Wednesday, August 02, 2017

Mulusa Calls for Inclusive Growth in Zambia
August 2, 2017
NANCY MWAPE, Lusaka

MINISTER of Development Planning Lucky Mulusa has called for integrated policies to redistribute gains from economic growth to address the country’s high poverty levels particularly in rural areas.

Mr Mulusa said while poverty has decreased over the past decade, it still remains high at 55 percent.

“This unequal distribution of income is linked to the lack of access to wage employment and lack of opportunities for non-agriculture self-employment.

“Poverty levels are found to be particularly high in rural areas and in the agriculture sector where majority of households live below the poverty datum line,” he said.

Mr Mulusa said this at the research and policy seminar on promoting inclusive growth held jointly with the Ministry and the International Growth Centre yesterday.

During the seminar, various issues relating to policy challenges to promoting inclusive growth in Zambia and promoting evidence-based policy dialogue were discussed.

The discussions were motivated by two studies by IGC on economic growth, inequality and poverty and understanding growth-income inequality interactions in Zambia.

Mr Mulusa said Government will strive to promote an inclusive growth initiatives to ensure that benefits of economic growth are shared equitably and key strategies employed according to the Seventh National Development Plan.

He said there is need to improve productivity in agriculture, create opportunities for unskilled wage employment in other sectors with greater potential for productivity like manufacturing.

“There is need to ensure that capital-intensive industries with low labour absorptive capacity are not favoured at the expense of more labour-intensive industries,” Mr Mulusa said.

Speaking at the same event, IGC country director Anand Rajavam said Zambia should re-focus on her economic model of development.

Dr Rajavam said the current model is not delivering sufficiently on reducing poverty.

“Quality of public investment needs to rise to have desired impact. Inter-sector linkages must be strengthened and spreading resources thinly must be avoided,” he said.
UPND Demands Zambia’s Exact Debt Figures
Chris Phiri
August 1, 2017
   
The opposition United Party for National Development (UPND) has demanded that Government tells the nation Zambia’s exact debt stock.

UPND Parliamentary Chief Whip Garry Nkombo has told a media briefing in Lusaka that in view of conflicting statements on the country’s debt stock, it’s imperative that Finance Minister Felix Mutati tells the nation the exact position.

Meanwhile, Mr. Nkombo, who is Mazabuka UPND Member of Parliament, has also demanded that the government increases the maize floor price for this marketing season to K95 per 50kg bag of maize.

He says farmers toiled so hard for them to get nothing from their hard work.

Mr Nkombo recommends that in order to reduce the high mealie meal prices in the country, the government should consider reducing electricity tariffs for milling companies as a way of reducing the high cost of production.

And Mr Nkombo has demanded that the government allows all University of Zambia students who did not finish paying for their tuition fees to write their exams.

He says the excuse that UNZA Management is looking for money to pay lecturers is lame as the institution is getting 5% from rentals from the 50-year lease for East Park Mall.

Source: Qfm

Tuesday, August 01, 2017

I Am No ‘Person of Color’, I Am a Black African Woman
Yes, us ‘non-whites’ face discrimination and are subjected to racially charged stereotypes, but when our experiences are summarised under one category it falsely suggests we face the same struggles

Adebola Lamuye
Independent UK

Black Lives Matter protesters took to the streets this weekend over the death of Rashan Charles PA

Let’s get one thing straight. I am an African woman. I am not a “person of colour”.

Martin Luther King Jr coined “citizens of colour” in his 1963 “I Have a Dream” speech, and later the term became popular with justice activists in the 80s. But the phrase’s origin dates back further than the civil rights era. In 1807 the Act Prohibiting Importation of Slaves, a federal law that stated no new slaves were permitted to be imported into any port or place within the jurisdiction of the US, describes slaves as “any negro, mulatto, or person of colour”. That’s right: “person of colour” is a term to describe slaves.

In US history, “person of colour” referred to people of African heritage; today it’s used to cover all those of African, Asian, Latino heritage and so on – a verbal shorthand for all non-white people. In its coverage of the anger over the death of Rashan Charles, The Guardian wrote: “The disturbances in north-east London are a reflection of longstanding frustration over police conduct towards people of colour.” In this instance, the people being written about were black.

Rashan Charles was 'well loved' and a 'caring older brother' to many, say residents.

I understand “person of colour” is intended to recognise the disadvantages and discriminations faced by those who are not white and to highlight how non-whites are marginalised, so their realities can be acknowledged. But how can that be done when we are lumped together as one homogeneous mass? How can police brutality be addressed if those very black men are overlooked?

The fact that us “non-whites” are lumped together into some absurd category of being “people of colour” further reinforces whiteness as the norm. It strips away our individual experiences, and instead decides the colour of our skin is what’s relevant.

There’s also another reason why this term is so distasteful when it is specifically used to describe black people. When I am called a “person of colour”, what I hear is being called a “coloured person” – a phrase that has only recently slipped out of common parlance. Apart from the N word, it is one of the most offensive terms used to describe a black person.

Black people have apparently reclaimed the N word. We hear it being said in most rap lyrics or in casual conversation as a term of endearment. But no matter how much hip-hop culture tries to normalise the word, it just is not a phrase we should claim. The same can be said for “person of colour”.

I understand that words can change their meaning and there are those who seek to reclaim these terms, but when it comes to those phrases, this is not something I believe to be true. These words are used as trophies, as if we have taken them from the mouths of our oppressors, extracting the power from them. But the fact is, we haven’t. Those words are still used to hurt us – perhaps not explicitly, but they exist in people’s minds when they deny us jobs or imprison us.

Next time you use “people of colour”, remember it’s OK to be specific, not “one size fits all” when you’re talking about marginalised people. James Brown said it first and said it best: “Say it loud, I’m black and I’m proud.” 
SACP 96th Anniversary
30 July 2017

Today, 30 July 2017 marks the 96th anniversary of the founding of our Party, initially known as the Communist Party of South Africa in 1921. The Party adopted its current name, the South African Communist Party in 1953 after it was banned by the apartheid regime in 1950 under the Suppression of Communism Act. The Communist Party became the first non-racial political organisation in South Africa and also fought against gender domination. It was its struggles to end capitalist class exploitation of workers in general, with black workers particularly worse off, that led to the Party declared the apartheid regime's enemy number one.

The Communist Party developed a clear grasp of the connection between national oppression, gender domination and capitalist class exploitation of workers in South Africa and on the other hand the external dimension of imperialism. Imperialist forces largely from Western Europe and North America controlled an enormous stake in the economy of South Africa. They backed the apartheid regime, in addition because of the Communist Party's anti-imperialist character.

The Communist Party, the second oldest political organisation in South Africa today and the largest Communist Party in Africa has achieved a massive growth after unbanning in 1990. At approximately 300, 000 members the SACP is the second largest political organisation in South Africa by audited membership. The Party's influence has substantially grown and continues to grow together with its robustly accelerating membership growth.

It was the SACP for instance expressing its concerns about rising corruption that was the first to point out that our country was faced with a problem of corporate state capture. It was the Party that first called for an independent judicial commission of inquiry into state capture. The Party's mobilisation to tackle the problem steadily took off the ground and eventually grew by leaps and bounds. The whole country across political divide, and many in their own ways in accordance with their independence, is now marching in this vanguard line - established by the SACP. The SACP pledges to remain unwavering until victory is fully secured against corporate state capture and its networks of patronage and looting of our national wealth and public resources.

The Party reaffirms its commitment to forging the broadest possible patriotic front to defend our country's constitution, deepen our national democracy and guard our democratic sovereignty.

Similarly South Africa needs maximum unity to address the quadruple challenge of crisis levels of inequality, unemployment, poverty and insecurity in our communities and our society in general. This includes working together to tackle the problem of violence, including gender based violence, and crime. In this regard the problems of human trafficking, drug dealing, drug and substance abuse are posing a serious threat to our society and the future of our youth.

The SACP emerged from its 14th Congress this month with policy resolutions in all of these and other areas. The Party will be engaging with South Africans in general and the workers and the poor in particular on working together towards a prosperous society. The Party will elaborate further on these matters in its comprehensive 96th Anniversary Statement to be delivered at its 96th Anniversary Rally.

The media is invited to cover the rally as follows.

SACP 96th Anniversary Rally

Date: 13 August 2017

Venue: Kimberly, Galeshewe, Mayibuye Multipurpose Centre

Keynote speaker: Cde Blade Nzimande

Other speakers: Alliance and YCLSA representatives

ISSUED BY THE SOUTH AFRICAN COMMUNIST PARTY | SACP

FOR GENERAL ENQUIRIES ON SACP STATEMENTS CONTACT:

National Spokesperson & Head of Communications
Alex Mohubetswane Mashilo
Mobile: +27 76 316 9816
Skype: MashiloAM

CIRCULATION & MEDIA LIAISON SERVICES

Communications Officer: Media Liaison Services, Digital and Social Media Co-ordinator
Hlengiwe Nkonyane
Mobile: +27 79 384 6550

OFFICE, WEBSITE, TWITTER, FACEBOOK, USTREAM TV CHANNEL

Office: +2711 339 3621/2
Twitter: SACP1921
Website: www.sacp.org.za
Facebook Page: South African Communist Party
SACP Statement: Pathologists Blast Holes in Police Version of Events in the Death of Ahmed Timol
26 July 2017

Timol Severely Assaulted Prior To His Death

Statement from the Ahmed Timol Family Trust

Forensic pathologists Professor Steve Naidoo and Dr Shakeera Holland have blown gaping holes in the security police version of the events that led to the death in detention of anti-apartheid activist Ahmed Timol 46 years ago.

