFarland & Owusu-Ansah; Tetteh).

10. On January 11, 1963, another bomb exploded at a CPP rally at the Accra Sports Stadium shortly after Nkrumah had left the scene. This explosion killed over twenty people and more than four hundred people were injured; among the victims were children of the Young Pioneer movement (McFarland & Owusu-Ansah). 11. January 1, 1964, a police officer, Seth Ametewe, was posted on guard duty at the Flagstaff House to assassinate Nkrumah. His five shots missed Nkrumah, but succeeded in killing his personal security officer, Sgt. Salifu Dagarti. The question is what government would permit these primitive and terrorist methods of attack by an opposing political party? In the light of these senseless, barbaric bomb attacks against the founder of Ghana, Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, the Young Pioneers and other school children, how was the CPP government going to protect and develop the newly independent State of Ghana? The main reason for the repeated bomb attacks against the Ghana Young Pioneers, according to Dr. Tetteh, was that Nkrumah’s enemies saw in the Ghana Young Pioneers movement (of which I was a member at Koforidua) the source of permanent power if allowed to last for at least one generation or 35 years. At any rate, given Dr. J. B. Danquah’s hostility towards the democratic process and given his open statement during the Jackson Commission of 1958 indicating that the laws of Ghana did not apply to him, was it surprising that he resorted to undemocratic and violent methods? As demonstrated above, J. B. Danquah and his cronies chose the uncivilized methods and terrorism, including collaboration with the CIA to kill Kwame Nkrumah and overthrow his government. Was this what Danquah meant when he said that Nkrumah would pay with his neck for the Positive Action crusade in 1950? What a shameful legacy! Therefore, President Kufour should, on the 50th Anniversary of Ghana’s Independence and in the spirit of a true reconciliation, pardon J. B. Danquah and his cronies for their coup plots and/or their senseless bomb attacks that killed and maimed several Young Pioneers and other school children, instead of promoting him as a national hero.”

Instead of attempting to rewrite the political history of this nation, I advise that the Danquah-Busia element admit their mistakes of the past and apologize for the sake of true national reconciliation as we approach age 50. A time when all must sober reflect over the past confront our mistakes in the face and say never again!

We in the CPP remain resolute to defend our heritage as a party and build on our strength to save this nation from wreckers, liars and demagogues who walk and believe that God gave them two heads among all humans and so they can manipulate anyone else. Recently, Mr. Peter Ala Adjetey took a bold step by declaring that “Nkrumah had a programme, he knew which direction he was taking this nation. But today, we don’t know what we are about”. That is a nationalist trait. Those who sought to ridicule the former speaker would be shamed if they visit the forum at ghanaweb. We in the CPP realize the enormous energy and substantial sacrifice that went into the struggle for independence, and we shall do our utmost best to preserve it. Ghana deserves better. Forward ever, Backwards never! For all CPP men and women, I say the battle for 2008 is similar to that of 1957. We have to save this great nation. We have yet another opportunity to make things right. Rise in your numbers and shout “All for one and One for All”.

That is our strength! There is victory for us in the name of great CPP!

James Kwabena Bomfeh Jnr
Executive Director
Youth for Action Ghana
P.O Box CT 1370
Accra, Ghana

Thousands of Rwandans Stage Anti-France Demonstrations Over Arrest Warrants

Anti-France protests rock Kigali

By James Munyaneza
Thursday, 23 November 2006
Rwanda News

Business in Kigali city paralysed yesterday when thousands of infuriated Rwandans singing anti-France slogans and praising President Paul Kagame, staged a peaceful demonstration. The impromptu demo was a public reaction to Monday’s call by a French magistrate, Jean Louis Bruguierre, for the arrest and trial of Kagame and nine Rwandan top military officers, accusing them of downing the plane that was carrying former Rwandan president, Juvenal Habyarimana.

An estimated 15,000 demonstrators from all corners of the city took to the streets, many carrying placards and banners that described Kagame as a hero, and others condemning the French government over its alleged role in the 1994 Rwanda Genocide.

The demonstration started from Kimihurura roundabout at 3:00 pm and ended at Amahoro National Stadium, where speeches castigating the French government were made amidst patriotic chants and jeering whenever France was mentioned.

Some of the placards read: “France = Arrogance, ‘Stop France and its politicians from our Lovely Country;’ France, Let us mind our business and not you; Les Francais = Interahamwe (French is equivalent to Interahamwe).”

Genocide witnesses at the stadium said the French trained and worked with Interahamwe to plan and execute the killings, which claimed at least one million ethnic Tutsis and moderate Hutu.

“In 1992, French troops pitched camp near our home in Shyorongi (on the outskirts of Kigali) and they always mocked Tutsis until April 1994 when they worked with Interahamwe to kill them (Tutsis). I saw it myself,” Epiphany Mukasekuru, who nearly broke down, said in a brief testimony.

The president of Ibuka, an umbrella organisation of Genocide survivors, Francois Xavier Ngarambe, described Bruguierre’s allegations as scandalous and said that Paris should instead try itself together with the ringleaders of the Genocide who stay in France.

“Have you ever heard of a serial killer calling for the prosecution of a policeman? They should first try Agathe Kanziga (Habyarimana’s wife), who chaired many meetings that planned the Genocide; Father Wenceslas Munyeshyaka, who raped women and owned a gun while he was a priest here,” said a furious Ngarambe.

Kanziga and Munyeshyaka, who a week ago was sentenced to life imprisonment by the Military Tribunal over Genocide crimes, live in France.

