Wednesday, April 28, 2010

Unpaid U.S.-backed Somali Soldiers Desert to Resistance Forces

Unpaid Somali soldiers desert to insurgency

By KATHARINE HOURELD (AP)

MOGADISHU, Somalia — Hundreds of Somali soldiers trained with millions of U.S. tax dollars have deserted because they are not being paid their $100 monthly wage, and some have even joined the al-Qaida-linked militants they are supposed to be fighting, The Associated Press has learned.

The desertions raise fears that a new U.S.-backed effort beginning next month to build up Somalia's army may only increase the ranks of the insurgency.

Somalia's besieged U.N.-backed government holds only a few blocks of the Somali capital, Mogadishu, while Islamic insurgents control the rest of the city and most of the country. That turmoil — and the lawless East African nation's proximity to Yemen, where al-Qaida in the Arabian Peninsula is based — has fed fears that Somalia could be used to launch attacks on the West.

In an effort to rebuild the tattered Somali military, the United States spent $6.8 million supporting training programs for nearly 1,000 soldiers in neighboring Djibouti last year and about 1,100 soldiers in Uganda last year and earlier this year, the State Department and Western diplomats told the AP. The troops were supposed to earn $100 a month, but about half of those trained in Djibouti deserted because they were not paid, Somali army Col. Ahmed Aden Dhayow said.

"Some gave up the army and returned to their ordinary life and others joined the rebels," he said.

Somalia's state minister for defense, Yusuf Mohamed Siyad, confirmed some trainees had joined the al-Shabab militants, but he declined to specify the number of deserters.

The development highlights a key problem facing efforts to rebuild the bankrupt nation's army — guaranteeing funding for soldiers' salaries, not just their training.

Failure to resolve the pay issue could threaten the success of a U.S. and European Union training program beginning in Uganda next month that has been touted as the biggest effort to rebuild the army in 20 years.

Funding for the Somali army is a complex affair involving contributions from donor nations, the U.N. and the Somali government. Individual countries sometimes pledge to cover salaries for a limited number of soldiers for a few months, and when the money runs out, salaries don't get paid.

The U.S. has provided $2 million to pay Somali soldiers and purchase supplies and equipment in Mogadishu since 2007, according to the State Department. Another $12 million went toward transport, uniforms and equipment.

During a recent AP visit, dejected-looking soldiers sat under dust-covered thorn trees at the government's main military base, Camp Jazira, which lacks toilets, a clinic or even a perimeter fence. They had not been paid, some for months, they said, adding that their wages were intercepted by senior officials.

When pressed for details, mid-level officers glanced at colleagues clutching plastic bags of spaghetti, the day's lunch ration, before saying they could not discuss the problem.

"There is not enough money to pay everyone," Col. Ali Hassan said as a group of officers listened, then added hastily: "But we are happy there is some money."

Earlier this year, trainee soldiers had their guns confiscated and replaced with sticks after a riot broke out between those who had been paid and those who had not. The African Union, which has peacekeepers at Camp Jazira, temporarily suspended payments over fears that men who had been paid would be killed by those who had not, an official involved with the training said.

Soldiers also had problems with some battalion-level commanders stealing their rations, a European official said. The U.S. has sent a shipment of food this month to try to help the malnourished soldiers regain their strength, he added.

Both officials spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to speak to the media.

Siyad, the defense minister, said the U.S. was currently funding the salaries of around 1,800 Somali soldiers, and another 3,300 soldiers were being paid by other donors. However, that is only about half the 10,000 troops allowed under the peace agreement that formed the coalition government.

Other countries have contributed to training programs for security forces, notably France and Germany. A German-funded training course for 900 Somali police recently ended in Ethiopia, a Western official in Nairobi said, but there are fears the trainees will desert because no provision has been made for their salaries.

Some international payments are channeled through a fund administered by PricewaterhouseCoopers, an arrangement designed to prevent the mass theft of salaries and combat a desertion rate of up to 90 percent that scuttled a previous U.N. effort to reform the police force.

However, diplomats complain the lists of soldiers the government has provided differ from those they have been authorized to pay. Officers including Gen. Ahamad Buraale, who is in charge of Camp Jazira, also say PricewaterhouseCoopers has been slow to issue the identity cards that allow soldiers to be paid.

The firm declined to comment, citing a confidentiality agreement with its clients.

"We only have anecdotal information but those reports indicate that the desertion rate has been very low among those trained in Djibouti. For those trained in Uganda, the problem has not been desertion but reassignment from that trained unit to other duties such as personal protection for government senior leaders," said a State Department spokesman in an e-mail.

Siyad said it is vital that the 2,000 Somali soldiers slated to undergo six months of training in Uganda be paid. The European Union will take the lead in training, while the U.S. has pledged to pay the salaries of graduates until January, said Patrick Geyson, a political adviser to the EU program.

"Both the police and soldiers need to feed their families," Geyson said. "They need to be paid every month. Otherwise they have to find other solutions."

Guaranteeing longer-term wages for the soldiers may be difficult. Many donors are reluctant to contribute money to an army once notorious for crimes such as rape, kidnapping and murder.

The new army commander is seen by international officials as a vast improvement over the previous one, a warlord who used the army as a clan militia to extort money from civilians. But donors remain wary.

In the meantime, the Somali government is forced to rely on donor nations that are often slow to pay, undercutting soldiers' confidence in regular paychecks, and feeding desertions and corruption. There are few signs Somalia's government will ever be able to deliver social services, shape military strategy and pay its army on its own.

Siyad said the success of the multimillion-dollar training programs funded by American and European taxpayers is completely dependent on being able to pay the graduates.

"If this is not done, then we shouldn't even start. Otherwise the soldiers will just join the opposition," he said.

Associated Press Writer Mohamed Olad Hassan contributed to this report.

Revolution, History and Collective Identity

Revolution, history and collective identity

From Reason Wafawarova in SYDNEY, Australia
Zimbabwe Herald

ZIMBABWE just celebrated 30 years of independence on April 18 and to Western media this seemed to be about who has led Zimbabwe for the past 30 years more than it was about a 30-year journey away from the brutal yoke of colonialism.

It is understandable when the British and their Western allies focus on celebrating and highlighting the problems and challenges faced in Zimbabwe over the past 10 years; but it is clearly worrisome when exaggerations and propaganda are employed to take away the entire meaning of our liberation.

It is more disturbing when our own people are bought into this diabolical crusade that demeans the history of our liberation and independence as a history whose context is entirely occupied by failure, corruption, violence, poverty and suffering.

When God assigned Adam to name all creation the philosophy and psychology behind that exercise was dominion or domination. Those who allocate themselves the power to name things allocate themselves dominion over whatever they name.

In 1994, Cde Nelson Mandela was this smiling and reconciliatory gentleman who smiled away the renaming of South Africa to Azania and could not even see the hurry in renaming Pretoria, Johannesburg, Cape Town or Durban.

Those who applauded his sense of progression as legendary statesmanship organised for him accolades and awards that have given birth to the almost unAfrican Mandela Foundation — a corporate symbol of tolerating and preserving the privileges of the colonial legacy in the name multiculturalism and reconciliation.

This is essentially how that great revolutionary and son of Africa jailed in November 1962 was stolen from us and then paraded before us in the image of the smiling man of peace we welcomed on February 11, 1990. The African revolutionary was renamed the Western-oriented statesman right before our own eyes and the conversion has become legendary.

Alexander Kanengoni already did a thorough piece on the Mandela legacy in The Herald last week and this writer will rest this matter for now.

Some Zimbabweans want to think that they have got university degrees and other excellent qualifications because they are smart, because they passed in high school, or because their parents afforded for them a good education in private schools.

We had people capable of passing in high school from the day the first formal school was set up in Zimbabwe and we have had parents capable of affording to look after their children in the best possible way since time immemorial.

However, these people were trampled upon by the oppressive settler system and they could not even be allowed into high schools or be given the opportunity to look after their own families in the best possible way.

In this regard, it is not personal achievement that one passed in high school after independence; that one graduated with this or that amazing degree or diploma, or that one was promoted into this formerly whites-only job and had a paradise of a life with family and friends.