At the behest of the Timol family, the two specialists separately reviewed all available literature from the original Timol Inquest, including the post-mortem report and series of photographs attached thereto. They presented their reports today to the re-opened inquest sitting in the North Gauteng High Court.

Both concluded that Timol sustained major injuries before falling to the ground from a 10th floor window at John Vorster Square police station 4 days after being arrested.

http://www.ahmedtimol.co.za/pathologists-blast-holes-in-police-version-of-events

ISSUED BY THE SOUTH AFRICAN COMMUNIST PARTY SACP

FOR GENERAL ENQUIRIES ON SACP STATEMENTS CONTACT:

National Spokesperson & Head of Communications
Alex Mohubetswane Mashilo
Mobile: +27 76 316 9816
Skype: MashiloAM

CIRCULATION & MEDIA LIAISON SERVICES

Communications Officer: Media Liaison Services, Digital and Social Media Co-ordinator
Hlengiwe Nkonyane
Mobile: +27 79 384 6550

OFFICE, WEBSITE, TWITTER, FACEBOOK, USTREAM TV CHANNEL

Office: +2711 339 3621/2
Twitter: SACP1921
Website: www.sacp.org.za
Facebook Page: South African Communist Party
SACP Ustream TV Channel: http://www.ustream.tv/channel/sacp-tv


Timol inquest: It`s time to hear from the police

Evidence of assault and torture was heard last week

The re-opened inquest into the death in detention of anti-apartheid activist Ahmed Timol 46 years ago enters its third week today with the cross examination of former members of the police.

According to the police version of events, Timol was well-treated during his detention and interrogation, and committed suicide by jumping from a 10th floor window.

Magistrate De Villiers, who conducted the original inquest, used words such as "honest and trustworthy" and "reliable" to describe the security policemen who appeared before him at the inquest.

http://www.ahmedtimol.co.za/timol-inquest-its-time-to-hear-from-the-police

ISSUED BY THE SOUTH AFRICAN COMMUNIST PARTY | SACP
South Africa: NUM Media Release on Retrenchment
31 July 2017

1. Massive Job losses in the mining industry

The proposed retrenchments in the mining industry raise a lot of questions around whether this is a justifiable action given the huge profits experienced by mining companies through the years and whether mines are being socially responsible by resorting to short term solutions.

Once again, as a union, we are seeing that when things go bad, workers are amongst the first to suffer the consequence. The NUM can confirm receipt of section 189 notices from AngloGold Ashanti and Bokoni Platinum Mine in Limpopo to retrench 8 500 and 2651 workers respectively. The Bokoni Platinum mine number excludes contractors. Over 3000 contract workers will lose their job in that mine through retrenchment, raising the total figure to be retrenched to more than 5 000.

The NUM is in support of the notion that says mining companies can do a lot if only they change their mindset and instead of looking for easy solutions of cutting jobs, begin to look at the broader environment in which they operate.

As a union, we are much concerned that some mining companies have defaulted, and are no longer following the guidelines of a stakeholder declaration in the mining sector, which was created to save jobs. Through the declaration, companies have vowed not to retrenchments as the first course of action when faced with challenges.

2. Call for job summit

All these retrenchment threats by the companies validate the call by the NUM that we need a Job Summit and jobs plan to deal with the issue of the ongoing retrenchments.

The NUM calls on the companies to rethink on their positions. They must create opportunities for job creation rather than maximising profits at the expense of the poor mineworkers who earn poverty wages, while directors are earning millions as bonuses only. Given the research that says each mining job supports around 10 people, thousands of families will be affected by these job losses.

The planned retrenchments will create more unemployment, increase poverty in the mining communities and create ghost towns with no hope and human dignity.

3. Relationship with mining companies

The rift between the National Union of Mineworkers and the mining companies is forever growing. It is common cause that many of these companies regard the NUM as an enemy rather than an important stakeholder. While the government and the Chamber of Mines continue to battle it in and out of courts, it is the workers who will suffer on the ground.

4. Proposed moratorium by Minister Zwane

The NUM wants to reiterate its position that it is deeply disturbed by the current consideration by Minister of Mineral Resources Mosebenzi Zwane to put in place a moratorium until the finalization of the current court challenges of the recently gazetted Mining Charter by the Chamber of Mines.

We are of the view that such moratorium will negatively affect our members through job losses, since there will be no section 11 approvals taking place on the change of ownership and new mining or prospecting rights. All of this is taking place while we are faced with enormous job losses in various operations amounting to close to 20 000 affected employees.

The proposed actions by the Minister, unfortunately, emanates from his very own court agreement of withdrawing the implementation of the charter with Chamber of Mines, thus the union will be submitting to the Department to desist from implementing the envisaged moratorium with immediate effect. As the move will definitely be found wanting by the court of law, as it deviates from the principles and objectives of the Minerals and Petroleum Resources Development Act, 2002.

The NUM will oppose these retrenchments with the necessary vigour and will fight tooth and nail with these mining companies. As a build-up, we are embarking on a protest march tomorrow in Matlosana region. Capitalism uses retrenchment to maximise profits when their pockets are becoming dry the first thing that comes into their minds is to retrench workers. It is on that basis that we are saying that workers cannot be victims of monopoly capital. Retrenchments in the mining impact negatively on the downtrodden. We call upon the minister to take the mining licence of Bokoni Platinum Mine to stop mothballing of the mine on the expense of mineworkers and the community surrounding Bokoni.

For more information, please contact:
David Sipunzi:NUM General Secretary 082 883 7293
Livhuwani Mammburu: NUM National Spokesperson: 083 809 3257.

The National Union of Mineworkers
7 Rissik Street.
Cnr Frederick
Johannesburg

Tel: 011 377 2111
Cell: 083 809 3257
Web: www.num.org.za<http://www.num.org.za><http://www.num.org.za>
Twitter: @Num_Media
Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/pages/NUM/100860023402167
Statement of the African National Congress Following the NEC Meeting and NEC Lekgotla Held From the 27th to the 30th July 2017
31 July 2017
ANC Today

The National Executive Committee (NEC) of the African National Congress met in an ordinary meeting on Thursday, 27th July 2017. The meeting was called to prepare for the NEC Lekgotla which commenced the following day, Friday 28th July 2017 until Sunday 30th July 2017. The NEC Lekgotla is called twice per annum to assess progress in the implementation of policies and programmes of the ANC in the government it leads and to inform the planning and budgeting cycles of government.

The National Executive Committee received a presentation on the framework that would guide the work of the Lekgotla and a report from the National Working Committee (NWC) on the recent interactions the Working Committee has held with structures of the organization in the Western Cape Province. A briefing was also tabled on the ANC's engagements with Botswana's governing party, the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP), on the ANC's participation in the 55th Anniversary of the founding of the BDP which coincides with the 55th Anniversary of the Lobatse Conference.

The NEC was unanimous on the need for the NEC Lekgotla to focus its energies primarily on interventions to halt the economic decline that has led to negative GDP growth over two quarters. Outcomes of this process should be immediate interventions to deal decisively with unemployment - with special focus on youth unemployment and unemployed graduates - as well as measures to protect local labour and jobs. It sought to emerge with a strategy to assist the country recover from the ratings downgrades by, amongst others ,changing the low growth trajectory and enhancing the economy's capacity to absorb new entrants to the labour market.

The NEC further directed the NEC Lekgotla to engage and come up with concrete proposals on the implementation of fee-free higher education for the working class and poor. Moving the National Health Insurance (NHI) from pilot phase to implementation, harnessing innovation and science as tools for economic development and growth as well as strengthening the capacity of state to deliver against the aspirations and resolutions of the African National Congress were also identified as key priority areas.

On the Western Cape, NEC received a report on the challenges currently confronting structures of the ANC in the province. These have been occasioned by, amongst other reasons, the Provincial Executive Committee's (PEC) decision to dissolve the Regional Executive Committee (REC) of the Dullah Omar Region. Following this decision, four of the six regions in the Western Cape, convened a media briefing to object to the action taken by the PEC and the REC of Dullah Omar Region lodged an appeal with the NEC. The NWC took a decision to intervene in the province and consequently met with branches of the ANC across the province, followed by a joint meeting between the NWC and the PEC.

The report of the NWC painted a picture of the ANC structures in all the regions being deeply divided. Further that the PEC itself is weak and divided, however noted some positive aspects, in this regard being its youthfulness as well as its demographic and geographical diversity which has always eluded the Western Cape.