In particular, Ngarambe blamed French troops for the butcher of hundreds of thousands of Tutsis in the areas that fell within a French-manned buffer zone called Zone Turquoise at the height of the Genocide. The zone, which stretched from Cyangugu in the Southwest to Gisenyi in the northwest of the country, is said to have provided safe passage to Genocidal forces which fled to the DR Congo as they lost power to then RPA forces.

Kigali City Mayor, Dr.Aisa Kirabo Kacyira, accused the French of attempting to shift the guilt of their involvement in the 100-day slaughter to Rwandan heroes that stopped the French
‘barbaric actions.’ “We are here to remember barbaric actions of the French. Their hands are stained with the blood of innocent Rwandans and continue to be arrogant. However they will not accomplish their ill-intentions,” said the mayor.

The protesters sang patriotic songs with words that affirm their dedication to unity of Rwandans.

“They should leave our defendant alone. Paul Kagame restored humanity, he is our all-time hero,” another witness, one Mukamusana, said. She accused the French military of killing Tutsi families in the former Ruhengeri province, now in the Northern Province.

Bruguierre has already issued warrants for the arrest of Chief of General Staff (CGS), General James Kabarebe, Chief of Staff (Land Forces), Lieutenant General Charles Kayonga and Rwanda’s Ambassador to India, Lieutenant General Kayumba Nyamwasa.

Others indicted include Joint Five (J5) head, Brigadier General Jack Nziza, Chief of State Protocol, Lieutenant Colonel (rtd) Rose Kabuye, MP Colonel (retired) Sam Kanyemera alias Kaka and Major Jacob Tumwine.

President Kagame on Wednesday lambasted the French government and Bruguierre, calling the accusations rubbish.


France can’t try us, says Kagame

By ROBERT MUKOMBOZI & IGNATIUS SSUUNA
Thursday, 23 November 2006

President Paul Kagame has made it clear that France has no moral authority to try the Kigali leadership over genocide related crimes.

Kagame was on Wednesday, addressing a forum of over 300 guests attending the Sixth Annual Development Partners Meeting (DPM) at Intercontinental Hotel. He said that the call for the trial was insulting and engineered by bullies of the genocide guilty France.

“That is rubbish, trying a President and some government officials, is bullying and we cannot accept this insult,” Kagame told the guests.

The President further said that France had a direct involvement in the 1994 Genocide and should instead focus on its role in the massacre of about one million Rwandans.

“France cannot try anyone. Try who and over what? They should first try themselves because they killed our people,” said the visibly bitter Kagame. The President’s remarks come days after French magistrate, Jean-Louis Bruguiére filed a document at the Paris Prosecutor’s Office, claiming that some officers of the Rwanda Patriotic Front/Army were responsible for the shooting down of former president Juvenal Habyarimana’s plane, which culminated in the Genocide.

Meanwhile, while addressing delegates at the DPM, the President also took a swipe at human rights watchdogs for misleading the world that the government was oppressing the opposition. “This country was completely destroyed twelve years ago; where were our development partners who now come out to give us lessons on how to govern ourselves?” Kagame wondered, adding that Rwanda is a country of people with integrity, culture and values that must be respected.

He added: “We don’t do things simply to please you (donors) in order to get your money. No. If you want to give us your money, you are welcome but if it comes with conditions then we won’t have it.”

Rwanda has set an agenda in this round to draw attention to the huge resource gap that exists in implementing a new development programme. Initial estimates from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) suggest that this gap could average $1 billion a year between 2009 and 2020.

Last year, Rwanda received $500 million in donor aid.

Somalia May Be on the Brink of War as Ethiopian Troops Continue to Occupy Sections of the Country

Friday November 24, 12:49 AM

Somalia on knife-edge as Ethiopia, Islamists ready for all-out war

Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi has said his country has completed preparations for war with neighboring Somalia's powerful Islamist movement, alongside faltering peace efforts.

Meles told parliament Thursday that the Islamists, who have declared holy war on Ethiopian troops deployed to Somalia to protect the weak internationally backed Somali government, were a "clear and present danger" to his country.

Shortly after Meles' announcement, the Islamists said in Mogadishu they were ready to defend themselves from a "reckless and war-thirsty" Ethiopia and invited a US delegation to visit in an apparent bid to cool the situation.

"This group represents a clear threat to Ethiopia," Meles told Ethiopian lawmakers in Addis Ababa, which denies UN experts' claims of having sent thousands of troops to Somalia but admits to sending military advisers.

"To resist this clear and present danger, the policy of this government is first to try to solve the problem through negotiation and dialogue," he said. "So far, our attempts have not been successful."

"When any country faces that type of danger it has the full right to defend itself against this threat," Meles said. "To exercise this right we have been preparing for this kind of response, because it is our responsibility."

"The government has completed that kind of preparations."

However, opposition lawmakers refused to accept a motion endorsing the prime minister's statements, calling it tantamount to a declaration of war and forcing a delay in the vote in order for revisions to be made.

"This motion needs to be amended and negotiated with the parties' representatives in the parliament," opposition MP Beyene Petros told AFP.

Mainly Christian Ethiopia has watched with growing concern the rise on its southeastern border of the Islamists, who seized Mogadishu in June and now control most of southern and central Somalia.

With a large ethnic Somali population, Ethiopia fears radicalization of its sizable Muslim minority by the Islamists, some of whom are accused of links to Al-Qaeda, who have imposed strict Sharia law in areas they control.

In Mogadishu, senior members of the Supreme Islamic Council of Somalia (SICS) met to plot strategy after Meles' address, delivered after the Islamists claimed to have ambushed several Ethiopian military convoys near the Somali government seat of Baidoa.