This is because people who did not pass through any high school put their bodies and their lives on the line to see that we got where we are today as Zimbabweans. It is people who could not and cannot be promoted into any high ranking corporate positions who put their lives on the line so that others could be promoted.

If Zimbabwe was to be recolonised today it is the same people who will be up in arms to restore the freedoms we sometimes take for granted. We cannot sensibly agree that we do not owe these people anything.

This writer was in Canberra on April 20 for belated celebrations of Zimbabwe’s 30 years of independence. Driving for 300 kilometres from Sydney was so easy because of the value I place on the liberation legacy and the whole meaning of independence to my country.

The event was organised by the Zimbabwean Embassy headed by Ambassador Jacqueline Zwambila and it lasted no more than an hour. There was the singing of selected choruses from the national anthem, otherwise done excellently by a talented young Zimbabwean girl who gave it her best in Shona, English and Ndebele.

The little girl was the only feature of anything related to the liberation legacy and to how independence came to our country, albeit made to skip the relevant verses to that part of our history. This writer thought whoever had organised this was scandalous but worse was to come.

Oh yes; the ambassador was clad in a Mbuya Nehanda dress and this writer thought that was really relevant and important for the occasion, and I was a little disappointed she did not mention the legendary heroine anywhere in her speech.

Up came the ambassador with her prepared speech and we all waited as she stood side by side with Australia’s Chief of Protocol.

She gave a detailed narration of the negotiations that led up to the signing of the GPA in September 2008, how Mr Morgan Tsvangirai was later sworn in as Prime Minister, which ministries were awarded to the MDC-T, how Minister Biti did the STERP conference in Victoria Falls, improved economic performance, drafting of a new constitution, the Commissions so far sworn in Zimbabwe, the politics behind the Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment Act, the sanctions issue and Mr Tsvangirai’s pending trip to Europe.

There was nothing about when Zimbabwe got independent, nothing about how that happened, nothing about who played what role in that period, nothing about thanking the liberation war veterans, nothing about what independence means to the present generation, nothing about the countries that helped us attain independence and nothing about heroes and heroines departed through sacrifice for our own cause; absolutely nothing.

Rather, Ms Zwambila chose to single out Botswana "for its support to the people of Zimbabwe", and there was no mention of Tanzania, Zambia or Mozambique; the countries that took the flak for hosting and training our freedom fighters.

On sanctions, she boldly asked the West to consider lifting
"restrictive measures on certain companies like the Zimbabwe Agricultural Bank, which is administered by the Ministry of Finance."

This is how a representative of Zimbabwe chose to celebrate 30 years of independence for her own country and we still expect others to take us seriously.

At the time of writing this article, April 25; it is Australia’s ANZAC Day, the equivalent of Zimbabwe’s National Heroes Day, and this writer hopes Ms Zwambila will attend the commemorations somewhere there in Canberra.

They hail their military achievements for some of the wars that many justice-seeking people of this world will never bless. They are in a no compromise drive to elaborate the importance of their war veterans and what their contribution means to Australia.

The Australians remember their foundation, regardless of how that foundation is viewed by the critics of Australian history, and surely none of their ambassadors will ever promote a sanctions regime on Australia on ANZAC day, or any other time.

Talking about sovereignty and the liberation legacy is not a game played so well by Zanu-PF politicians and their supporters. It is a matter of identity and identity is very important for any people.

So the West wants to give our legacy a new identity and this is very important for purposes of destroying what we have so far built and of course creating in us a sense of hopelessness and perpetual dependency. This is why we are told we are supposed to be remembering suffering, dictatorship, poverty, violence, hyperinflation and all the negatives we read mainly in the Western media, especially the BBC.

We are told this is the history of Zimbabwe for the last 30 years. We are told all we have achieved is to destroy the "wonderful country" that Ian Smith and his white friends created — the wonderful country that blocked our way to universities, that banned us from walking in some of the streets in our own homeland, that took away our right to vote, that took away 75 percent of our productive farm land, and a system that stopped us from rising into management positions in the corporate world.

This is the wonderful country that exported Zimbabwe’s mineral wealth to Britain so that it could cause traffic jams in London while our people languished in poverty and disease.

The West is well aware that history creates a shared identity in a people. They know it is based on that shared identity that people act collectively. So they plot to take away that history, to degrade that history so that they can degrade that sense of shared identity.

They know history is the basis upon which people behave collectively to reach their goals and this is why re-writing history is so important for the West.

On our part as Zimbabweans, there is this tendency of social amnesia. We forget the debt we owe to past and future generations. We misinterpret our accomplishments as solely our own individual achievements.

We forget history and claim we owe nothing to those who fought for what we have become today. We make a few dollars here and there in this and that organisation and we think we are a self-made people.

So we forget not only those who have departed, but also those coming after us. We have no plan for the future generations to benefit from the achievements of those who sacrificed for our present privileges and we have no strategy to maintain those privileges.

Many of us act like the revolution is temporary and not permanent. Well, the revolution is permanent. We forget our history and forget who we are and then lose our obligation to the past, to those who made our success possible and we do not fulfil our obligations for those to come — some of whom will be our own individual sons and daughters.

When a people suffer from social amnesia then what normally happens is the people begin to identify with abstractions. They begin to say I am a global citizen, I am a human rights defender, even with no idea what human rights are all about, I am a democrat; even in opposition to people based policies like independent nationalism.

This is sterile and abstract identity. What is a global citizen for example? What is a democrat or a human rights defender? Whose democracy? Whose human rights?

People identify with abstractions so as to escape empty lives, to escape feelings of hopelessness, and they are often cut off or detached not only from themselves as persons, but also from their own people.

They use their abstract identity to escape their responsibilities to their own people and to escape the pain and struggle that happens today under the imperially dominated world order.

This explains the inexplicable way of commemorating independence that this writer witnessed in Canberra recently. We identify with abstractions and we end up empty and fighting hard to escape our own responsibilities.

History is about locating oneself in time and space. It is a grid that guides a person to locate him or herself in reference to other points in the world. With the knowledge and appreciation of our own history we can easily locate ourselves in the global time and space without so much of the confusion that we often see today.

The challenge to build Zimbabwe is inescapable for us Zimbabweans and we need to realise that our revolution is not an event or something temporary. It is a permanent challenge linking our present to the past and to the future.

Zimbabwe we are one and together we will overcome. It is homeland or death.

--Reason Wafawarova is a political writer and can be contacted on Wafawarova@yahoo.co.uk or reason@ rwafawarova.com or visit www.rwafawarova.com

Madagascar's Rival Leaders in New Talks Over Political Settlement

Madagascar's rival leaders in new talks

ALEXANDRA LESIEUR
April 29, 2010 - 5:59AM

(AFP) Madagascar's strongman leader, Andry Rajoelina, said on Wednesday he is willing to share his government with rival leaders as fresh talks began aimed at ending the country's political crisis.

Leaders of Madagascar's rival political factions met on Wednesday in a new bid to forge a deal on a unity government to lead the island nation out of the crisis sparked when Rajoelina overthrew former President Marc Ravalomanana in March 2009.

The talks in the South African capital are the latest in a series of meetings between the Ravalomanana and Rajoelina factions and former presidents Didier Ratsiraka and Albert Zafy.

I am ready to form a government with the other political forces, including the former president and even the other presidents, to head toward elections," Rajoelina told AFP.

But the former mayor of Madagascar's capital said he wants to keep his current prime minister until fresh elections can be held.

"Prime Minister Camille Vital is not a politician, he is a military officer and their motto is to serve. So they will serve the population and the Malagasy people until the elections. It is just the government that we are opening," he said.

Rajoelina said legislative elections should be held within several months and a presidential election in November.

Rajoelina seized control of the vast Indian Ocean island in March 2009 after weeks of sometimes violent street protests, ousting Ravalomanana with the military's blessing.

The four political leaders had signed a power-sharing accord that was later spurned by Rajoelina, prompting the African Union to slap travel and economic bans on him and scores of his backers last month.

Former Mozambican President Joaquim Chissano, the head of the international mediation team, met late Tuesday with Rajoelina and Ravalomanana, who is living in exile in South Africa. He also held talks with the other two leaders on Wednesday.

Former colonial power France and the 15-member Southern African Development Community (SADC) are mediating the talks aimed at setting up a unity government that would lead Madagascar toward fresh elections, a source within Ravalomanana's movement said.