The National Executive Committee is of the view that there needs to be serious political investment in the Western Cape in order to realize our vision of regaining political power in that province in 2019. To this end, NEC resolved that the state of the PEC must be consistently monitored with the NEC providing support to the PEC for it to ably execute its responsibilities. Further, that the team of deployees to the Western Cape be reinforced and an intensive political education program be undertaken in the province. Finally, that the appeal of the Regional Executive Committee of the Dullah Omar Region against their dissolution be upheld and the REC re-instated. The NWC and NEC deployees will return to the Western Cape to engage structures on the way forward.

The NEC also adopted the proposal to form part of the celebration of the 55th Anniversaries of the formation of the BDP and the Lobatse Conference as part of the launch of our work to develop the Liberation Heritage Route in Botswana.

The NEC Lekgotla was the last one for this term of leadership elected at the 53rd National Conference in 2012 and was attended by members of the NEC, members of Cabinet, our Alliance Partners, the Leagues, other structures of the mass democratic movement and cadres deployed in various positions in the state. Its primary objective was to identify urgent priorities for government and to make proposals to guide the development of government's 2018/2019 budget to be delivered in February 2018.

The Lekgotla commenced with the Political Overview delivered by the President, which was followed by two presentations, one on the priorities mandating Budget 2018 on the National Development Plan (NDP) and another on the economic and fiscal outlook presented by Comrades Jeff Radebe and Malusi Gigaba respectively.

The Lekgotla noted marked improvement in the attainment of the objectives set by the Mangaung Conference, specifically the following:

 Basic education is on an upward trend
 Enrolment in post school education and training has increased
There is marked improvement in the health status of our people as reflected in enhanced life expectancy, reduced infant mortality, reduced maternal mortality , etc.
 Improved provision of basic services inclusive of electricity connections, potable water, sanitation and solid waste management not withstanding problems with quality and reliability of supply due to neglect of maintenance
 Sustained provision of social assistance to more than 17 million beneficiaries, alleviating acute poverty for poor households

Our biggest challenge remains the economy where growth has deteriorated and growth in GDP per capita has also declined. Unemployment has risen to a 14 year high at 27.7%, with the overall effect of these economic challenges being a loss of both business and consumer confidence. This has been compounded by the poor performance of the State Owned Companies (SOC) as a result of poor corporate governance and policy uncertainty.

The NEC Lekgotla discussed and endorsed the 14 point action plan developed by the Minister of Finance as a response to the recession. The 14 point plan elaborates on the 9 point plan for economic growth and is aimed at accelerating progress, coordinating government's interventions and acting as an accountability mechanism for delivery. The plan is intended to reduce government's contingent liabilities by reorganizing recapitalization and government guarantees. It proposes a number of broad reforms including developing a framework for private sector participation. Such participation will assist in improving the balance sheet of the affected SOCs and improve corporate governance. We have no doubt that implementation of this plan will go a long way in creating certainty and boosting confidence amongst stakeholders.

The Lekgotla further discussed the stalemate in the mining sector and its attendant effects on investment, growth and unemployment. Lekgotla tasked the ANC NEC Economic Transformation Sub-Committee to coordinate an approach that looks beyond the current dispute over the mining charter to focus on the future of the industry in its totality.

Lekgotla further resolved on a need for additional, concrete steps as being necessary to stimulate economic growth. In this regard, Lekgotla urged government reprioritize the current budget to focus on infrastructure development. This should be done without undermining fiscal consolidation and the expenditure limits.

Specifically resolved:

 On Energy: Taking into account the electricity generation surplus, an electricity tariff dispensation that supports growth and labour intensive manufacturing sectors must be developed. Current phase of the Independent Power Producers (IPP) program must be finalized as a matter of urgency
 On Transport: Prioritisation of the Moloto Road and Rail Corridor and the N2 Wild Coast Road. It was further resolved on the need for a cogent strategy on the public transport system and the necessity of the review of the taxi industry with the intention to stabilize this important sector.
On Water: Lekgotla noted that the construction of the Umzimvumbu Dam is critical for economic development in the Eastern Cape and called for government to speedily implement and conclude the project.

On Youth Unemployment: Lekgotla was of the view that all our interventions must lay the foundation for a more inclusive economy that addresses the problem of unemployment. They must provide young people with opportunities to participate in the economy, integrating them into existing and new value chains, rebuilding, modernizing and expanding our industrial capabilities with the energy and ideas of young people. Lekgotla urged government to coordinate and assess the current initiatives including the Youth Entrepreneurship Support (YES) campaign, the Expanded Public Works Program (EPWP) and provide guidance and support for maximum impact.

Lekgotla also resolved to intensify support measures for the agricultural sector in particular small scale famers. Amongst other interventions, Lekgotla agreed on the need for immediate measures to stem the jobs bloodbath in the retail, furniture and textile industries amongst others. Incentivising industries that create jobs and de-monopolising the banking industry and broadcasting sector remain key priorities.

Lekgotla further called on government to set up of a Commission on the Fourth Industrial Revolution by December 2017. This Commission must be tasked with the development of a national strategy to leverage the opportunities offered by technological advancement and disruption while seeking measures to mitigate against its negative consequences. On the State Bank, the Lekgotla noted progress made to transform the Post Bank into a fully fledged bank and reiterated the ANC policy position that Post Bank must be used as the bank of first choice by government for its banking services and any transactions with the citizens. Government should develop adequate capacity, in particular for Postal outlets in rural areas, to effectively undertake this role.

Lekgotla was resolute on the need to continue to encourage the creation of new businesses, cooperatives and the expansion of small businesses by reducing the costs of compliance with government regulations, making it easier for companies to do business with government. Government must pay its invoices on time and strengthen the role of our development finance institutions. Lekgotla also called on government to develop policy to establish parameters on employment ratios between South African citizens and foreign nationals in locally owned business as is currently the case with foreign owned businesses operating in the country. Government must also expedite the implementation of a National Identity System that will be linked to an integrated immigration system so that the identity, civil and immigration status of all citizens and all persons in South Africa is known and secure.

The National Executive Committee had called on Lekgotla to come up with concrete proposals on fee free higher education taking into account the ANC's stated commitment to ensuring that all financially needy and academically deserving students, whether poor, working class or middle class, can access loans and bursaries in order to gain entry to university and Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET) Colleges without paying upfront fees at the point of entry.

Being cognizant that the Heher Commission has until 31 August 2017 to submit its report on the feasibility of fee free higher education and training, the NEC Lekgotla resolved to introduce the following measures that should be integrated into the final work of the Commission. These measures will cover all first year students for first time enrolment with effect from 2018.

Fully subsidised grants should be provided to academically qualifying poor students. Poor students are defined as coming from families who earn a gross family income of R150 000 and below per annum.

Academically capable students from working class and middle strata families, currently defined as families who earn a gross family income from R150 000 up to R600 000 per annum, should be subsidised through a combination of grants and income contingent affordable loans, with their families providing a household contribution to their studies in proportion to their ability to pay.
Students will be required to maintain adequate academic performance and failure to do so would lead to disqualification.

Lekgotla resolved on the need to move the National Health Insurance (NHI) Scheme from pilot phase to implementation, with due regard to the current funding challenges. Accordingly, called on government to factor in the required funding over the next three years, with primary focus being on covering the following targeted groups:

School children experiencing barriers to learning
 Pregnant women
The elderly
 Mental health services and
 People with disabilities

The scourge of corruption is a threat to economic development. To consolidate the country's efforts in fighting corruption, the discussion paper on the Integrated Anti-Corruption Strategy has been launched. The Anti-Corruption Task Team has finalized with its operational strategy and forged a working alliance with the Standing Committee on Public Accounts (SCOPA) to advance our collective efforts to fight corruption.

The African National Congress welcomes recent announcements and action by law enforcement agencies as well as Parliament to investigate allegations of corruption.

The detailed NEC Lekgotla Bulletin containing all resolutions of the Lekgotla will be publicly released in the next few weeks.

The ANC sends its heartfelt condolences to the families of the football lovers who lost their lives during a stampede at the FNB Stadium this past weekend. We call on government to urgently conclude the Commission of Enquiry into this tragedy so that the country may draw important lessons to ensure this calamity never befalls us again.

Issued by
Gwede Mantashe
Secretary General
African National Congress

Enquiries
Zizi Kodwa 082 330 4910
President Mugabe in Grand Homecoming
 LEVI MUKARATI
Zimbabwe Sunday Mail
JULY 30, 2017

President Mugabe was yesterday given a reverberating homecoming in Chinhoyi, with tens of thousands of people turning out for his interface with youths in his birth province of Mashonaland West.

The province showed why it has been dubbed “Mashonaland Best” as people came out in droves for the opportunity to hear the President address them.

Yesterday’s Presidential Youth Interface was the fifth of oversubscribed meetings that have seen Zanu-PF’s First Secretary meet and address large crowds in Mashonaland East, Manicaland, Masvingo and Matabeleland South.

The Chinhoyi University of Technology Stadium proved too small a venue for the Presidential juggernaut.

Thousands of people started streaming into the stadium as early as 5 am, with long queues the order of the day, as security details continued to screen people long after President Mugabe’s arrival.

When President Mugabe entered and circled the stadium, the atmosphere was charged as he, First Lady Amai Grace Mugabe and Zanu-PF Youth League Secretary Cde Kudzai Chipanga greeted the crowds.