"If Ethiopia is ready for war, we are very ready for the defense of our country," said SICS spokesman Abdurahim Ali Muddey. "But we urge Ethiopia to refrain from its reckless, war-thirsty behaviour.

"We are not a threat to Ethiopia, but the presence of its troops in our homeland is a serious security risk to Somalia as well as Ethiopia," he told AFP.

On Sunday and Tuesday, the Islamists said holy warriors had carried out attacks on Ethiopian military targets around Baidoa, the only government-held city, about 250 miles (155 miles) northwest of Mogadishu.

As tension soared, Muddey said the Islamists had invited the United States to send a delegation to Mogadishu "to see what is happening in Somalia" and hear in person their objections to a US proposal that would allow peacekeepers.

But a positive response was unlikely as the United States accuses some in the Islamist movement of links with Al-Qaeda and harboring suspects in the 1998 bombings of the US embassies in Kenya and Tanzania.

Ethiopia is one of 10 countries, along with Lebanon's militant Hezbollah movement, accused of violating a 1992 UN arms embargo on Somalia by sending weapons and other military goods to the Somali rivals.

The build-up has alarmed UN experts and raised fears of full-scale war in Somalia that could engulf the Horn of Africa region, drawing in Ethiopia and its arch-for neighbor Eritrea, which is accused of backing the Islamists.

Peace talks aimed at averting all-out war collapsed earlier this month in Khartoum, with the Islamists demanding the withdrawal of Ethiopian troops as a pre-condition to meet government delegates.

Somalia has been without a functioning central authority since the 1991 ousting of strongman Mohamed Siad Barre and the two-year-old transitional government has been unable to assert control.


Thursday November 23, 11:41 PM

Somali Islamists invite US delegation as war fears mount

Somalia's powerful Islamist movement has invited the United States to send an official delegation to Mogadishu amid growing fears of all-out conflict with the weak government and Ethiopia.

As tension soared Thursday after Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi announced his country's readiness to fight to defend itself and the internationally backed Somali administration, the Islamists urged US officials to visit.

"We are inviting the United States to send a delegation to see what is happening in Somalia," said Abdurahim Muddey, the spokesman for the Supreme Islamic Council of Somalia (SICS).

"The US delegation will be received by our foreign relations chief, Ibrahim Hassan Addow, who is himself an American citizen," he told AFP.

He added that Islamists would like to tell the United States in person of its opposition to a US-proposed UN Security Council resolution that would partially lift a 1992 arms embargo on Somalia and authorize regional peacekeepers.

"The lifting of the UN weapons embargo which is being spearheaded by US is a serious security risk," Muddey said. "Somalia lacks peace, not weapons, and that is what
the US should know."

There was no immediate reaction to the invitation from the US embassy in neighboring Kenya which handles Washington's Somalia portfolio.

But a positive response was unlikely as the United States accuses some in the Islamist movement of ties with Al-Qaeda and harboring suspects in the 1998 bombings of the US embassies in Kenya and Tanzania.

The Islamists' supreme leader Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys has been designated a "terrorist" by the United States, which earlier this month warned that Somali extremists may be plotting suicide attacks in Kenya and Ethiopia.

Washington ran a covert operation to support Somali warlords fighting the Islamists for control of Mogadishu that collapsed
in June when the city fell, prompting US fears of a Taliban-style takeover.

The Islamists deny any connection to terrorism but the Somali government accuses them of staging an unsuccessful suicide car bomb attempt to kill the president in the administration's
seat of Baidoa in September.

Muddey said the Islamists, who have expanded from the capital and now control much of southern and central Somalia where they have imposed strict Sharia law, wanted US officials to see how they had restored order.

"The courts have no problem with the US, but if that country favours dialogue, then our leaders are ready for engagement," he said, adding that the invitation was not addressed to any specific US official.


Thursday November 23, 6:23 PM

Somali Islamists say ready for war, accuse Ethiopia of belligerence

A powerful Somali militia has said it was ready to fight Ethiopian invaders, sparking fears of an all-out war in the lawless African nation.

Less than an hour after Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi said he had finalised preparations for war, the Islamists war council urged Ethiopia to refrain from sabre-rattling, but announced their readiness to defend themselves.

"If Ethiopia is ready for war, we are very ready for the defense of our country, but we urge Ethiopia to refrain from its reckless, war-thirsty behaviour," said Abdurahim Ali Muddey, the spokesman for the Supreme Islamic Council of Somalia (SICS) told AFP Thursday.

Muddey rejected Meles claims that the Islamists, whom it accuses of links to Osama bib Laden's Al-Qaeda network, was "a clear threat" to its security and that they had rejected peace talks.

"We are not a threat to Ethiopia, but the presence of its troops in our homeland is a serious security risk to Somalia as well as Ethiopia," he said.

The Islamists have declared a holy war on Ethiopia, which had deployed troops to defend the weak Somalia government from a feared Islamic advance.

In recent weeks, the Islamists have clashed with Ethiopian troops near Baidoa, the seat of government, about 250 kilometres (155 miles) northwest of the capital Mogadishu.

The Islamists say they have inflicted heavy casualities on the Ethiopians, including the destruction of military carriers and the killing of two soldiers, but Addis Ababa has refused to confirm or deny.

Ethiopia denies deploying thousands of combat troops in Somalia but admits several hundred military advisers, trainers and support personnel have been sent to help the government.

Security experts have warned that war between the Islamists and Ethiopia will draw in its arch-rival Eritrea, whom it has a border dispute, thereby escalating into a regional conflict.