In November, 35-year-old Rajoelina inked a power-sharing agreement with Ravalomanana and the other two ex-presidents at the African Union's headquarters in Addis Ababa.

Under the agreement, Rajoelina was to retain the presidency but with two "co-presidents" from the other political movements.

The four rivals also agreed to establish a transitional institution ahead of elections.

But Rajoelina, a former disc jockey, has since spurned the accords, sacked a compromise prime minister and announced the country would hold elections.

Disagreements between the four leaders on the allocation of seats in the agreed unity government also wrecked the implementation of their agreements.

Those disputes are the centrepiece of Wednesday's talks, and pressure for a deal to stick is now building from Madagascar's military.

Security chiefs earlier this month called on the political leaders to settle their differences and chart a way out of the crisis.

That statement came just days after the armed forces minister was sacked and Prime Minister Vital took over the post, citing "rumours surrounding the army, which triggered fears about state governance."

Senior military officers who spoke to AFP on condition of anonymity said the sacked minister had intended to stage a new coup to steer the country out of crisis.

The Malcolm X (El Hajj Malik Shabazz) Story Lives On

Wednesday, April 28, 2010
18:31 Mecca time, 15:31 GMT

The Malcolm X story 'lives on'

By Bilal Randeree

Malcolm X's influence in the world is much greater today than during his lifetime

Thomas Hagan, the only man who admitted his role in the 1965 assassination of Malcolm X, was freed on Tuesday, a day earlier than planned.

The New York State Department of Correctional Services said that his early release was because the paperwork was processed more quickly than anticipated.

Hagan, 69, had been partially free on work release for the last 22 years, although he was still required to spend two nights a week at a low-security Manhattan prison, that was located at the intersection of West 110th Street and Malcolm X Boulevard.

He was a member of the Nation of Islam movement on February 21, 1965, when he shot Malcolm X at the Audubon Ballroom in New York.

"I have deep regrets about my participation in that," Hagan said last month.

"I don't think it should ever have happened."

Hagan, assisted by two accomplices who created a distraction in the audience, shot Malcolm X in front of a crowd of hundreds, including his young children, as the civil rights leader began a speech.

Malcolm Leaves NOI

After serving as a senior member of the Nation, he fell out with the movement's leader, Elijah Muhammad, and began endorsing black consciousness as his political philosophy, thereby separating himself from Muhammad, who had defined the Nation as strictly religious and apolitical.

Malcolm's travels through the Middle East, Africa and Europe, where he explained the black struggle for justice in the US and linked it with liberation struggles throughout the world, caused his thinking to change dramatically.

"You can't understand what is going on in Mississippi if you don't know what is going on in the Congo," he told blacks in Harlem.

"They are both the same. The same interests are at stake."

At the age of 39 when he died, Malcolm who had renounced his earlier views toward whites, when he denounced them as "blue-eyed devils", had transformed himself from a street hustler to a man eulogised by Ossie Davis, an American actor, as "our own black shining prince".

Hagan, known then by the name Talmadge Hayer, was 22 and a radical member of the Nation of Islam when he assassinated Malcolm.

"Malcolm X broke with the Nation of Islam, separated from the Nation of Islam, and in doing so there was controversy as to some of the statements he was making about the leader," Hagan said.

"History has revealed a lot of what Malcolm X was saying was true."

Two other men, Muhammad Abdul Aziz and Kahlil Islam, were also found guilty of murder in 1966 and received 20 years to life.

However, they both proclaimed their innocence and Hagan later admitted his part in the murder and testified that both men were innocent. Aziz was paroled in 1985 and Islam was freed in 1987.

He said it was two other men who helped plot, plan and participate in the killing but that it was not done under orders from the Nation.

"I can't say that anyone in the Nation of Islam gave us the idea or instructed us to do it. We did this ourselves for the most part," Hagan later said.

Global influence

Over 45 years later, Malcolm's influence in the world is much greater today than during his lifetime but many questions about his killing remain.

Malcolm's trips to Africa and the Middle East had made him a much larger threat to the US government than he had been within his role at the Nation.

After meeting with the Organization of African Unity, where he was the only American allowed to be heard, the US government began investigating his activities.

His actions and speeches were of such concern to the government that CIA director Richard Helms instructed his agents to do everything they could to "monitor" the activities of Malcolm X.

Malcolm X was then mysteriously poisoned during a trip to Egypt and barely left the country alive.

On his return to the US, and a short while before his assassination, his home was firebombed. The police never caught the perpetrator but blamed Malcolm for firebombing his own house to make it look as if he was being targeted.

Meanwhile, Malcolm had been targeted for heavy surveillance and one of his own bodyguards was an undercover agent for New York City's organised crime and anti-Communist unit.

Conspiracy

Also, James Ali, the then treasurer of the Nation of Islam, was a high-placed informant for the FBI - a fact first discovered by an author who later died when the brakes on his car failed while driving to begin shooting a film documenting the conspiracy surrounding Malcolm X's assassination.

Ali, openly hostile to Malcolm, was seen at a rehearsal speech just days before Malcolm was killed - at which a scuffle broke out, similar to the one that would break out on the night of the shooting, distracting the crowd just long enough for the killer to walk up and shoot Malcolm X at point blank range.

Interestingly, most of the other speakers that night had cancelled at the last moment, leaving Malcolm to carry the evening.

While it is now clear that nothing could have been done to save him, Columbia Presbyterian Hospital, a premier medical institution across the street from the site of the shooting, did not respond to any requests for help.

People at the hall had to go across the street to bring a stretcher and wheel Malcolm back before he received any attention.

One of Malcolm's top aides went to the FBI shortly after the assassination to report what he felt was a larger conspiracy, incorporating elements of the US government, surrounding Malcolm's death.

This aide was found dead in his apartment a few days later - his death was initially classified as a suicide, then changed to a drugs overdose, with natural causes finally recorded as the cause of death.

Unanswered questions

With Hagan's release the prospects of answers being provided to the many questions surrounding the death of Malcolm X may have diminished.

The Audubon ballroom where he was killed has been converted into The Malcolm X & Dr. Betty Shabazz Memorial and Educational Center.

Zead Ramadan, the chairman, said that the centre did not have a position on Hagan's release but was surprised that it had been allowed.

"I personally find it strange that for a couple decades any person convicted in the assassination of such an iconic figure would be allowed such leniency," Ramadan said.

He said that there was outrage among some African-Americans that Hagan was released.

"The Malcolm X story has not ended. His popularity has grown in death .... Only God knows why this was allowed to happen."

Greece Debt Fears Rattle Markets

Wednesday, April 28, 2010
20:55 Mecca time, 17:55 GMT

Greece debt fears rattle markets

Greece's prime minister said his country would not 'run away' from the crisis

Financial markets across the world have continued to experience considerable volatility amid a growing government debt crisis in Europe sparked by Tuesday's downgrading of Greece's debt to junk status.

Investors are looking for reassurance from Germany that it will come to the aid of Athens in order to keep its financial troubles from spreading to other countries.

Angela Merkel, the German chancellor, Dominique Strauss-Kahn, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) chief and Jean-Claude Trichet, the European Central Bank president, held talks in Berlin on Wednesday to discuss the crisis.

Merkel said that negotiations between all parties, including the Greek government, needed to be "accelerated" and that she hoped they could "be wrapped up in the coming days".

Austerity programme

Greece has requested $52bn from eurozone governments and the IMF to shore up its finances but the reluctance of Germany, the largest country using the euro, to move quickly in providing assistance has sent shudders through markets.

Merkel reiterated on Wednesday that Germany expected Greece to implement an "ambitious" austerity programme if it wanted a helping hand.

Credit ratings agency Standard & Poor's also downgraded Spain's debt on Wednesday, saying its decision to lower its rating by one notch to AA from AA+ was due to its expectation that the country will suffer an "extended" period of subdued economic growth.

The agency said Spain's economic growth in the years to 2016 is likely to average around 0.7 per cent a year against its previous expectation of above one per cent.

Investors fear any rescue package may not reach Greece to enable it to avoid default by May 19, when $12bn in bond payments becomes due.

Strauss-Kahn said on Wednesday that confidence in the eurozone as a whole was on the line following the crisis.