President Mugabe paid homage to the tens of thousands in attendance, describing the gathering as one of the biggest audiences he had seen since the Presidential Youth Interface Rallies began last month.

“Vanotungamirira province, machairman nevamwe vose vari pasi pavo varipano, ndinoda kuvamba nekukutendai nekundimuka kwamaita muchiuya nehuwandu hwakadayi hunobva hwaratidza kuti chokwadi yainzi Mash West iye yava Mash Best,” said the President.

“Ndangaririo yatinayo pano indangariro yevadiki vedu; Cde Chipanga, vatinopa rukudzo, nevamwe vavo vakavamba vachiti ngatiite imwe interface yekunosangana naPresident, nyika yose.

“Vakakorokodza vanhu kuti vafambe, one million, vachiuya kuHarare kuzonditenda nebasa randakaita ndiri Chairman weAU zvichibatanidza nehuChairman wemuregion yedu yeSadc.

“Saka, iyi yakazova pfungwatsva. Ndozvatinoda kuona musangano wedu uchiita. Pfungwa dzemberi dzinoita kuti musangano wedu urambe uri musangano wevanhu, urambe uri musangano unobatanidza vanhu pachavo, unobatanidza vanhu nevatungamiriri vavo.

“Tichinzwa pfungwa dzenyu dzamuinadzo dzinoti zvinangwa zvamugadai muinazvo kuti musangano uenderere mberi; nezvichemo zvamungadai muinazvo kuti ah tirikuchema nezvakati mungazviongorora here?”

Added the President: “Tauya kuMashonaland Best, vana vedu mayouth edu ahh, kuti vazoronga kuita gungano rakadai rinondimuka, richiuya kuChinhoyi ibasa rekushinga, kushinga nechido. Hongu, rubatsiro runovapo kubva kumadzimai, kubva kuvakuru, kubva kushamwari dzedu. Kubatanidzwa ikono, humwechete ihoho ipfungwa dzevana vedu. Tinovatenda. Varoverei maoko! Varoverei maoko!

“Hapasi pano chete, ndinofunga gungano rino rave rechingani, rechishanu. Vanoda kupedza maprovince ose vachidai, tovanekugutsikana kuti nyika yose, maprovince ose varishure kwemusangano. Hatina kumboita pfungwa yakadai kana isu vakuru. Kwatakabva, taiita zvedu marally asi kana isu vakuru, hatina kumboita pfungwa dzakadai, dzekusimudza kuti province yose ibva yati ndimu.

“Vana varipo, vamwe nevana kumusana. Ah, izvi zvinofadza; zvinobayawo moyo zvakare. Ini semukuru wenyu, makada kuti ndive ndichifamba maprovince ose kune sangano iri revanhu naPresident. Ndozvinoreva interface. Muchiona kuti takasimba sei; muchinzwawo President kuti angave aine mashoko akadiyi.

“Ndinoda, pamashoko iwayo, kuti ndivambe ndichiti Zanu-PF ndiwo musangano wakarwira, ndiwo musangano wakafirwa nemagamba edu. Nhasi uno wava kutonga.”

President Mugabe pointed out that the revolution was informed by sound values, and the quest for total liberation was a continuous process.

“Ndanga ndichitaura kwatabva kucentre yedu yecommunication ndichiti hatingave vanhu vane tsika yemusangano, hatingave zvakare marevolutionaries vane gwara nekuti revolution haisi yezuva rimwechete,” he said.

“Revolution icontinuous process, inoramba ichifamba isu tatakura nyaya yekuzvipra, nyaya yekurwira nyika yedu, tichitarisa shure kwedu kuti vakuru vedu ndezvipi zvavakaita.

“Saka, tine mazita evakafira nyika. Tinongoramba tichiti Mbuya Nehanda naanaSekuru Kaguvi naanaLobengula vakashandira nyika. Pfungwa dzavo dzaiva dzakafanana nedzedu kuti vatorwa, vatorwa, hativabvumire kuti vatore nyika vagotigara matumba; vagotiita varanda. Kwete. Saka, vakabata mapfumo.

“Hongu, pfumo nepfuti zvakasiyana. Ane pfuti anokurira anepfumo. ndozvakaitika, asi isuwo mukunzwa nhorondo yezvakaitika, takati vakuru vedu vakakurirwa nenzira yekuti vakarwisa nemapfumo. Vakanga vasina zvombo zvinesimba.

“Takatarira kuti iye muvengi chakamusimbaradza chii? Tikaona kuti hapana chimwe kunze kwepfuti. Wakasimba pamusana pekuti wakanga wakazendamira pfuti.

“Dai asina kuzendamira pfuti zviri zvibhakera tainge takamunakura kare kare. Dai akanga asina pfuti aine mapfumowo wainga akabaiwa kare kare akashaya.

“Ane pfuti; hatingazvikwanisewo here? Tikaona tinozvikwanisa sezvakanga zvaitwa kune dzimwe nyika. KuAlgeria kwakanga kwarwiswa maFrench.”

President Mugabe went on, “Vauyi. Saka takarongawo hurongwa hwaida kuti tive nemusangano wakasimba. Hongu, takazoita musangano tikaparadzana Zanu neZapu, asi takazobatana zvakare.

“Muvengi wakarohwa kuno uku. Tine chiyeuchidzo chakakosha, chegazi. Vakomana vanomwe vatakatanga navo vakahwandirwa nemuvengi asi vakamira dzikadandaura pfuti pamhiri apo dakara zuva rakuda kudoka.

“Muvengi akati rikadoka hatozovakwanisa. Vanozoenda tisingavaone. Ngatikurumidzei. Ndopavakazouya nendege, zvino, kuzobhomba. Ndokukurirwa kwakaita the seven gallant sons, revolutionary sons of Zimbabwe.

“They shed their blood. They left us, therefore, a legend and that legend meant that we, too, must be prepared to fight to the end for our country.

“If it meant sacrificing ourselves in the same way, shedding our blood, let it be. If it meant being thrust into prison and being tortured, let it be.

“If it meant being in detention, let it be. Makaiswa mumakeep semhuka, kutenherwa mumakeep, asi hamuna kudzokera shure. Makati vana vedu, muri mumakeep imomo, maikwanisa vana vedu muchiverevedza, muchiti muvengi aripo endai. Mumisha maikwanisa, zvakare, kuvapa kudya nekuvapa mazano.

“Vana venyu kuti vajoine, kupamidzira, kupa simba, kusimbaradza varwi vedu veZanla forces, Zipra forces. Muvengi akazoedza, they tried this and that, when the going was hard. Then they tried to use our people, anaMuzorewa.”
Youths Endorse Succession Call
 JULY 30, 2017
Kuda Bwititi in Chinhoyi
Zimbabwe Sunday Mail

The Zanu-PF Youth League has endorsed First Lady Amai Grace Mugabe’s exhortation for President Mugabe to appoint his successor should he decide to retire. At the fifth Presidential Youth Interface Rally here yesterday, Secretary for Youth Affairs Cde Kudzanayi Chipanga said, “As the Youth League Executive, we took note of the position that Amai stated on Thursday, and we are fully behind her; that the President should play the leading role in appointing his successor.

“He should do so because his qualities cannot be matched by anyone. We also know President Mugabe’s pedigree on the continent, and only luminaries such as Kwame Nkrumah can be compared to him. We believe that even the next leader will not have even 10 percent of the qualities that the President has.”

Cde Chipanga continued: “I want to warn ministers, Vice-Presidents and other party leaders that they should not lie to themselves and make the mistake of thinking that they have the same popularity as President Mugabe. Don’t be like Jesus’ horse because without President Mugabe, we are all non-entities.

“. . .These Youth Interface Rallies were born after we took a leaf from the successful meetings that were held by the First Lady around the country. As youths, we refuse to be associated with any individual in the party except the President and the First Lady.” He appealed to President Mugabe to block a reported plan to retrench youth officers, and to also ensure young people get farms and mining concessions.

On social media, he said, “It should be used to unite the party. We know of the videos that are circulating because of people who want to destroy the party. But we will not accept that.”

He said the Youth Interface Rallies had been a success because of the people’s love for President Mugabe and the First Lady.
‘I’m Not Going Anywhere’
JULY 30, 2017
Levi Mukarati Deputy News Editor
Zimbabwe Sunday Mail

President Mugabe says the state of his health surprises even his doctors, pointing out that he is still fit to lead both Zanu-PF and Government as the country prepares for next year’s harmonised elections. President Mugabe was addressing tens of thousands of people at Chinhoyi University of Technology at the fifth Presidential Youth Interface yesterday.

“There is an issue to say the President is going, I am not going; the President is dying, I am not dying, and I thank God for having lived to this day,” he said.

“I thank God also for giving me good life. I will have an ailment here and there. I go to the doctors like everyone else; but body-wise, maorgans angu ese —my heart, my liver, mukati umu — very firm, very strong.

“Vakashama vanachiremba kuti you have gone so strong, your bones, your system. Ndikati ndiMwari. But, of course, muscles and bones also must be assisted to be strong. For years, ndakangova munhu akangoramba achiita exercise the body, from prison to this day. So, certainly the bones are bound to be strong. Tinonamata kuti Mwari arambe achitipa hupenyu.”