Somalia, a nation of 10 million has lacked an effective government since dictator Mohamed Siad Barre was toppled in 1991 and a government formed in Kenya in 2004 has failed to exert control across the lawless nation.

Thursday, November 23, 2006

Colored Women as Wage-Earners: An Essay by Anna Julia Cooper on the Political Economy of Race & Gender

Colored Women as Wage-Earners

by Anna Julia Cooper
First Published in August 1899
Southern Workman and Hampton School Record

I shall not take time to discuss ideal situations on the speculative side. There may be those who think that woman has no business to enter the struggle for existence as a wage-earner; who think that she should be as the lilies of the field, and should toil not except to spin and array herself in gorgeous raiment to delight the Solomons in all their glory.

The fact remains that a large percentage of the productive labor of the world is done by women; and also another fact, recently brought out through investigations under Atlanta University, that "of 1,137 colored families 650, or 57.17 percent, are supported wholly or in part by female heads." So that in comparison with white, female heads of families and others contributing to family support, there is, by a house to house enumeration, quite a large excess on the part of colored women.

Sentiment aside then, if men will not or cannot help the conditions which force women into the struggle for bread, we have a right to claim at least that she shall have fair play and all the rights of wage-earners in general, or, as Herbert Spencer puts it, "Justice demands that women, if they are not artificially advantaged, must not at any rate be artificially disadvantaged."

I shall have to ask first, therefore, careful attention to a few of the dry but fundamental principles of economics, to which science our subject properly belongs. Wage-earning is the complement or proper corollary to the human element in the creation of wealth. Land, labor, and capital are the factors in the production of wealth. The term land includes all natural opportunities or forces; the term labor, all human exertion; and the term capital, all wealth used to produce more wealth. The whole produce is distributed in returns to these three factors. That part which goes to land owners as payment for the use of natural opportunities is called rent; the part which constitutes the reward of human exertion is wages; and the part which constitutes the return for the use of capital is called interest.

The income of an individual may be made up from any one, two, or three of these sources according to the nature of his contribution to the product. But the laborer is always worthy of his hire. Should the owner of the land and the capital have the power and the greed to disregard the claims of the man who contributed the labor, and pocket the entire product, he is manifestly a robber whether the jailors can catch him or not.

In many thousands of homes the indoor partner of the firm, who undertakes to discharge the domestic and maternal duties within, is just as truly a contributor to the product gained, as the outdoor manager who conducts the business and controls the wages. The woman in the home has a right to a definite share in the wealth she produces through relieving the man of certain indoor cares and enabling him to give thereby larger effort to his special trade of calling.

But, say you, the highest services can not be measured by dollars and cents. It is sordid to talk about paying mothers to be mothers, and giving a wage to wife to be wife! True, there is a class of services transcending all rewards; but because the wife of your bosom does not take you by the throat saying, "Pay me that thou owest!" should she be made to feel like a pensioner on your bounty every time she needs a pair of gloves?

The family tie is a sacred union - the most sacred on earth. It is full of mystery and God-appointed sanctity. But does it not at the same time recognize the existence of some very plain and practical rights founded on simple justice as between man and man? Two human beings have voluntarily contracted to unite their forces for mutual help and advantage. The fact that they pledged themselves to the partnership "Till death do us part" but adds solemnity to the duties and obligations on either side. That the partnership carries divine sanction makes all the more inviolable those duties and obligations. That the interests involved are the most precious to the state, - the building of homes and the rearing of its citizens, insures the guardianship of society over those duties and obligations.

Of this partnership, the one member goes forth in the morning, whether to dig ditches or to add figures. The world knows him as the bread winner for the firm. The silent partner toils in the home, whether to cook the dinners or direct little feet and hands. Her heart is in the work. Faithfulness and devotion are hers. At the end of her monotonous round of days' doings she prepares to welcome in the eventide the battle-scarred veteran of the outer life.

She opens the door with a smile. That smile is an important part of her program. She leads him to the dinner that she has prepared; he eats with a right good relish, for he likes to be fed. Yes, she eats of the dinner too, for she has her food and her shelter and her clothes whenever she asks for them.

But it never occurs to this "boarder" that his wife earns a definite part of the wage that he draws; and that, though she has never figured it out and presented the bill, his account is greatly in arrears for simple wages. On the other hand every right implies a duty, and woman on entering this partnership should see to it that she contributes a real increment to the stock of value.

When we pass from the home and enter the dusty arena of the world, we find women wage-earners shoulder to shoulder with men in the struggle in almost all the avenues of labor and here it may be well to repeat [that] this term labor with its correlate wage-earning, in the broad economic sense, includes all the capacities in man, intellectual as well as physical and moral, which have economic significance. Moral and intellectual qualities increase the productiveness of labor.

"Temperance, trustworthiness, skill, alertness, perception, a comprehensive mental grasp - all these," says an eminent writer on political economy, "and other good qualities belonging to the soul of man are of chief importance in man. The economic value of intellectual training," he continues "is generally not sufficiently appreciated. It has been ascertained that with no exceptions, the higher in any part of the United States the per capita expenditure for schools, the higher is the average of wages, and the larger, consequently, the production of wealth." This is a fact I would like specially to emphasize for those who intend training either girls or boys for self support as laborers or wealth producers. The broadest and fullest development of all powers, though it cost a greater outlay, pays the best interest in actual returns of dollars and cents.