"It is the confidence in the whole [euro]zone that is at stake," he said.

German assurances

Wolfgang Schaeuble, Germany's finance minister, insisted that legislation to free up his country's contribution could get through both houses of parliament within a week, as early as May 7, if Greece wraps up its ongoing talks with the IMF and the European Union quickly enough.

Guido Westerwelle, Germany's foreign minister, echoed that commitment, insisting that Berlin is ready to act quickly in order to protect the euro.

"We will protect our currency and this is in the deepest interest of every European citizen," he said.

In Europe, Germany's DAX was down 0.5 per cent in afternoon trading on Wednesday, while France's CAC-40 fell 0.8 per cent.

However, Britain's FTSE 100 index of leading shares was up 0.2 per cent amid hopes of an imminent deal

Wall Street opened solidly, with the Dow Jones industrial average up 0.3 per cent.

Earlier, Asian markets ended considerably lower.

Japan's benchmark Nikkei share average was down around 2.5 per cent in afternoon trade while Hong Kong's Hang Seng and South Korea's Kospi were both lower by more than one per cent.

Bond 'meltdown'

In addition to downgrading Greece's debt rating on Tuesday, Standard & Poor's also marked down Portugal's debt status.

The downgrade [Greece's] has "sent the bond markets into meltdown and equity investors toward the exits," said Michael Hewson, an analyst with CMC Markets in London.

Nicholas Skourias, chief investment officer at Pegasus Securities in Athens, said: "There is a very serious risk of contagion, it's something like post-Lehman period. Everybody is panicking and there is a lot of fear in the market".

"I think that today we will have a lot of pressure as well because there is this fear of contagion."

Speaking during a cabinet meeting on Wednesday, George Papandreou, the Greek prime minister, said that every EU member must "prevent the fire that intensified through the international crisis from spreading to the entire European and global economy".

Insisting Greece was determined to bring its economy into order, he said: "We will show that we do not run away. In difficult times we can perform, and we are performing, miracles.

"Our government is determined to correct a course that has been followed for decades in a very short time."

Source: Agencies

Institutionalized Injustice: The Pledge of Allegiance

Institutionalized Injustice

Written by Solomon Comissiong
Daily Journal (Opinion), War and Peace
Apr 27, 2010

The Pledge of Allegiance: A Symbol of Institutionalized Injustice

By Solomon Comissiong

Riddled throughout American society are innumerable institutionally ingrained symbols of America’s hypocritical and repugnant justifications of global injustice. These symbols are among the necessary instruments utilized by the empire to attempt to mold the next generation of plunderers, imperialists, and architects of injustice. The Pledge of Allegiance is merely one of the more hypocritical and duplicitous tools used.

Most US school children are required to begin their weekdays with the reciting of the “Pledge of Allegiance”. This shallow incantation goes, “I pledge allegiance to the flag of the United States of America and to the republic for which it stands: one nation under God, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all.”

This pledge is done with their right hand crossed over onto their heart while facing the America flag. It is the kind of routine that would make any cult leader proud. Little discourse is ever spent analyzing the last four words of this pledge, ‘and justice for all’. Critical thought is not required nor is it promoted within most Social Studies or History focused courses throughout America.

Those who ultimately control the rote curriculum, administered from one classroom to the next, know very well the probable social impact that comes from legions of kids who begin to understand America’s hidden, but true history, as well as its many contradictions.

Many of those children would represent a seismic shifting away from the mass indoctrination that has occurred within American classrooms dating back to when amoral and disease infested Europeans illegally began creating colonies throughout the so-called Americas. The state sanctioned mass indoctrination of America’s youth, if uninterrupted, will insure the continued existence of domestic and global ‘American Injustice’.

For many, the notion of justice does not reside within the flawed landscape of America. It honestly never has. For people of color the notion of justice within the US is as mythological as the Tooth Fairy. It (justice) simply does not exist. Has there ever been justice for the indigenous peoples of America?

Their land was stolen and plundered by incessant waves of inhumane Europeans who fled their own native land to escape varying levels of persecution. Any logical or morally sound person would assume that a collection of previously persecuted people would never carry out the heinous things that English “settlers” (thieves) did to Native Americans in the 1600s and well beyond.

Despite the hospitality given to them by Native Americans, the villainous Europeans murdered scores of Natives, all the while stealing their land and plundering their natural resources. Have the original people of America ever seen the beacon of justice hundreds of years later? Not at all. They were awarded genocide and cast off into open air prisons, called reservations, within their own native lands.

Has there ever been justice for the tens of millions of Africans who were stolen from their homeland, enslaved and literally worked to death in order to fuel the industrial epoch for lethargic and malevolent Europeans? Godless Europeans systematically murdered tens of millions of Africans in the name of their routinely altered bible and white supremacy. They raped, murdered, and destroyed countless families without consulting with their moral faculties. In essence, they had no moral faculties. This inhumane and immoral suppression (chattel slavery) of Black people continued for close to 250 years.

However, the subjugation of Black people did not stop with the so-called Emancipation Proclamation. Via the innately racist and oppressive Jim Crow Laws, black people continued to be treated like animals for another 100 plus years. They were lynched and prohibited from having civil or human rights; once again, all in the name of white supremacy.

Where was their justice? Most whites in America were at the very least complicit with this treatment of black people. The terror unleashed upon Africans was justified in their world because they did not regard them as fully human. Many of these 20th century whites were infested with the same racist evil as their slothful ancestors who stole foreign lands and human beings for a living.

Where is the justice for the millions of American born Africans who, in 2010, are still suffering the residual affects of chattel slavery and Jim Crow? Scores of black men and women are methodically murdered by the state (police brutality) or fed into the jowls of the racially biased and capital driven prison industrial complex. This regularly occurs in 2010 under the auspices of institutional racism.

Instead of being hung from a tree they are shot, unarmed, under racist based suspicion. Where is the justice for the black and brown skinned parents whose children were killed byway of the bullets or hands of racist cops? Much like the notion of democracy in America, justice is a mythological illusion for the poor and disenfranchised.

One of America’s greatest exports is that of injustice. In 2010, as in the past, America does not only serve inhumane treatment to its black and brown residents; it supplies foreign nations with large doses of injustice. Presently there are three illegal wars of aggression that the US is fighting: Pakistan, Afghanistan and Iraq. In Iraq, even conservative estimates place the loss of civilian life at over 600,000.

However, the more accurate number places the Iraqi civilian loss of life at 1.3 million (http://www.justforeignpolicy.org/iraq). This loss of life could have been avoided. However, because those who control the US government, as well as a largely apathetic populous, over a million Iraqi lives are gone forever. This mass murder was and is being done all in the name of US conquest, global domination and imperialism.

The US’s actions lucidly display that it values other people’s natural resources more than it does the lives of those very same people. Where is their justice? Where is the justice for the dozen Iraqis who were indiscriminately murdered by US military personnel (http://www.collateralmurder.com)? They were gunned down from an Apache helicopter by trigger-happy products of the US military “assembly line”.

Where is justice for the Iraqi civilians who were gunned down in cold blood by thugs from the US based “security” company, Black Water (Xe)? The people of Iraq tried to seek justice; however an amoral US judge threw out their case thus acquitting the Black Water murderers. Instead of justice, Black Water was rewarded with a contract in Afghanistan by the current Obama administration. The message: murder civilian Iraqis and you will be rewarded monetarily, all the while Iraqi families morn.

This kind of blatant injustice happens while the US government continues to carry out drone attacks that, without fail, eviscerate Pakistani and Afghani civilians at funerals, weddings, and as they sleep in their villages. This is done in the name of the tens of millions of indoctrinated Americans who continue to trust “their” government’s actions, somehow believing they are doing it to preserve their “liberties”.

Ironically, this kind of injustice is now sponsored and publicly justified by a man of color who now happens to occupy the highest office in America. This brand of carnage and plunder has historically been mandated by rapacious white men with imperialistic wet dreams.

The fact that a man of color is now sponsoring this kind of historically white supremacist destruction is indicative of what happens when alternative methods of teaching history, civics, and social studies are not employed. The egregiously flawed US values are now corrupting people of color whose ancestors were victims to the oppressive “whip” of American Injustice.