On unity in the ruling Zanu-PF, President Mugabe said he was aware that some people wanted his position, and also castigated those bringing tribal thinking to national politics.

“Vamwe vari divided tribally, vamwe vanoshorana. ‘Rwendo runo hatidi vechiZezuru, takuda kuti tichipinda isu.’ Once you begin to talk like that, you are not going to be a uniting person at all.

“I don’t have that kind of talk. I am happy; when I am in Matabeleland or in the Midlands or in Manicaland; hapana vandinoti ava havasi vangu.”

He added: “Vakuru vatinavo muPolitburo, muGovernment should recognise that the principle that made us succeed was one of unity. Yes, there is the aspect of discipline and self-sacrifice; but underlying those ones is unity.

“Unity means we are together in mind, we are together in the way we operate in our positions. We are together in mind also means we should speak the same language. We should avoid speaking against each other, kunyeyana, kuorganizirana.”
Politics is a Process, Not an Event
 BISHOP LAZARUS
Zimbabwe Sunday Mail
JULY 30, 2017

WHAT an exciting week? The media had a feast. Zimbabweans being Zimbabweans went into overdrive — rumours, speculation, conclusions, theories and lies.

Winston Churchill was so spot on when he said: “Politics is almost as exciting as war, and quite as dangerous. In war you can only be killed once, but in politics many times.”

Some people died several times over the past few days. So many deaths. So many funerals. My apologies dear congregants, I couldn’t attend any of the funerals.

Allow me to take a detour. There is some hard truths to be told. A few weeks ago, I broke the news that that grand opposition coalition iya hakuchina.

Today I come to you again with more news. The MDC-T has already conceded defeat to President Mugabe in the 2018 elections.

Their fight now is to try and stop Zanu-PF from winning two-thirds majority in Parliament.

In case you think Bishop Lazarus dzarasa. I am not making the news.

Tsvangirai’s former advisor and law professor, Alex Magaisa is the one who is telling this bitter truth. Under the headline, “Zanu-PF must not get two-thirds majority in 2018,” Magaisa advised the MDC-T that; “That is why a key battleground in next year’s elections is over the two thirds parliamentary majority.”

Put simply, Magaisa was telling the MDC-T that makadyiwa kare in 2018, chishingai kuti musarakashwe zvekuti Zanu-PF iwane two-thirds majority.

This is the reality, but then MDC-T zvimiti ndonye munzeve. Regaika tione.

Talking of two thirds majority, there are those who have been saying elections can’t be held early next year, hehe Constitution this and Constitution that. The opposition is actually believing these fake constitutional experts.

Well, what happened in Parliament last week should tell the opposition that elections will be held pangodira Gushungo.

Against the wishes of the opposition, the Constitutional Amendment Bill (Number One) sailed through the National Assembly. VeMDC-T vakapupa mafuro pamuromo kuramba the Bill, but that Bill was passed.

Zanu-PF, iyoyo Zanu-PF iri kunzi ine mafactions ganged up against the opposition and the Bill was passed with 182 votes. This was despite the fact that the Bill was all along said to be a Vice President Mnangagwa Bill. That’s Zanu-PF for you.

Now, if Gushungo decides that he wants elections in January, February or March, there is nothing that the opposition can do about it. If only the opposition could read what the Presidential Youth Interface Rallies are all about. But then zvimiti ndonye muzheve. Don’t say Bishop Lazarus didn’t warn you.

Now back to the exciting deep waters of the past week. Regai ndiite zvemagwaro kwazvo. Mark 4 vs 39 says; “And he awoke and rebuked the wind and said to the sea, “Peace! Be still!” And the wind ceased, and there was a great calm.”

Hey dear congregants, please calm down. “Peace! Be Still!” Musamhanye vanhu VaMwari. Stop making those wild and weird conclusions. The First Lady Dr Grace Mugabe just asked President Mugabe to appoint his successor when the time comes. On his part, the President told the military to stay out of politics. Just these two positions, zvotoita as if nyika yakuguma.

Of course, the media had a field day. You suddenly realise that Zanu-PF is indeed the only game in town. The MDC-T couldn’t resist the Zanu-PF midas touch as they commented on the goings on in the revolutionary party.

The scribes went to town and back. But then hold on dear congregants. Don’t we know that politics is a process and not an event? Someone said: “Art, freedom and creativity will change society faster than politics.”

Reading some of the stories and theories, you would think the President had fired the whole army. You would think the First Lady had told the President to appoint a successor tomorrow.

Imbomirai kumedza mutsenge nyaya iyi.

Why are you dear congregants misinterpreting and cooking theories from the statements that were made by the President and the First Lady? Stop distorting clear statements. And stop pulling and pushing other people in your cooked up theories.

Why are some people pretending to be more President Mugabes? Why are some people pretending to be more Amai Mugabes? Kuziva zvakataurwa kudarika akataura. Imi vanhu itai mushe mhani.

Now as you focused on creating and cooking theories, you missed an important story. After the First Lady, Dr Grace Mugabe raised concern, as the Secretary for Women’s Affairs, that the party should revert to its resolutions that one Vice President’s position be reserved for women, the President said the following:

“I want to accept that we made a mistake because we had agreed that one of the three top positions in Government must go to a woman.

“It started during Mai Mujuru’s period and that’s where we went wrong by putting a man in that position. I think it was Cde Mnangagwa.

“We can correct that either directly in the constitution at congress or another way is to accept that change, why don’t we look at the constitution.

“A constitution is made to serve the people and not the people to serve a constitution . . .

“We can look at other ways of doing it, but I would want you to consider that perhaps we leave that position as it is or if you insist we change it. But I was thinking that other countries have more than two. Why can’t we have three deputies and correct this position that way?

“Think about it. Two choices, one to revert to our position of two VPs and one being a lady, but another of adding another position of a VP and we have three VPs and one woman. Think of those mere suggestions when we go to Congress as you like, but think it out and we discuss at Congress, but certainly we have offended you and I must apologise for that.”

Now dear congregants, you don’t think this was a big story? Thinking about having a third deputy? Instead of looking to the future, you decided to stew yourself in the politics of the present? Kwanzi toita madeputy three here nhai imi vanhu? Let’s debate that. I am cool with it anytime.

Let’s not appear like we still living in the Magic Bullet Theory days when the media was all powerful. In fact, there was never a time when the media was all powerful. At the same time, let’s not fall victim to the agenda setting role of the media, where the media is described as having a powerful influence on the people.

Scholars tell us that agenda-setting is the creation of public awareness and concern of salient issues by the news media. Two basis assumptions underlie most research on agenda-setting: the first being that the media do not reflect reality; they filter and shape it and the second is that media concentrate on a few issues and subjects, leading the public to perceive those issues as more important than other issues.

If the media does not reflect reality, why then should we let the media to tell us what issues are important?

Let’s leave the media focusing on what pushes their sales and what excites their shareholders.

Let’s leave the media focusing on “President anointing his successor” and the “military staying out of politics.”

Let’s look ahead and see whether we should have three deputies.

That suggestion by the President says a lot. It’s unfortunate that many have been blinkered by factionalism and succession.

Just a reminder. “When you’re happy, you enjoy the music. But when you’re sad, you understand the lyrics.”

Bishop is out!
Awakening the Spirituality of Our Liberation
JULY 30, 2017
Teddie Bepete
Zimbabwe Sunday Mail

In celebrating the heroic deeds of sons and daughters of this country who pledged their lives towards our liberation, we should bear in mind that the struggle against colonialism was deeply imbued with our cultural and religious beliefs.

It was the spirit mediums, who in 1896 urged the people to take up arms against the coloniser.

They justified the struggle, proclaiming that the natural disasters that struck the land during that period were a result of the wrath of the ancestors who could not countenance the establishment of colonialism.

From this period, the settlers realised the influence and power of African Traditional Religion (ATR) in the political affairs of the land.

The colonisers, from the historical experiences in their own country, also knew about the utility of religion in the life of a people.

A civilisation cannot evolve without a culture and a religion to shape morals and aspirations.

Ancient Egypt introduced spectacular features of science and mathematics during the building of the pyramids, where they buried their kings.

The pyramids were a customary way of burial for Egyptian kings, which was part of their religion and culture.

Without a grasp of our religion and culture, we cannot progress. All such attempts will be anchored in vanity and infidelity can only lead to Sodom and Gomorrah.

The fact that we named our country after the religio-cultural scientific achievements of our ancestors is very important.

Though it was a political capital, Great Zimbabwe had immense religious significance.

The discovery of the enchanted carvings of the bateleur eagle at Great Zimbabwe Monument speaks to this.

The bateleur eagle (chapungu), sometimes called the Bird of God, was sacred from ancient times.

Now officially called the Zimbabwe Bird, the bateleur eagle was a significant feature of the liberation struggle.

Flying above the guerrillas, to warn or to the lead them, the eagle was important to our fighters.

There were times when it physically engaged the enemy on the battlefield.