It may be hard to do without your daughter's help while she studies a few more years in preparation for her labor, but the greater productiveness of that labor will more than repay your abstinence. And now let us apply what has been said to the special class of women mentioned in our subject. The colored woman as wage- earner must bring to her labor all the capacities, native or acquired, which are of value in the industrial equation. She must really be worth her wage and then claim it.

"Nature has made up her mind," says Emerson, "that what cannot defend itself shall not be defended," and if women enter the struggle for independent existence they should claim all the rights of advantage to men in the same positions. The world has a cold substratum of fair play and abstract justice, but it is so encrusted over with prejudices and favoritisms that the one who waits for its waters to bubble up spontaneously will die of thirst. No one deplores more than I do the "woman with elbows."

Aesthetically, she pains me. But every wage-earner, man or woman, owes it to the dignity of the labor he contributes, as well as to his own self-respect, to require the rights due to the quality of service he renders, and to the element of value he contributes to the world's wealth.

As colored wage-earners, we are today under a double disadvantage destined sorely to try our fitness to survive if it does not overwhelm us in the very day of its ostentation and self-satisfaction, we are "let go" to start from zero - nay, from a chasm infinitely below zero, to build up our fortunes.

As a consequence, the social wealth of the Negro is two hundred and fifty years behind that of the white American. You will understand what I mean by social wealth when you reflect on the many things owned by individuals which are really consumed by the society in which these individuals move. Take for example a child born in 1865 of emancipated parents. Leaving out hereditary drawbacks and losses, that child is born into a society without books, without pictures, without comforts, without homes. If he goes to school he has no dictionaries or cyclopedias to help him understand his lessons. His environment does not even furnish the language in which his books are written.

Now, suppose he struggles to accumulate, secures a home, puts in it a few comforts, some books and pictures, carpets and curtains, a piano perhaps, a dictionary certainly; or he goes further and acquires orchards and lawns, a country seat and carriages - these things are not for himself alone. All who associate with him are made the richer by such acquisitions of his, and would be to that extent impoverished should he, on dying, take them away from the society in which he had moved by bequeathing them to a white man.

Colored society is today in available social wealth in the position of a company of pioneers, or where the white American was when he conned his solitary book by the light of a pine knot, and contended with bears and Indians for the possession of his potato patch and his one-story cabin. But the white American at that stage of his social accumulation worshipped God in a log hut and his wife went to meeting in her linsey-woolsey gown and brogan shoes. The Black American, however, comes up on the stage when his white forerunner is becoming blasé with luxury and surfeiting. He takes the white man's standard of living just where he finds it, rears and tries to support churches as magnificent, gives presents as costly, maintains in his weddings and funerals a style as lavish and idiotic.

It is as if a little harpsichord with only middle and lower gamut were keyed up to a magnificent grand piano which stands with all its eight or more octaves already at concert pitch. A terrible strain results to all the strings of the little harpsichord. Its notes are but discordant shrieks and screams, ineffectual attempts to reach the easy ringing tones of the grand; and a miracle it is if you do not hear a snap, a pop - resulting in utter ruin to what might have been a very sweet instrument, had it only been allowed to keep its range.

Economically considered, the colored people in this country are a society of wage-earners, but their standards of living and their judgments of one another are as if they were a race of capitalists.

Perhaps the severest trial of all for the colored wage-earner is the impossible height to which the standard of life is raised among us. "Standard of life," in the economic sense, "is the number and character of the wants which a man considers more important than marriage and family."

Now I hold that not only does the strain from keying our life to the American pitch divert into the struggle to "keep up appearances" a large part of the wage which should go to physical comforts, such as sanitary housing and feeding and clothing our bodies, but worse yet, through this artificial and hopelessly high standard of living, many young men feel that they cannot support a wife and family; and so we lose the impetus toward a higher civilization that good homes would give us.

Our children make their first bow before the public in a dazzling shimmer of costly roses and laces; and however many pinches and sweat pounds it has cost the wage-earner to afford it, we somehow feel that our child ought to appear as fine as the rest, and so it goes. Wage-earners will have to learn to discriminate between wages and interest if we are ever to bequeath to posterity a capital out of our wages.

Indeed, if we are ever to start homes and families at all that in the next generation our name be not blotted from the face of the earth, it will be necessary for us to have plain living and homely virtues in honest homes, built and banded by honest earnings. For it is here, as I conceive the matter and not, as Prof. Kelly Miller suggests in his review of Hoffman, in the "surplus" of women among us, that lies the real explanation of unnatural conditions in our large cities.

Certainly the removal of the tension that comes from our effort to reach an extravagant and unattainable standard of life, by a return to simplicity of manners and naturalness of living, is a more facile remedy for increasing the number of honorable marriages and pure homes than by killing off the surplus women, the only remedy apparent as Prof. Miller depicts the situation.

Surely the greatest sufferer from the strain and stress attendant upon the economic conditions noted among our people is the colored woman, and she is the one who must meet and conquer the conditions. She must be too wary to be lured on with the chaff of flattery. When her fine appearance or that of her daughter is commented upon, let that be a signal for retreat. Study economy. Utilize the margins.

Preach and practice plain living and high thinking. Let the wife come in as a sensible helper in building up the fortunes of the family. Let her prove that she can contribute something more than good looks and milliners' bills to the stock in trade. If her husband starts a business, let her study how she can be useful to him in it, and, shoulder to shoulder, let them plant and till, and then gather and garner the fruits of their united industry. So, by her foresight and wisdom, her calm insight and tact, her thrift and frugality, her fertility of resource and largeness of hope and faith, the colored woman can prove that a prudent marriage is the very best investment that the working man can make.