Far too many African Americans have become complicit with their country’s militaristic ways simply because the “captain” is black. Justice will be evasive as long as the truth is absent from America’s classrooms. So long as peace and humanity are not taught, not only viable options, but the only options; justice will literally elude billions the world over.

Solomon Comissiong is an educator, community activist, author, public speaker and the host of the Your World News radio program (www.blogtalkradio.com/Your-World-News). He may be reached at: sunderland77@hotmail.com.

Tuesday, April 27, 2010

Impact of the Crisis on Detroit City Workers

Impact of the Crisis on City Workers

DETROIT ON THE DECLINE: The Final Nail In The Coffin

By Andrea Egypt
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Editor's Note: The following is a talk delivered by the author at a public meeting entitled "What's Behind the Detroit Economic Crisis." This meeting was held on April 17, 2010.
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When I came to Detroit in 1986, I was surprised to see a predominantly black city government which was something unheard of in California, Philadelphia, and Texas, where I used to live before coming to Detroit. I noticed that the people in Detroit had good paying jobs in the automotive industry, they owned homes and businesses and drove nice cars and my goal was to apply for employment with the City government because I thought it would provide the kind of job stability I needed to raise a family within the context of a black empowered community.

At the time, I was employed with a private sector law firm who had hired me due to affirmative action laws and I did not feel welcome or appreciated. I had graduated from Ross Business Institute (legal secretarial studies) but I was a low paid filing clerk and billing typist instead of legal secretary.

When someone stole the money kept in the safe at the Law Firm I was the number one suspect, but soon they learned that a white co-worker with a cocaine problem stole the money and though they never directly accused me, I felt even more isolated and marginalized which led me to seek employment with the City of Detroit. I took the test with the City of Detroit, passed it and have been employed with good benefits with the City of Detroit for 23 years.

I eventually learned the history of Detroit concerning the race riots and rebellion that divided the city and led to the “white flight” to the suburbs. When I came on board with the city, you had to live in the city to work for the city. Therefore, most employees for the city were predominantly black.

I began to notice that there was a serious epidemic of drug trafficking, crack cocaine and heroine addiction which was destroying the Black community. The gambling addictions and crime rate was high and young black men were being locked up for long prison terms and the female population outnumbered the male population which further eroded the family structure.

Most black women who worked for the City of Detroit ran single parent households. At the same in Detroit many black women were underemployed or on welfare. I wondered if the children were failing in school due the instability of the community or the dis-functional situations at home because drop out the rate was increasing, while the funding was decreasing and more residents began to leave Detroit to move to the suburbs to escape these conditions.

At this time President Clinton was downsizing the welfare rolls forcing mostly young black women to find low paying jobs to support themselves and their children and I noticed that there were social programs to help assist in education and training, health care, and drug addiction. There was no 700 billion dollar mandate to fund a war and there was a surplus in the federal treasury.

Fast forward to today after September 11, 2001, President George Bush declared that he was a war president and that he was going to raid the federal surplus and things began take a turn for the worst threatening to push Detroit off the cliff because a whole new series of problems were converging on Detroit at once. The major elephant in the room that is crushing Detroit to death is the funding for the war (a war that is nearly ten years old) which strips $400 million each year from the Detroit budget which is more than the city’s budget deficit.

If these funds were not siphoned to fund the war, we could pay off the budget deficit and still have funds left over. This war has crippled all cities and states in the U.S. with no end in sight. We cannot continue to ignore the impact.

Figures from the information clearing house project state that:

“The budget for the 2011 fiscal year, which has to be voted by Congress by this Oct. 1, looks to be about $3 trillion, not counting the funds collected for Social Security (since the Vietnam War, the government has included the Social Security Trust Fund in the budget as a way to make the cost of America’s imperial military adventures seem smaller in comparison to the total cost of government). Meanwhile, the military share of the budget works out to about $1.6 trillion."

This research source, which is linked with the National Priorities Project, says "That figure includes the Pentagon budget request of $717 billion, plus an estimated $200 billion in supplemental funding (called 'overseas contingency funding' in euphemistic White House-speak), to fund the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, some $40 billion or more in “black box” intelligence agency funding, $94 billion in non-DOD military spending (that would include stuff like military activies funded through NASA, military spending by the State Department, etc., miilitary-related activities within the Dept. of Homeland Security, etc.), $123 billion in veterans benefits and health care spending, and $400 billion in interest on debt raised to pay for prior wars and the standing military during peacetime (whatever that is!)."

The Information Clearing House continues saying that "The 2011 military budget, by the way, is the largest in history, not just in actual dollars, but in inflation-adjusted dollars, exceeding even the spending in World War II, when the nation was on an all-out war footing. This military spending in all its myriad forms works out to represent 53% of total US federal spending."

Finally, "For the average American, what all this means is that of every dollar you send to the IRS, 53 cents will be going to pay for blowing stuff up, fattening the wallets of colonels admirals and generals, bloating the portfolios of investors in military industries, and of course funding the bonuses paid to executives of those companies, and the campaign chests and private expense accounts of the members of Congress who vote for these outlandish budgets.

"Your money will also be going to pay for the salaries and the bullets of those brave heroes over in Afghanistan who are executing kids, killing pregnant women (and then digging out the bullets and claiming they were stabbed by their families), and for the anti-personnel weapons that are creating legions of legless Afghani kids.” (informationclearinghouse.info)

Another elephant in the room is our foreign economic hitman policies like NAFTA that constructs predatory loans to developing countries who cannot afford to pay the interest on these loans. (Sounds familiar). The war and its foreign policy has contributed to the death of millions and created new enemies who will continue to attack the American people who have no control over these wars and depend on their elected officials to control military spending and unnecessary conflicts.

The Role of the Banks

Another major impact on the residents of Detroit is the government de-regulation of the banking industry and predatory lending practices that targeted home owners in Detroit - particularly African American and Latino communities - stripping the equity out of homes and tossing the occupants out in the streets, causing urban blight, vandalism and loss of property value while hedge fund investors on Wall Street profit from the defaults and foreclosures.

These tactics led to a collapse of the housing and banking industry due to intentional fiscal irresponsibility which brought this country to the brink of destruction having to be bailed out by the victims of their predatory lending practices while the top execs got their share for creating the crisis.

Then the credit crunch followed causing a massive inability to purchase goods which contributed to the closing of small businesses and made it almost impossible for college students to get by in higher education. In addition, it has made it more difficult for ordinary working people to manage their expenses which has drastically changed their way of life leading to further erosion of the tax base and purchasing power in the Detroit area.

Today people have to choose between paying the mortgage or getting groceries, or having heat, which is a necessity. Even if homeowners could pay for these things, they struggle to pay their property taxes and many people lose their homes to tax foreclosures. Though natural gas and oil companies report record profits, they have raised utilities rates substantially making it impossible to afford to live in a home.

People have been using dangerous methods to heat their homes which increases the death toll every winter from homes catching fire and whole families dying from toxic fumes from generators. As you drive through Detroit on the freeways you can see burnt out hulls of homes who have caught fire, abandoned, or set on fire to claim insurance money in this time of desperation.

Still more and more people are leaving Detroit shrinking further the property tax base and school milleage which is seriously affecting DPS. Meanwhile Robert Bobb, the emergency financial manager for DPS, acts as the agent of destruction of the school system in Detroit to drive the last nail in the coffin of the DPS.

What is the purpose for laying off teachers, closing schools, leaving students to find a way to an overcrowded school further away from home? How is this an improvement? Once the children in the community are being targeted its time for the people in Detroit to stand up and fight back, as we have seen with recent student and teacher protests across the country.

The impact of college tuition increases and the credit crunch have caused many college students to drop out due to the inability to afford to educated and maintain themselves. The impact is that they have to take low paying dead end jobs, if they can find them because they are in direct competition with the older generation who is out of work and competing with them for jobs.

The elimination of grant money is causing students to get loans that will negatively affect their credit and ability to purchase a home or a car after they graduate. The jobless rate will cause many young people to throw up their hands and join the military by reasoning that these wars will never end, therefore, being a soldier means job security and other benefits if they re-enlist.