Sekuru Mutsindikwa WaMasango, a spirit medium and war collaborator, reminisced that in one ferocious battle, he witnessed two bateleur eagles attacking the screen of a Rhodesian helicopter gunship, which, bewildered the pilot and helped our guerrillas.

Who then doubts that this is our God-given land?

Betraying our religion and its mediums is akin to betraying this “House of God”.

Why shouldn’t we accord our religion and its mediums due respect?

“You have forgotten where you came from. Respect the spirits of this land so that you embrace unity and peace,” the medium of the Spirit of Mkwati said in 2013.

“Spirit mediums are crying foul. They want the same respect accorded traditional leaders,” said Cde Evelyn Makwambeni, co-ordinator of the Zimbabwe Fallen Heroes Trust.

As the High Priest of God, I was in charge of installing the chiefs of this land. Zame (Mabweadziva) was the principal overseer of morality and integrity.

“And the white man came to defile everything of our culture that once stood for purity. But I warn you, the spirits of this land are yet to rise once again.

“History is going to repeat itself,” said the medium to this writer.

However, it should be understood that the spiritual scope of our freedom goes beyond Mkwati, Nehanda and Kaguvi.

The origins are as old as the beginning of people.

They are as deep as the tap root of our history. To uproot this is impossible and ignoring it is suicidal.

After the First Chimurenga, apart from ransacking the symbols of our being, the colonial administration put in place the Witchcraft Suppression Act in 1899 in an attempt to put the lid on traditional religious activities.

They even buried Cecil John Rhodes, a homosexual, in the heart of our nation, at Malindidzimu.

They sought to conquer our religion by defiling it with their ingrained unchastity. Rhodes’ burial at Malindidzimu at Mabweadziva was adding insult to injury.

Mabweadziva is the spiritual home of our great ancestor Murenga, whose voice resonates in the caves of Malindidzimu and from whose name the Chimurenga legacy is coined.

Religion and culture are the our lifeblood.

Our indigenous religion always promoted integrity, humility and unity; pillars without which a nation cannot stand.
Taking War Vets Issues to Heart in Zimbabwe
 OPINION & ANALYSIS CONTRIBUTOR
Zimbabwe Sunday Mail
JULY 30, 2017
Rtd Brig-Gen Asher Walter Tapfumaneyi

In March 2017, the Ministry of Welfare Services for War Veterans, War Collaborators, Ex-Political Detainees and Restrictees asked all categories of war veterans to air their grievances.

It was a 15-day exercise that saw veterans countrywide respond to questionnaires through the ministry’s provincial offices.

The initiative stemmed from the meeting between President Mugabe and the veterans on April 7, 2016.

One of the contentious issues to pop up was the displacement of war veterans from properties allocated to them under the Land Reform Programme.

Some Government and party officials and others with authority have tested their powers on war veterans, their guinea pigs.

Numerous land displacements have occurred, and the President addressed that issue at length, saying nobody should be removed from their allocated land unprocedurally.

He asked the ministry to compile a list of aggrieved war veterans and those requiring land but are yet to get it.

President Mugabe said, “Give me the list so that I task the Minister of Lands and Rural Resettlement to act accordingly.”

The land issue should be concluded before the next meeting with the President (around August/September).

The ministry has contracted some university students to help compile the record, which will assist the President’s decision-making.

The complaints are so many that the documentation involved is a nightmare! There is floor-to-ceiling paperwork, and the ministry is understaffed.

20 percent rule

Over 2 627 land applications have been received from war veterans, war collaborators, ex-detainees and widows of veterans.

On the other hand, 106 war veterans, 26 war collaborators and six widows have been arbitrarily displaced from their pieces of land.

Before taking names to the President, the matter has to be discussed with the Lands and Rural Resettlement Ministry.

Only points of disagreement will then be taken to the President.

So, basically, the comrades’ grievances are known and the War Veterans Ministry is doing something about it.

Corruption is also common in cases where war veterans are disadvantaged because some people are bribing lands officials to get properties.

It is an emotive issue.

From a moral standpoint, anyone who takes land from a war veteran is evil. I think the devil lives next door to such a person.

People should understand that there is a policy which stipulates that 20 percent of every piece of land acquired by Government for redistribution is reserved for war veterans.

That policy has been in place since 2006. It is an operating policy that has been thrashed out over time.

However, the good intentions of that policy have been more or less cast out of the window.

Government is now realigning the War Veterans Act and the Ex-detainees Act with the Constitution and ensuring the 20 percent land quota becomes enforceable.

Meeting the President

The War Veterans Ministry will soon convene its first preparatory engagement for the said meeting with President Mugabe.

zanu-pf Politburo members — Cdes Ignatius Chombo (Administration), Kembo Mohadi (Security) and Sydney Sekeramayi (War Veterans), and officials from the Office of the President will attend the preparatory meeting.

An ad-hoc committee has been appointed to review last year’s resolutions and gauge their implementation by Government and party.

The committee is chaired by Major-General (Retired) Richard Ruwodo, the Principal Director in the War Veterans Ministry and incorporates officials from other relevant ministries, the security sector, OPC and zanu-pf.

This committee has 10 days to carry out preparatory work and design the plan for the meeting with the President.

The meeting’s structure will be considered and thematic committees reviewed.

We are concerned that most resolutions from last year’s meeting have not been implemented; so that will be the starting point in our planning.

The ministry has an open-door policy and an arm’s length relationship with all war veterans associations.

It represents every veteran, with the overarching mandate to organise and unify war veterans.

The ministry only takes issue when associations are divided.

It is important to note that the Zimbabwe National Liberation War Veterans Association’s membership accounts for only 23 percent of all veterans combined.

In that regard, the ministry does not deal with associations, but directly with war veterans.

Brigadier-General (Retired) Asher Walter Tapfumaneyi is the Secretary for Welfare Services for War Veterans, War Collaborators, Ex-Political Detainees and Restrictees. He shared these views with The Sunday Mail’s Chief Reporter Kuda Bwititi in Harare last week.
They Didn’t Call Me Cde KG for Nothing
SUNDAY MAIL REPORTER
JULY 23, 2017

COMRADE John Munodawafa Gwitira whose Chimurenga name was Cde Kenneth Gwindingwi (KG in short) was born at Nyanyadzi Clinic on 17 October 1949. He went Nyanyadzi Primary School up to Standard 4 proceeding to Mutambara Mission for Standard 5 and 6. He then went to Mt Selinda to do Form 1 and 2. While in form 2 in 1964, his father was arrested and put under restriction at Hwahwa Prison where the young John got his first political orientation during visits to see his father.

After causing political havoc at Chikore Secondary School and at Chibhero Agricultural Training College, Cde Gwindingwi was expelled and he decided to join the liberation struggle in 1970. During training at Mgagao in Tanzania, he was promoted to become a detachment commander. He also became a member of General Staff. On deployment, he became the first provincial commander for Chaminuka Sector while Cde Rex Nhongo was commander for Nehanda Sector.

Without mincing his words, Cde Gwindingwi tells our team comprising Munyaradzi Huni and Tendai Manzvanzvike that “hondo tairova kwete mbichana.” He earned himself the nickname “Cde KG” and so this is Commander KG speaking. Read on …

SM: Tell us briefly about your background before you joined the liberation struggle?

Cde Gwindingwi: During the early 1960s, my father was already involved in politics under Zanu and by this time, I was a Zanu youth. I remember there was conflict between Zanu and Zapu during these days. At Mt Selinda, it was predominantly Zanu because this is where Ndabaningi Sithole used to stay. We were with people like Arthur Maramba, who later commandeered the famous Chinhoyi 7 Group. Arthur was however older than me and he was into carpentry. So we used to go to Hwahwa to see our father, the whole family. We would also meet other families from Nyanyadzi whose parents were also at Hwahwa. I remember the Mutezo family, Gwinya family, Nkomo family, Mugidho family, Dhliwayo family and others. So there were many families that came from Nyanyadzi to Hwahwa.

SM: Why were so many people from Nyanyadzi in prison?

Cde Gwindingwi: What caused the arrest of so many people was the attack of Upholster in Chimanimani by the Ndangana Group. That group was carried to Chimanimani nababamunini vangu, Solomon Gwitira. They actually used my father’s vehicle to go and drop these comrades.

SM: Who are some of the comrades who were in this group?

Cde Gwindingwi: I don’t think I can remember all of them but I know there was Ndangana, Dhlamini, Mlambo, Master and Sipho. Sipho is still alive. This group was later called the Crocodile Gang. If you want to know more about how this group operated, one of the comrades from that group, Sipho is still alive. I think he is in Chinhoyi. If you ask Cde Marashwa in Chinhoyi, they will direct you to him. Sipho was physically there. Although I was young, I knew about this group because my father was actively involved in politics. He was chairman of Zanu in Manicaland at that time. That is why he was arrested and put under restriction. So we grew up in that politically charged environment.