Wednesday, November 22, 2006

Reviews on the Reprinting of Anna Julia Cooper's "Slavery and the French Revolutionists," a Pioneering Study on the Impact of Haiti's Uprising

Slavery and the French and Haitian Revolutionists

by Anna Julia Cooper.
Edited and translated by Frances Richardson Keller.
New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 2006.

Waiting for her doctoral dissertation to be read,
Frances Keller spent three glorious months in the
Regenstein Library at the University of Chicago,
browsing in the history stacks and selecting any
book that interested her. There she found a slender
volume—a doctoral dissertation written in French
by an American woman. The subject interested her,
but so did the woman herself. This Black American
educator and scholar, born in slavery, had lived
through Reconstruction, the period that had been
the focus of Frances’ graduate study. She felt an
immediate connection with Anna Julia Cooper.

Little is known about how Cooper , born in 1858,
managed to achieve her higher education, but her
intellectual gifts must have been recognized early.
She attended a school in Raleigh, North Carolina
established to educate freed slaves to become
teachers of other freed slaves. She is primarily
known for her work as an educator at institutions
such as the prestigious M Street Colored High
School in Washington D.C., where she was
principal for many years, and Freylinghuysen
University, an adult school that she established in
her own home. She died in 1964 at the age of 105.

Her scholarly work has been relatively unknown here,
mainly because it was written in French. Frances's
translation of Cooper's dissertation, the greater part
of this book, is therefore a significant contribution.

In her introductory essay, "The Perspective of a
Black American on Slavery and the French
Revolution," Frances states that she believes
Cooper brought a unique viewpoint to the study of
the colony of San Dominge in the tumultuous years
of 1789-1804. Although Cooper was only five when
slavery was ended, she experienced first-hand the
legacy of slavery in the United States—the
institutionalized racism that persisted in the South
throughout her adult life.

The situation that Cooper presents is one of complex interrelationships: between revolutionary ideals and
pragmatic concerns; between colony and mother country;
between competing interests in France; between
class and race in San Dominge. It was France's
largest, most prosperous colony, producing sugar,
coffee and cotton, occupying the western third of
the island of Santo Domingo. On the eve of the
French Revolution its population was over 550,000,
of whom 500,000 were black slaves; a little over
30,000 were whites. These numbers were, however,
less significant than the issue of class and caste.

Among the white population, there were deep
divisions between planters, who were strong
royalists even as they campaigned for greater
political autonomy, and "petits blancs"— the
artisans and shopkeepers whose loyalties would be
with the new regime after the Republic was
established. Although the great majority of blacks
were slaves, there was a significant population of
mulattos (the term used by Cooper), many of
whom, as landowners and slave owners, were more
hated by the slaves than the white slave owners.

Throughout the early 1790s, parallel developments
in San Dominge, where slave insurrections had
begun, and in France, where the Revolution became
increasingly radicalized, intensified the debates
about abolition. On page 93 Cooper writes: "...each
of the happenings of the Revolution had its
repercussions on the unfortunate island." Only here,
it seems, is she guilty of understatement.

For this new edition of the book, originally
published by Mellen Press in 1988, Frances
included new photographs of Cooper and a preface
that provides non-specialists with background
information about slavery, colonization and the
history of Haiti—as San Dominge was called after
achieving independence in 1804.

Because this new edition is clearly intended for a broad readership, and because the dissertation assumes considerable
familiarity with the history of the Revolution, it
might have helped to include a chronology and
perhaps a glossary. For this non-specialist, the
insights of the dissertation were well worth some
additional delving into history texts.

Joanne Lafler


Anna Julia Cooper
(1858?-1964)

Born in North Carolina to a slave named Hannah Stanley Haywood and Haywood's white master, Anna Julia Cooper rose from these unpromising beginnings to establish herself as one of the leading black scholars and teachers of her day. Her remarkable career in education began quite early, when at nine she was offered a scholarship to attend St. Augustine's Normal School, an institution founded to train teachers for service among the ex-slaves. Cooper stayed there for roughly fourteen years, eventually joining the school's faculty. It was while teaching at St. Augustine's that she married George Cooper, a Bahamas-born Greek instructor. In September 1879, however, her husband died, and Cooper remained single for the remainder of her life.

In 1881 Cooper entered Oberlin College, graduating in 1884 with two other black women, one of whom, Mary Church (Terrell), would gain considerable celebrity as an important activist of the time. After teaching briefly at Wilberforce, Cooper returned to St. Augustine's in 1885. In 1887, she received a master's degree in mathematics from Oberlin and then moved to Washington, D.C., where she began a long and at times stormy tenure at the distinguished Washington Colored High School, also known as the M Street School. Cooper became principal there in 1902.

The 1890s constituted an especially productive period for Cooper. In June 1892, she helped to organize the Colored Woman's League of Washington, D.C.; the following year, she and two other black leaders, Fannie Barrier Williams and Fannie Jackson Coppin, addressed the Women's Congress in Chicago, convened during the Columbian Exposition held in that city. Cooper spoke on "The Needs and the Status of Black Women." In 1895, she played an active role in the first meeting of the National Conference of Colored Women; and in 1900 she traveled to London, where she participated in the Pan-African Conference along with W.E.B. Du Bois.

Cooper also helped edit The Southland, a magazine founded in 1890 by Joseph C. Price, the head of Livingstone College in North Carolina. More importantly, Cooper published A Voice from the South: By a Black Woman of the South in 1892, a collection of essays in which she addresses a wide range of issues concerning black women at the end of the nineteenth century.