Another nail in the coffin of Detroit is the big three downsizing in the auto industries and the bankruptcy of GM and Chrysler that caused massive unemployment and the ability to shed its obligations to the workers by permanently lowering wages, shedding its obligation to pension and health care plans while simultaneously receiving bailout money from the government while these treasonous companies set up operations for employment overseas increasing unemployment here and busting unions.

The Mayor of Detroit is using the same tactics against the City workers who are not private industry employees. Therefore the AFSCME union has taken him to court and tied up the matter in a fact finding initiative to challenge the validity of this attack on the workers.

At present they have been fighting the 10% cuts and the destruction of the benefits packages which would eliminate bonuses, vacation days, paid lunches, and pension rights for new workers. The management sector of employees have already had a 10% wage cut imposed on them from 2009 until 2011.

The conditions are such that AFSCME employees go unsupervised on furlough days and some people have retired or left their jobs with no replacements leaving those with 10% paycuts and furlough days with the job responsibilities of two and three people.

When you have no job, you have no house, you have no food, you have no car, you have no clothes, you have no money, you have no health care, do you beg in the streets? Or do you fight back?.

I will never leave Detroit in defeat, I don’t care if blocks and blocks of homes are burnt out. I plan to put on the whole armor of resistance and go to battle to take back what rightfully belongs to the community in Detroit.

Don’t Run In Defeat and Retreat! Stand Up And Fight Back - Detroit!

Darfur Aid Dollars Funding West Bank Settlements

Darfur aid dollars funding West Bank settlements

By Thomas C. Mountain
Online Journal Contributing Writer
Mar 19, 2010, 00:21

ASMARA, Eritrea -- Persons working with aid organizations assisting the victims of the Darfur conflict have passed on the news that they have confirmed through their contacts in the so called “Save Darfur Coalition” that millions of dollars raised to help the Darfur refugees have ended up in Israeli bank accounts. These accounts help fund programs that include illegal Israeli settlements in the occupied West Bank.

These sources inside the pro-Israel organizations that control the “Save Darfur Coalition” estimate that over $100 million was raised for Darfur, though the exact amount may never be known due to the murky nature of the financial statements these organizations submit. What is known is that over half the money raised for Darfur was consumed by “operational expenses” for these organizations, meaning bloated salaries, expense accounts and the multimillion dollar publicity campaign that helped generate the donations. Only about 10 percent of the donations received ever made it to the Darfur refugees, with several million ending up in Israeli bank accounts.

The Darfur funds were diverted to Israel by either co-mingling the funds with those used to support the Israeli projects or through a more complex system of grants to other “aid” or “relief” organizations that allowed the eventual destination of the funds to be almost impossible to trace.

For some time now, aid workers in Darfur have been quietly pressuring the Save Darfur Coalition to turn over more of the tens of millions of dollars they have been collecting on the behalf of the Sudanese people in Darfur. People working inside the organizations that make up the coalition became upset when they discovered that aid raised on behalf of Darfur was being diverted to Israel and began supplying information to the aid workers on the ground in Darfur. Some of these aid workers finally broke their silence on the matter and passed on to us what they had confirmed from these Save Darfur insiders.

As previously reported, the so-called “Darfur Genocide” was a myth, or more accurately, a fraud, perpetuated by the Western media and governments along with the pro-Israel “human rights” NGOs to raise over a $100 million. UN and international aid workers involved in the Darfur relief effort are quietly proud of the fact that Darfur refugees are the beneficiaries of one of, if not the largest, best run relief works in history. These aid workers also acknowledge the fact that the Sudanese government played a critical role in support of the relief effort, which could not have succeeded without such support. It doesn’t add up that, on one hand, the Sudanese government was committing genocide against the people of Darfur while at the same time playing a critical role in operating the largest best run relief works in history in support of the Darfur people.

As previously reported, a Western funded genocide is being committed in the Ethiopian Ogaden by the Ethiopian government, but no genocide has ever been committed in Darfur. The whole “Darfur Genocide” campaign is nothing more than a smokescreen to vilify the Sudanese government in an attempt to promote Western military intervention in oil and mineral rich Sudan, Africa’s largest and potentially wealthiest country, as well as to help divert attention from the real, Western-funded genocide being carried out in the Ogaden by the Western cop on the beat in East Africa, Ethiopia.

The brazenness and breadth of this propaganda campaign has even surprised experienced observers of the long, dirty history of aid diversion in the Horn of Africa. Western governments, the UN, the Western media, even Hollywood became part of the act with story lines “exposing” the Darfur “genocide” appearing in dramas such as Boston Legal amongst others.

Bernie Maddoff went to prison for his fraud, but it is highly unlikely that an investigation will be launched into the “Darfur Genocide” scam. And only an investigation by the US Justice Department has the power to search, seize and subpoena that will be required to expose this whole criminal fraud.

So next time you hear about a campaign to “save” Africans be suspicious and remember just how big a lie was told about Darfur and how your hard earned money ended up somewhere you least expected, helping building Israeli settlements in the occupied West Bank.

Stay tuned to Online Journal for more news that the so-called Free Press in the West refuses to cover

Thomas C. Mountain was, in a former life, an educator, activist and alternative medicine practitioner in the USA. Email thomascmountain at yahoo.com.

Madagascar Leaders to Meet in Bid to Resolve Political Deadlock

Madagascar: Leaders to Meet in New Bid to Resolve Political Deadlock

John Allen
27 April 2010
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Cape Town — Four months after Madagascar's de facto leader Andry Rajoelina repudiated internationally-brokered mechanisms aimed at restoring constitutional rule, African leaders will make a new attempt this week to resolve the country's political deadlock.

The South African government announced Tuesday that President Jacob Zuma would facilitate "a face-to-face meeting" in Pretoria on Wednesday between Rajoelina and Marc Ravalomanana, the president whom he ejected from power a year ago, as well as former presidents Didier Ratsiraka and Albert Zafy.

"It is hoped that the dialogue will result in the parties agreeing on the implementation of an all-inclusive process that ensures the holding of credible, free and fair elections, as well as ... national reconciliation," the South African announcement said.

The talks are being held at the request of former Mozambican president Joachim Chissano, the mediator appointed by the Southern African Development Community to facilitate talks to return Madagascar to constitutional rule.

Ahead of Wednesday's meeting, the Ravalomanana camp released what it said was the text of the "framework for discussion document" which would guide the four leaders during talks.

The document said that "The first principle will be to reach an agreement to resolve the crisis which requires ... agreement between Andry Rajoelina and President Marc Ravalomanana.

"Such an agreement will be considered as sufficient consensus to move the process forward. However, the optimal positions would be to obtain agreement of all four mouvances [movements]."

The "second principle" would be "to bring about efforts to ensure stability in Madagascar with no room for unilateral action by either party" and the third would be to "resolve the impasse regarding transitional arrangements" to facilitate "the election of a stable government based on democratic processes."

The current crisis in Madagascar was precipitated when Rajoelina, the former mayor of Madagascar’s capital, Antananarivo, seized power last March.

In talks brokered by Chissano, Rajoelina initially joined the three former presidents in signing agreements last August and November which laid the basis of a transition back to democracy. But he then backed out of the process and fired an interim prime minister appointed under the deal.

Talks have been in stalemated since Rajoelina boycotted a meeting in Maputo last December at which the leaders of the main parties finalized an interim administration to run the country until new elections.

Kenya Becomes Difficult US Ally in East Africa

Kenya Becomes Difficult US Ally in Troubled Horn of Africa

Nico Colombant | Washington19 April 2010

As the United States government tries to help improve the volatile situation in the Horn of Africa, it has also had a difficult time with the regional heavyweight Kenya. VOA reports on what American analysts are calling a frayed, but not broken, relationship with a long-standing ally.

The ongoing violence in Somalia, as well as persistent piracy in the Gulf of Aden, troubled election processes in Sudan and Ethiopia, and peace deals not being implemented, are some of the many issues the U.S. government is involved in in the Horn of Africa, either through military or diplomatic pressure.

Analysts say Kenya is supposed to be a part of the solution, not a part of the problem.

But recently senior U.S officials raised concerns that refugees in eastern Kenya were being recruited to fight in Somalia, and Kenya's government is turning away captured pirates because it says it is not getting enough international money to boost its judicial system.

The U.S. government has also expressed its frustration with Kenya's national unity government over its slow pace of reform.