After the attack by the Crocodile Gang, mabhunu akawuya kuNyanyadzi and they caused serious havoc. They arrested Mutezo, babamunini Solomon and others. These comrades were saved by Cde Herbert Chitepo who was a barrister by that time. He would go around defending black politicians whenever they were arrested. Mabhunu akaita kunge vari kutora mhuka. From Nyanyadzi to Changadzi river, vakanga vari vanhu vakokorodzwa nemabhunu. They thought they could arrest some members of the Crocodile Gang. Dhlamini and Mlambo had crossed into Mozambique. They were arrested when they came back into Rhodesia thinking that the Smith regime could not identify them. They are the ones who were later executed. Ndangana sneaked and escaped to Malawi. At that time there was Kamuzu Banda as President in Malawi and he used to support Zanu a lot. That’s how Ndangana escaped to Malawi. He later went to Zambia where he was taken together with other comrades that include Cde Joseph Khumalo and went for military training in Ghana. They became the first group to receive military training under Zanu.

SM: So when did you finally decide to join the liberation struggle yourself?

Cde Gwindingwi: I went to Chikore Secondary School. It’s a sister school to Mt Selinda which only had Form one and two. So I went to Chikore to do my Form three and four. I was put in class 3A because ndairova chikoro kwete mbichana. At Chikore, Zapu was dominating but we went on a campaign to recruit people to Zanu. During this time, there were sharp differences between Zapu and Zanu but we managed to convince many people to join Zanu. Zanu was more dynamic. It was more revolutionary. Ndabaningi Sithole was really firebrand at that time.

SM: But we are told that during this time, Zanu was being accused of being too elitist?

Cde Gwindingwi: Yeah, that’s true there were those accusations but those were just perceptions. Zanu was more militant and this excited many people.

SM: You were at school yet it seems you were focusing too much on politics?

Cde Gwindingwi: Life was not that simple. You see mabhunu anga aine cruelty yakashata stereki. You know on our way to Chikore coming from home, we would pass through one farm owned by some white farmer called Rice. He could stop our bus anytime and harass us, taking our belongings. There was a rule that no one was allowed to cross his farm on foot. If you did, waichiona naRice. Aiva nemazibhiza nemazimbwa akakura. Waitobatwa chete. Wairohwa kwete zvekutambiswaba. There was a lot of cruelty all over.

From that time, there were many people from Nyanyadzi who were thrown into mass graves that were identified a few years ago. Nyanyadzi Police camp was a centre of cruelty. Paiva nemajoni aipenga kwete mbichana. I remember paiva nemurungu ainzi Juden. Ummm, that man was cruel. I can’t even describe his cruelty. He was terribly cruel. At one time he came to our homestead. My father was fixing our ceiling. He shouted; “Samson, come down!” My father asked him; “What do you want?” My father had gone to school so he could speak English. Juden then said; “I don’t care about you. Why are you talking my language? I said come down!” My father came down the ladder. As he got to the ground, he was clapped. “What the hell do you think you are doing?” my father asked in anger. Inini naJoshua takanga tatotora matombo kuda kumutema.

There was no reason for him to beat my father, but he thought he could get away with it. He discovered that we were serious about attacking him and he left. We had received political orientation since the days when our father was at Hwahwa. You know when my father was at Hwahwa, that’s when I got to know President Mugabe. My father was a restrictee at Hwahwa while President Mugabe was a detainee. Those under restriction were a bit free than those who were under detention. Up to now when President Mugabe sees me he says “John is that you?” The next time I met him was in Maputo. He was surprised to see me in Maputo.

So back to Chikore. While at Chikore, I was then expelled from school in 1966 when I was in Form Four.

SM: Why were you expelled from school?

Cde Gwindingwi: Musikanzwa chaiyo yekutukana nemateacher. I could see that some of the teachers, white teachers, were sellouts. There was one missionary called Markham, uumm, that man was terrible. Akanga akandimarker because of politics. Kungondiona, “wakadhakwa iwe.” I would say “no handina kudhakwa.” He would say, “mira negumbo rimwe tione.” He would then rush to the principal to report me. That’s how I was expelled. I started corresponding O-Level from home. January 1967 that’s when I wrote my O level examinations and passed. I then applied to go to Chibhero Agricultural College because I wanted to be a land development officer which was the highest position for a black person at that time.

So I went to Chibhero for the interview in 1968 and passed. I went with a number of comrades including Benjamin Madondo, he is in Mutare now. There was also Flavian Charumbira and others. While at Chibheero I continued my involvement in politics. Taigara takamutsana nemabhunu because apa pakanga pane mabhunu akawanda. My rage and hatred of these mabhunu continued growing because they continued their cruelty.

During my second year around 1969 to 1970, I was expelled again from Chibhero. I remember Robbie Mupawose was the first black lecturer at Chibhero. When I was expelled he cried but I told him not to worry because I had made my mind to join the liberation struggle. I told Robbie that I was going to join the liberation struggle. I said enough was enough. And mabhunu akanga ava kuziva kuti this one hot head. I was expelled together with Joel Ngorima and Thembinkosi Khumalo who was Zapu. I told these comrades that I was going to join the liberation struggle.

I first went back to Nyanyadzi. Very few people knew that I had been expelled from Chibhero. So a day before the opening of the next term, I think it was the last day of September 1970, I left. I just took my small bag with a few belongings and left. I crossed Nyanyadzi river and waited for a truck that took me to Mutare. I got into a train to Salisbury. I then went to Cold Comfort where I was given lots of newspapers because I was told that comrades outside the country vaida kuverenga news from home so that they could understand what the Smith regime was up to. The following day, I got into a train to Bulawayo. From Bulawayo I went to Tekwani to see my brother Joshua. Ndiko kwaaidzidza. I had written a letter asking him to survey the route I could use from Tekwani to Francistown in Botswana. They had done that and I crossed into Botswana. I got to Francistown and saw Thomas Deka. I had been given all the directions and contacts while in Salisbury. I gave Deka the newspapers I had got at Cold Comfort. This is where I was given the name Kenneth Gwindingwi. That day the name John Gwitira died. All my school certificated varnished ipapo. I had to reclaim my certificates after independence. So from this time ndakabva ndatoita gandanga straight.

SM: So after becoming this gandanga what happened next?

Cde Gwindingwi: Deka then told me that Cde Phibian Shonhiwa was coming to take me the next day. When Shonhiwa came, I immediately remembered him from the days we would go to Hwahwa. He then said to me “eeh, eeh, iwe mupfana zvekuda kuziva vanhu siyana nazvo.” Of course we later spoke and I told him that I wanted to go for military training. The system in Botswana at that time was that the safest place to be kept was in prison. By this time, Botswana didn’t have an army or police and so mabhunu from Rhodesia would cross into Botswana patrolling willy-nilly. So it was very dangerous moving around in Francistown. Many of our comrades were actually kidnapped in Francistown, driven towards the Rhodesian border and killed.

So Shonhiwa took me to one of the prisons in Francistown. While in this prison, I discovered that the majority of the people there were from Zapu and Frelimo. After about a week, Shonhiwa came and took me. He told me that he had bought me a ticket to fly to Lusaka. So I flew to Lusaka and formally joined the liberation struggle.

SM: Who are some of the comrades you met in Lusaka?

Cde Gwindingwi: I met Cde Chihota and Cde Mutambanengwi. They were waiting for me at the airport. They took me to Chitepo’s house. On arrival I was interrogated why I wanted to join the struggle and so on. Later I was transferred to Tongogara’s house. After three months, we were taken to Tanzania where we got our military training. This was in 1970. We were first taken to Intumbi. I remember I was with some comrades including Abel Sibanda, Themba and many others. Cde Tongo later came. Cde Chigohwe was in charge of security and when he heard that I was coming from Chibheero College, he said regai ndimbonyatso vheta mupfana uyu. He could not understand how one could leave Chibhero College to join the liberation struggle. He was always saying “kuhondo ndekwevanhu vasina kufunda.” I almost got messed up here but my visits to Hwahwa saved me because I knew quite a number of comrades from that time. I told Chigohwe my history and later he understood. I remember I also met Cde Godfrey Savanhu. During this time, there were very few recruits.

I was shocked when I arrived at Intumbi. You see I was expecting to see properly dressed soldiers takasviko pihwa makhakhi. I said what is this? Cde Tongo had already returned to Lusaka. I couldn’t understand what was going on. Intumbi was a former German mine which had been abandoned in 1947. So the buildings where dilapidated. I was given two uniforms and the first training was to make us run seven kilometres to and from. During the first days, ndakamborwadziwa. Ndakasvuuka kwete mbichana. Some of our instructors were Chinese.

SM: What was the main role of these Chinese instructors?

Cde Gwindingwi: They taught us political orientation. They believed that you should not hold the gun before you know what you are going to use it for. So they would pump into our heads all the teachings by Mao. This was a complete transformation. We were asked to talk about our grievances and later we were taught how to overcome these grievances. We were told that the only way was to fight the war and that we were our own liberators. We were taught how the Chinese fought their war.

SM: What are some of the lessons you learnt that you still remember?