The conceptual core of A Voice from the South is Cooper's contention that "the fundamental agency under God in the regeneration, the re-training of the race, as well as the ground work and starting point of its progress upward, must be the black woman." Or, as Cooper put it, "Only the BLACK WOMAN can say 'when and where I enter, in the quiet, undisputed dignity of my womanhood, without violence and without suing or special patronage, then and there the whole Negro race enters with me.'" The dominant position that Cooper accords the black woman in her vision of racial progress reflects, in part, the influence of nineteenth-century bourgeois ideals of "true womanhood," which assumed that women constituted the moral center of a society. At the same time, Cooper consistently argued for the unique position of black women in a male-dominated, racist society, contending that they brought to bear on contemporary problems an invaluable perspective forged in the crucible of multiple and intersecting oppressions.

Therefore, the full development of their talents—especially through formal education, Cooper argued—would be of inestimable value not just to women or blacks generally but to the nation as a whole. It also follows that no one could or should speak for the black woman; to Cooper, it was critical that the black woman's voice be raised on her own behalf.

By the mid-1890s, Cooper had come to be recognized as an important member of the black intelligentsia. She was active in the Bethel Literary and Historical Association in Washington, D.C., and she even received an invitation to join the American Negro Academy, the previously male-only organization of such leading black thinkers as W.E.B. Du Bois, Francis Grimke, Alexander Crummell, and Carter Woodson.

Cooper's distinguished record as a scholar and teacher, however, did not protect her from scandal. She became embroiled in 1904 in what became known as the "M Street School controversy." Under fire for allegedly condoning smoking and drinking by her students and morally questionable behavior by her teachers, she herself was the target of rumors linking her romantically with a member of the school's faculty whom she happened to have raised in her house.

Despite the support of many local blacks, Cooper was dismissed in 1906. After teaching in Missouri, she returned in 1910 to the M Street School (known as Paul Laurence Dunbar High School after 1916), where she worked until her retirement in 1930.

The remainder of Cooper's life was marked by academic achievement and commitment to ensuring the welfare of the black community through education and social service organizations. After studying at Columbia University, Cooper earned a Ph.D. in French from the University of Paris in 1925 despite extraordinary obstacles, including lack of support from her employers. In so doing, Cooper (then in her mid-sixties) became only the fourth black American woman to receive a doctorate.

During this time, she continued her efforts to improve conditions within the local black community as well, taking a leadership role in the Colored Settlement House in Washington, D.C., and in the local Colored Young Women's Christian Association. This involvement culminated in 1930 in her accepting the presidency of Frelinghuysen University, a school founded in 1917 to serve black Washington, D.C., residents (especially working people) who might otherwise have little access to higher education. At one point, in an attempt to save the school, Cooper moved its operations into her home. Anna Julia Cooper's educational and community activities continued to the end of her life, one as long and rich and full of dedicated service to her race as that of her far-better-known contemporary W.E.B. Du Bois, whom she outlived by six months.

Richard Yarborough
University of California at Los Angeles


SLAVERY AND THE FRENCH REVOLUTIONISTS (1788-1805)

By Anna Julia Cooper

Translated with forward and introductory essay by Frances Richardson Keller. The Edwin Mellen Press (hard bound), 1988
ISBN: 0-88946-637-8

Reviewed by Bob Corbett

The slaves of San Domingue (colonial Haiti) rose up against their French and mulatto masters in 1791. This long complex revolutionary struggle finally ended in the Jan. 1, 1804 founding of the free Republic of Haiti.

However, the battle for freedom not only raged in Haiti, but slavery was an important issue in France as well. After the French Revolution began in 1789 slavery presented a very difficult problem to the revolution. How were they to deal with slave ownership.

The "Amis des Noir" (The Friends of the Blacks), a French abolitionist group was founded in 1787. They fought hard for people of color. Their primary battle was two-fold: to articulate the principle that The Rights of Man, conerstone of the French Revolution, had to apply to all humans. Secondly, in the politics of the Revolution they fought the more immediate battle for equal and full rights of citizenship for all free people of color in San Domingue.

Anna Julia Cooper's book, actually her doctoral dissertation, makes the strong case of showing the important influence on San Domingue of these political battles being fought out in Paris. Cooper details the battle between the Amis des Noir and its estimated 500,000 members, on the one hand, and The Massiac Club, voice of the French planters and marintine French bourgeoise, on the other.

The Assembly had a terrible choice:

-follow principle and free the slaves
-but, in the process destroy two of France's most vital -economic resources
-the colony itself
-the valuable slave trade that went with it.

Cooper demonstrates how the battles in Paris, especially in the years 1789-1794, impacted the revolutionary activities in San Domingue. Not only did the black slaves revolt to seek their freedom, but the white planters were driven toward succession from France because of the victories of abolitionist forces in France.

Cooper's book is more about the political struggles in France than the revolutionary history of Haiti, but it sheds a good deal of light on the interconnectedness of the French and Haitian Revolutions.

The book stands on its own, but translator, commentator and discoverer of this lost work, Frances Richardson Keller, does not present the book for its own sake. Keller "discovered" this work by accident. "Running my finger along the shelves in a remote section of Regenstein library, I came upon an inconspicious black volume, the work of Anna Julia Cooper." (p. 1).

Keller's interest seems to be much more with Cooper's admittedly fascinating life than with the book itself. Anna Julia Cooper was born an American slave in 1859. At age 66 she presented the present volume as her doctoral dissertation at the University of Paris in 1925. In a long 105 year productive life, this ex-slave produced scholarly works and incredible feats for a woman and black of her time.