At the same time, Washington-based Africa expert Steven McDonald says Kenya remains an important U.S. ally, which receives lots of American aid.

A recent example is the United States committing $2.7 billion for the next five years to help fight HIV infection in Kenya.

"It is a little bit of a schizophrenic approach that we have here because Kenya has been a valued partner in many ways from trade and investment, to tourism, to the fight on international terrorism," said Steven McDonald.

Kenya's government has also been critical of U.S. policies. Following a U.S. raid that killed a Kenyan-born alleged Islamic extremist in Somalia last year, Kenya's foreign minister said his country had not been warned about the operation. Moses Wetangula said at the time it was a manifestation of what he called "Lone Ranger behavior."

There has been progress on reform. Kenyan lawmakers recently approved a new constitution that will be submitted to a referendum. If approved, it would eliminate the position of prime minister, create a Senate, and give more power to regions.

But McDonald, the Africa director at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, says many questions still remain on how the U.S. government should deal with Kenya.

"How tough do you get with Kenya? How valuable is it as a partner? I do not get the feeling that that is a decision that has been fully made within the administration as to how to proceed on Kenya, how tough to get with Kenya," he said. "And, the Kenyans, of course, are not helping the situation by being very defensive, by even openly being critical of people like the Secretary of State [Hillary Clinton] and Ambassador Johnnie Carson when they have come with firm messages, but always messages intended to indicate the value we give to the relationship."

During an African trip by Secretary of State Hillary Clinton last year, Kenya's Prime Minister Raila Odinga said U.S. officials should not lecture Kenyans. Many Kenyans also hoped President Barack Obama, whose late father was a Kenyan, would visit instead, and that his administration would be particularly helpful to Kenya. Instead, they have gotten different signals.

A senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, Kenyan Mwangi Kimenyi, thinks U.S. travel sanctions, which have been placed on more than a dozen senior Kenyan officials for allegedly trying to block reform, are misguided.

"The United States needs to be more strategic in dealing with Kenya, " said Mwangi Kimenyi. "I think there have been some missteps. A lot of the changes will have to come from the country itself. I know that one of the main things the United States has done is to ban some visas of some government officials but I do not think that is the best way to go."

That is just one problem senior figures in Kenya face.

The International Criminal Court will begin investigations later this year into the deadly violence that followed Kenya's election in 2007. Trials against major political leaders accused of being behind the violence could start in 2012, which is when the next election is scheduled.

Tom Hull, a long-time high-level American diplomat in Africa, says the issue of an African ally with internal problems is nothing new.

"If we go back over the past few decades in Africa, we always come up against this conundrum, countries that are important to us in a bilateral relationship, but are not performing in terms of good governance the way we would hope they would," said Tom Hull. "So this is a chronic problem and it is not unusual. All we have to do is try to be persistent, and focusing on our long term objectives in terms of democracy and one day these things may change."

Critics of this approach say African countries with important security or economic value are repeatedly given a pass by U.S. administrations on their internal shortcomings, and that strategic and financial interests always trump other considerations.

Find this article at:
http://www1.voanews.com/english/news/africa/east/Kenya-Becomes-Difficult-US-Ally-in-Troubled-Horn-of-Africa-91532594.html

President Al-Bashir Secures New Term in Sudan, Attention Turns to Southern Referendum in 2011

Bashir secures a new term, attention turns to South Sudan referendum in 2011

April 26, 2010 (KHARTOUM) — The leader of the ruling National Congress Party (NCP) and incumbent president Omer Hassan Al-Bashir was officially proclaimed a winner in Sudan elections, a result which surprised no one inside the country or abroad.

Bashir’s First Vice president and current president of South Sudan Salva Kiir also won the presidential race in the semi-autonomous region.

The National Elections Commission (NEC) chairman Abel Alier announced that Bashir received 68% of the votes (6,901,694) while Kiir garnered a whopping 93% (2,616,613) as the candidate for the Sudan People Liberation Movement (SPLM) in the South.

Sudan’s first multiparty presidential, parliamentary and local elections in 24 years were a key requirement of a 2005 peace deal that ended a 21-year civil war between the predominantly Arab and Muslim north and rebels in the Christian-animist south.

The polls fell short of international standards, observers have said, but fell short of saying the vote is invalid.

The poll for president was marred by the withdrawal of SPLM candidate Yasir Arman and another key Bashir challenger, the Umma Party’s leader Al-Sadiq al-Mahdi. The elections were also overshadowed by logistical problems and delays including polling stations opening late or not at all, names misspelled or missing from registration lists and ballot boxes delivered to the wrong place.

The opposition parties alleged widespread fraud and vote rigging primarily to keep Bashir, who is wanted by the International Criminal Court (ICC), in power. Bashir is accused by the Hague-based court of orchestrating war crimes in Sudan Western’ region of Darfur.

Human Rights Watch stressed in a statement today that the win gave Bashir no extra legal immunity against the ICC charges.

The European Union (EU) echoed the same position saying there can be no impunity for those like Bashir, facing serious charges under international law.

A statement by EU foreign ministers meeting in Luxembourg welcomed "the largely peaceful conduct of the recent election" but expressed concerns about "the counting and aggregation of results" as identified by EU observers.

The EU "expresses concern about the deficiencies in relation to international standards," the ministers

The EU statement insisted that "impunity for the most serious crimes under international law can never be accepted." The 27 EU nations reiterated support for the ICC and called on the Sudan authorities "to cooperate fully with the ICC in accordance with its obligations under international law

Opposition parties dismissed the vote result as farce.

"They cooked the figures — (Bashir) didn’t get 51 percent of the vote," UMMA Reform and Renewal Party (URRP) leader Mubarak al-Fadil told Reuters. "His campaign was conducted under one party system with all the foundations of a police state ... it was a farce."

Arman said on Monday he believed Bashir had "lost," judging by the number of abstentions and accusations of fraud.

"I believe Bashir lost the elections," Arman told reporters in the capital

"The National Election Commission told us there were 16 million Sudanese who registered and Bashir got six million and this six million (figure) is contested... that means 10 million Sudanese do not want Bashir," he said.

"These elections were fraudulent and non-democratic. The coalition of opposition rejects the results. We consider them null and void," Yusuf Sideeg, a senior communist party official, told AFP.

Mariam Al-Sadiq, a senior member of the Umma party which had pulled out of the race, said the election results are "morally more corrupt" than the coup that brought al-Bashir to power and called the voting "a costly and ineffective experience."

The elected president appeared on national television shortly after the results to declare "the success of these elections is in essence a success for the Sudanese people." He promised to reach out to all forces in Sudan to form a national "partnership" and vowed to make sure that the referendum takes place.

The pro-government Al-Rayaam newspaper said that Bashir and his aides met on Sunday to discuss the future formation of the government.

"You gave us your trust," he said. "I reaffirm I will go ahead with the southern referendum on time and complete the peace process in Darfur". He hailed the Sudanese people saying that they "have achieved this moral victory before the eyes of the world in a civilized, high class and shared manner."

The Sudanese president celebrated with his jubilant supporters at the NCP headquarters in the capital. He is flying to Egypt on Tuesday for talks with president Hosni Mubarak in the Red Sea resort of Sharm Al-Sheik.

Cairo is concerned over the overwhelming sentiment of Southerners to secede in the 2011 referendum primarily over Nile water agreements. Egypt is at odds with other Nile basin countries over re-allocation of water share.

Bashir has stressed in his speech today that Sudan would hold the southern referendum "as scheduled". Most observers fear a return to war between North and South if the referendum is not held on time. The South holds most of the country’s reserves of oil which is currently shared with the North.

Darfur rebels also rejected the outcome of the elections saying it will complicate matters.

"We believe that the international community goal of implementing the Comprehensive Peace Agreement and conduct a referendum on self-determination must not be an excuse for the recognition of Bashir and his blessing, this is unacceptable from the Sudanese people in general and the people of Darfur in particular. These election were rigged and do not reflect the opinion of the Sudanese citizens and the international community taken into account" Abdel-Wahid Al-Nur leader of Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM) said.

"Things in our country are not going according to what the people of Sudan wanted. This is going to lead to tension and chaos," Ahmed Hussein, the spokesman for Darfur rebel Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) said. "People are not going to accept al-Bashir for another five years."