Cde Gwindingwi: We were taught that this was a people’s war. This was a war for the people and not for us. Maybe that’s when after independence genuine war veterans never thought of grabbing power. We understood that this was a people’s war. We were fighting for the people. There was a very popular quote which said; “People and the people alone are the makers of history.” So after independence we were not surprised at all. We said, “ndivo vanhu vacho ava, ngavachivhota.” That’s why in 1980, many war veterans went and campaigned for other people, because people are the makers of history. It’s unfortunate that some in the political leadership, were hypocrites, they then told povho that vanhu ava vakatopedza basa ravo rekurwira nyika. They said they can’t rule because havana kufunda. During the 1980s, it was a big struggle for many war veterans to get into government and party structures because the people had been told that we could not rule because takanga tisina kufunda. It was as if takanga tine kasmell kataiva nako. But this was the aftermath of the war. Let’s go back to the war.

SM: Yes, indeed let’s go back to your journey. You will have the opportunity to speak about the aftermath later.

Cde Gwindingwi: So after political orientation, that’s when we were allowed to carry a gun. We were taught how to dismantle and assemble different types of guns. We were required to know different guns the way we know our fingers. We were taught to dismantle and assemble the guns takatsinzinya.

We were told that during war, your dearest and nearest companion was the gun. So you must respect your gun. Your maximum defence is your gun. You have to know kuti pfuti is next to your God. You should never lose your gun. Never, never, ever. The more you know your gun, the more chances you have to win the war. Later we were taught how to shoot to kill. From Intumbi we later went to Mgagao. While at Mgagao at a later stage that’s when we were trained to be instructors. Very few of us. We were trained to be commanders of the war. I was very lucky to be a commander from the word go. Vana comrade Bethune I was their commander. Cde Joseph Khumalo had gone to war earlier but when I went to the front, I became his commander. The training at Mgagao was to perfect us. To know how to shot to kill moving objects. How to cross flooded rivers and many obstacles. We were about 28 during this training. Others joined us at Mgagao and when I left I left alone. I was now a member of the General Staff and I was already a detachment commander. We arrived at Mgagao in 1971 and I left the camp around the end of that year.

SM: Who are some of the comrades you trained with?

Cde Gwindingwi: I can’t remember all the comrades, but I remember there was Cde Dzino, Kenny Ridzai who I later operated with at the war front for a long time and others. After training, ndakunzwa kuti ndaibva, I was ready for war. I was ready for bush life. That’s why when we were deployed in Mt Darwin during the early days, many people thought taiva nemushonga wekunyangarika. Taiva tisina mushonga but we were just following war tactics we had been taught. The hit and run concept. Whereas the Smith forces were used to regular warfare of marching towards the enemy. During those early days taifamba tiri about three, or four or five only. Like I told you, Kenny Ridzai was my assistant for about two and half year kufront.

SM: You said from Mgagao you were already a member of General Staff. How were you promoted?

Cde Gwindingwi: My performance during training. I was enjoying my training and even ndaenda kuhondo kwacho, tairova hondo kwete mbichana. You see mabhunu were ready for us and so we had to be very ready for them. The good thing with Rhodesian soldiers were that they would sort of announce that they were coming. They did this to instil fear, but because this was a people’s war povho would have told us already that mabhunu are gathering kwakati. We could not do without povho, especially vana mujibha nanachimbwido. That’s why today if I met some who were vana mujibha vangu, it hurts me kuti hapana kana zvavakazomboitirwawo. Those comrades worked. I would actually say they worked more than me and you know why? They didn’t have a gun to repulse. I had a gun and had receive military training so I could easily repulse the enemy by firing but vanamujiba didn’t have all this. So I can say they were more brave than me if you look at it closely. Inini I could not be captured by anyone. The best they could do was to shoot me, but never capture me. I could protect myself but not vanamujibha.

The other tactic was when someone fires at you, by the time you get on the ground to take cover you must have fired back kwazvabva. The idea was to put fear into whoever would have fired the gun. Put fear into your enemy and he will run. When he is running, he becomes easy target. I could use all guns from the AK 47 up to a bazooka. Look, I am not bragging but hondo ndairova that’s why povho and fellow comrades ended up calling me KG. That was my brand name.

When I left Mgagao, there were some comrades who were at Dhodhoma which was a transit camp. There were Cdes Joseph Khumalo, Jimmy Mangwende, Vhuu and others. Some of the comrades I found here and came from Zapu because there were some problems there. Some of the comrades who were originally in Zapu include Cde David Tondlana, Rex Nhongo, Thomas Nhari, Dhunanga and John Walker. When these comrades came to Zanu, many politicians didn’t trust them but when we went to the war front, we discovered that indeed these comrades were now part of us. When we were deployed to the war front, I was part of the famous Group of 45. Cde Bethune and Cde Khumalo were part of this group together with Cde Jimmy Mangwende and others. Before we crossed into Rhodesia, the Portuguesse in Mozambique, Smith forces and whites in South Africa formed a tripartite army to stop us from crossing into Rhodesia. The idea was to restrict us in Mozambique which was the route we used to cross into Rhodesia from Zambia. Ummm, hondo yakabaka. Pfuti kutsvuka nekurira.

Our biggest challenge was crossing Zambezi River. My first time to cross Zambezi was around April-May 1972. The river was full. Mozambicans living along Zambezi would assist us to cross tiri muzvimwadiya and up to this day I salute those villagers. They played a very important part of the struggle. Zambezi was scary. Even ini chaiye I was afraid of Zambezi. You know when I crossed Zambezi into Rhodesia, ndakarambira kufront because ndaitya to cross Zambezi going back to the rear. I was now a commander so ndaingotuma vanhu kuti endai munotora zvombo. I preferred facing mabhunu than crossing Zambezi River. I could fight mabhunu but mumvura you are almost defenceless. The Mozambican villagers would not allow you to shoot at the hippos even if they were advancing towards you. It was a taboo to shoot at the hippos. So I stayed at the war front.

After crossing Zambezi, we had to walk to Mukumbura for about three days. There was no water all this way. I tell you macomrades akawanda akaperera ipapa. That area is very hot, kuita kubaka chaiko. Many died of malaria because taigara nemamosquito acho makuru.

SM: When you crossed Zambezi River going to Mukumbura, what was your rank?

Cde Gwindingwi: I was now a deputy provincial commissar for MMZ (Malawi, Mozambique, Zimbabwe) province. My commander was Cde Rauya who later died near Mukumbura River. He died before we even started the war in earnest. I then became the provincial political commissar. There were many comrades operating under me. At some point, we took a decision together with Rex Nhongo to divide the comrades so that each commander would have fewer people under him. Our first task was to recruit many people so that they could join the struggle because takanga tiri vashoma too much during these early days.

When we divided these comrades, we deployed some comrades kuNehanda Sector led by Rex Nhongo while others vakaenda kuChaminuka and I was commanding them. On the way, we were recruiting some people who were not trained who joined us. We trained them along the way. Mt Darwin must be respected in terms of supporting this country’s liberation struggle.

SM: How did you train these comrades at the war front?

Cde Gwindingwi: Umm, kwaiva netuvanhu twakangwarisa kuDarwin. Vakomana vekuDarwin, uumm, vanga vakaipa. I always say dai hondo yakatangire kuno Harare, dai takanzwa nevatengesi but Darwin, they really supported the war. I remember Cde Chinodakufa, ndakatozoita wekuti chibvai pano muende kutraining. He was our guide takanga tamupihwa nemhondoro. Mhondoro gave us all the courage and guidance to fight the war. Hapana kana musi one watakavhura Bible. Takapona ngekubeliever nekuseenza nemhondoro totally.

SM: When you went to Chaminuka sector, before you started the war, did you conduct any ritual?

Cde Gwindingwi: First was reconnaissance. Taipinda mupovho and address them. Mhondoro would give us the people to lead us. In every society there are people who were given the spiritual gift. So mhondoro would give us these people and these people ndivo vaiwombera kuvadzimu. Ipapo zveucommander tsvee pasi. All I would say was, “Cde Chinodakufa tava kuda kusimuka chiitai tinzwe.” We would gather, votora shisha ravo voisa fodya vowombera vachiti “tava kusimuka, kuenda kwamambo nhingi, chititungamirirei munzira.” Towombera tese rwendo rotanga. We had to have these spiritual guides. After this, I would take over as commander. “Handei vakomana, handei.” Up to this ndinongoterera hangu vanhu vachiti ngatinamate, ndinongoti ahh, ngatiitei but takararamiswa nemudzimu nguva yehondo.

SM: When you were commander of Chaminuka sector, who was your deputy?

Cde Gwindingwi: It was the late Josiah Tungamirai. Tusu takavhura Chaminuka sector. This was a very difficult task because there were many farms around this sector. Too many open spaces. Sometimes we would spend the whole day takarara pasi under cover. The Rhodesia forces would drive by close to where we were hiding. We could actually see them from our positions.

SM: Tell us exactly, how you started the war in Chaminuka Sector?

Cde Gwindingwi: The Rhodesian forces got wind that there were strangers roaming around the area. I told you these were farming areas and some people saw us. We would hold pungwes but during these days pakanga pasinganyanyo imbwa. It was more about political orientation. We would go to the Chiefs and announce our presence.

Next week, Cde Gwindingwi will continue his story narrating how they caused the Rhodesian forces sleepless nights. It sounds like a movie but this is real. Make sure you have your copy of The Sunday Mail next week.