Nonetheless, I found Keller's focus on the author, rather than her provocative book, to be somewhat demeaning. Certainly Cooper achieved extraordinary things, especially given her color and sex in the period she lived. But SLAVERY AND THE FRENCH REVOLUTIONISTS (1788-1805) stands as a scholarly achievement independent of any biographical data of the author.

Pan-African News Wire Editor Comments on Rangel's Misguided Draft Reinstatement Efforts

Rangel's Misguided Draft Reinstatement Effort Falls Flat After Rejection by the American Ruling Elites

PANW Editor's Note: This effort by Congressman Rangel is clearly not in the best interest of his constituency in Harlem and New York in general. During the draft prior to 1973, it was the African-American and poor sectors of the population who were the most vunerable. The higher socio-economic classes and strata could avoid the draft through college deferments and other political connections. The death tolls for African-Americans in Vietnam was a case in point with these totals being over 200% of their proportion of the population.

What is needed is a major shift in the militarist and imperialist policy of the American government. Apparently Rangel does not understand the real issues surrounding the genocidal impact of the Iraq and Afghan wars on not only the peoples of these nations, but also how it effects disproportionately the African and other oppressed peoples of the United States.

The ruling class representatives recognize the political instability that would result in the reinstatement of the draft. Moreover, if they deem it to be necessary, the mechanism for massive induction of youth into a military war machine already exist through their forced registration into the selective service system which is already in existence. Even the counter-recruitment movement does not challenge the forced registration and the denial of educational benefits to youth who refuse to register for selective service in the United States.
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Selective Service: Ready for a draft

10:04 p.m. EST, November 20, 2006
By Thom Patterson
CNN

(CNN) -- Although Congress is unlikely to follow calls from a top Democrat to bring back the military draft, the United States does have a plan, if necessary, aimed at inducting millions of young men for service.

The Selective Service System, an agency independent of the Defense Department, says it's ready to respond quickly to any crisis that would threaten to overwhelm the current all-volunteer military.

"We're the fire department," said spokesman Pat Schuback at the service headquarters in Arlington, Virginia.

"We're prepared to do the mission with whatever time period we're asked to do it in. Our current plan is 193 days and that was based on manpower analysis."

With an active list of more than 15 million names, Schuback said an estimated 93 percent of all men in the United States between 18 and 26 have registered for the Selective Service, as required by law.

Chris Baker, 20, of Decatur, Georgia, said he wouldn't support a draft under any circumstances.

"I don't believe it's right to send people who don't really want to go fight for the country," Baker said. "I probably wouldn't go, but I know that'd I have to go to jail for that. That's probably what I would do -- sit in jail."

But 25-year-old Donnie Deerman of West Blocton, Alabama, said he would feel obligated to participate in a military draft.

"I'd have to do it. My dad did two tours of duty for Vietnam and for this country," Deerman said. "I wouldn't want to leave my kids behind, but I wouldn't argue about it."

While U.S. commanders insist sending more U.S. troops is not the answer in Iraq, they concede they really couldn't maintain a much bigger force than the 150,000 deployed there now because the U.S. military is just too small.

Rep. Charles Rangel of New York, the Democrat who likely will head the powerful House Ways and Means Committee in the next congressional session, said Sunday on CBS's "Face the Nation" he plans to propose a new military draft next year.

But virtually no one expects the bill to have any chance of passage, and incoming Speaker Nancy Pelosi said Monday the Democratic Party's House leadership would not support Rangel's proposal.

CNN senior political analyst Bill Schneider said every poll he's seen in the past year or two indicates Americans young and old don't want to return to the draft.

"And those who are calling for a draft, of course, know that it's unpopular," Schneider said. "They believe it may be the fastest way to end the war, and to keep the United States out of future wars."

Military experts say it's highly doubtful a military draft would ever again be green-lighted because the volunteer system works.

They also say any major attack against the United States would certainly result in a surge of additional volunteers that would make a draft unnecessary.

They point to the volunteer response following the December 7, 1941, Japanese attack on the military complex at Pearl Harbor, Hawaii, as an example, along with the surge in volunteers after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001.

Retired Gen. James "Spider" Marks, a decorated 33-year veteran and CNN military analyst, doesn't see any likely scenario that would require the Pentagon to ask for a draft.

But, he said, "it's never a discussion topic that's off the table for long-term planning."

Instead of a draft, Marks said, the armed forces should be more aggressive about recruiting volunteers, "to increase the top line of the military."

If needed, the U.S. Selective Service System says it's ready to pull the trigger on a new draft. According to the Selective Service, here's how a draft would happen:

A crisis occurs that overwhelms the current all-volunteer military, forcing Congress and the president to authorize a draft system.

Selective Service starts a lottery, based on birth dates, beginning with men age 20.

Those who are assigned low lottery numbers are "ordered to report for a physical, mental, and moral evaluation at a Military Entrance Processing Station to determine whether they are fit for military service," according to the Selective Service's Web site.

They have 10 days to claim "exemption, postponement, or deferment," that would excuse them from service.

Compared to the Vietnam War era, any future draft would allow "fewer reasons to excuse a man from service," according to the Selective Service.

Some of the rule changes include shorter postponements due to student deferments. Many draft eligible men during the Vietnam era avoided military service by attending college.

The previous active draft was established in 1940 before World War II and suspended after it ended. The draft was resumed in 1948 and continued until 1973, when the military converted to an all-volunteer force.

The requirement that all men between 18 and 26 register with the draft was suspended in 1975 and reinstated five years later in response to the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan.

CNN's Kristi Keck, Jamie McIntyre and Bill Schneider contributed to this report.