(ST)

South African Freedom Day Commemorated

ANC STATEMENT ON FREEDOM DAY

26 April 2010

Freedom Day marks a milestone in the history of the liberation struggle in South Africa from the tyranny of apartheid to constitutional democracy.

As we gear ourselves to celebrate this greatest achievement, which came after the release from prison of our first democratically-elected President Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela, other political prisoners and the unbanning of the ANC, SA Communist Party, the civic movement, organs of civil society and other liberation movements, let us remind ourselves how far we have come.

The ANC calls on all South Africans to dedicate the 16th anniversary celebration of Freedom Day by paying the much- deserved tribute to the many heroes and countless martyrs of our struggle like Matthews Goniwe, Sparrow Mkonto, Fort Calata, Sicelo Mhlawuli, Vuyisile Mini, Solomon Mahlangu, Ruth First, Ashley Kriel, Chris Hani, Niel Aggett and Steve Biko among those who fought and died for us to attain freedom. As our struggle for freedom was not only waged within the borders of South Africa, but also outside the country a fitting tribute should also be paid to the many young men and women who left the country in their droves to swell the ranks of the ANC's military wing Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK).

At the height of state repression, the struggle waged inside the country by the Mass Democratic Movement, which included religious institutions, youth and civic organisations ensured that apartheid was rendered unworkable. We also thank the Anti Apartheid Movement (AAM) led by such leaders like the late Father Trevor Huddleston, ensuring the isolation of apartheid South Africa in sport, trade and other spheres in international relations.

Preserving this freedom through fighting crime and corruption; volunteering ourselves to work for good causes in our townships and suburbs; and working alongside Government in ensuring success of its programmes will certainly go a long way in preserving the legacy of our freedom.

Issued by:
Brian Sokutu
African National Congress
Chief Albert Luthuli House
54 Sauer Street
Johannesburg 2001

Enquiries:
Brian Sokutu 071 671 6899


Zuma: Still much to be done

PRETORIA, SOUTH AFRICA Apr 27 2010 16:07

Apartheid laws, like the group areas act, may have disappeared from the statute books but its effects lingered, President Jacob Zuma said on Tuesday.

"Our people still have to daily confront the impact of the law," Zuma said in Pretoria.

Addressing thousands of people gathered at the Union Buildings for Freedom Day celebrations, he said the act -- which marked the institutionalising of racial partitioning of cities and towns -- was still in existence 20 years after it was repealed.

"Many still live in areas once designated for black people... away from economic opportunities and civic services," he said.

Heavy toll on poor

"Freedom imposes on us a responsibility to work together in the process of changing such conditions."

Zuma highlighted that the cost of transport alone took a heavy toll on the lives of the poor.

This was one example among many others which Zuma said needed to be addressed to ensure that people "enjoy[ed] the fruits of freedom".

In just four years, South Africa would have been free for 20 years.

Government will have no sympathy for any reasons advanced, to explain the failure to make a difference in people's lives, said Zuma.

Millenium development goal

For this reason, government was working on increasing the pace and quality of delivery.

Zuma emphasised that the country has passed the Millennium Development Goal of halving the number of people without sustainable water.

As of March 2009, over 10 million households had access to sanitation compared to five million in 1994.

"We don't deny that there is still much to be done, but a lot has also been achieved already," he said.

In putting a stop to shoddy housing development, Zuma will hold a special presidential Coordinating Council meeting with all nine provincial ministers on May 18.

Presidential hotline problems

"There is a need for habitable human settlements throughout the country."

He acknowledged problems surrounding the Presidential Hotline, saying government was working hard to deal with them.

Zuma reiterated the need for South Africans across racial lines and political divides to engage on the issues of heritage and culture.

This would help to reach a common understanding on the changing of certain geographical names, the singing of struggle songs and the slaughtering of animals to appease ancestors which is practised in some cultures.

The crowd broke into song as Zuma started delivering his speech, singing Umshini Wam in the hope that the president would join in.

Sitting just behind Zuma was Deputy Minister of Arts and Culture Paul Mashatile, who signalled to try and quieten the crowd.

Jubilation

The mood was jubilant at the Union Buildings, where a huge stage was set up surrounded by white tents for radio personalities and VIPs.

Although Mashatile announced that this year's event would see a lot of whites attending, the crowd was predominantly black.

A group of tourists from England stood just behind the crowd, watching the performances on stage.

Hayley Thorpe, who had only good things to say about South Africans and the Freedom day celebrations, said she will always keep a part of South Africa when she returned home.

"We were invited and we [are] having a great time, this is a great country and the people are marvellous," she said.

The crowd waved South African flags and blew vuvuzelas in celebration.

Enjoying their freedom

Some had flags draped around their necks. Dimpho Mopedi, 19 and her friend Tshidi Khoali were among thousands who braved the cold and rain to be part of the experience.

Mopedi said they now enjoyed certain freedoms which their parents were not able to at their age, "thanks to all the hard work of our freedom fighters".

"We are now able to go to multiracial schools and have white friends, but most importantly, enjoy the same benefits," she said.

However, some people were more disappointed about the free bottled water that was handed out as they were expecting something "more filling to the stomach".

Prominent South African artists performed on stage, including Maskandi artists, Phuzekhemisi and Ihashi Elimhlophe.

More people were on Tuesday afternoon still making their way through cordoned off streets leading to the Union Buildings.

A large police contingency was monitoring areas in and around the venue. -- Sapa

Source: Mail & Guardian Online
Web Address: http://www.mg.co.za/article/2010-04-27-zuma-still-much-to-be-done

Pages From History: Preface to "The Peasants' Revolt" in South Africa

Govan Mbeki. The Peasants’ Revolt. 1964

Preface
by Ruth First
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
This book has had a painful birth. Govan Mbeki is recognized widely in South Africa as an expert on the Transkei and on rural and agrarian problems. But not for him the seclusion of a study or library, the facilities for patient interviews and field work.

This manuscript was written in fits and starts on deal tables in the kitchens of several African homes in Port Elizabeth townships; its progress was frequently interrupted by police raids, when the sheets of paper had to be hurriedly secreted, or moved away from where their writer lived and worked, for his and their safe-keeping.

A great slice of this book was written on rolls of toilet paper when Mbeki served a two-month spell of solitary confinement, awaiting trial on a charge of making explosives.

Mbeki was acquitted after those court proceedings; the manuscript was smuggled out of the cell to the typist who pored over the faint pencil writing on the thin paper, by candlelight and in the privacy of her township room. Some final portions of the book were written from Govan’s last hiding-place in Johannesburg, where he had moved from Port Elizabeth after he was drafted by the African National Congress National Executive to direct A.N.C. campaigns from underground.

Mbeki began to write a study of the workings of apartheid policy in the reserves — the areas set aside in law for African occupation — as early as 1959 and 1960. He intended originally to prepare a manual for members and organizers of the African National Congress.

This little booklet was to probe the role of the tribal Chiefs of the Transkei, and the campaigns of the commoners and their political movements; it contrasted the policies on rural issues of the African National Congress and other African movements with the Liberal and Progressive Parties, the United Party, and the Nationalist Government. It intended to analyse the history and lessons of peasant struggles in the Transkei.

A first draft of the book was almost ready when the shootings at Sharpeville intervened. A fortnight later the African National Congress was banned. If the book on Bantustans — the tribal satraps which it was government policy to construct out of the reserves — was still to be published, it would have to be illegally produced on crude hand-worked presses or duplicating machines, to circulate dangerously from hand to hand.

Plans were indeed laid for this, and so Govan used unexpected weeks to write new sections and bring his material up to date. ‘The work goes on,’ he wrote from Port Elizabeth to Johannesburg, ‘but always under the noses of the police and I am forced to move too often.’

He did not get away from the police raid early in 1962. Arrested with Harold Strachan and Joseph Jack under the Explosives’ Act on a charge of having instructed men in the manufacture of home-made bombs, Govan was held in prison for five months, three of them in solitary confinement. Somehow he managed to lay hands on a pencil and those toilet rolls.

Without reference material he began again to write the book on Bantustans, and when he was discharged from the trial and the rolls of paper were retrieved from the prison, two manuscripts lay side by side. The one was the earlier form, written largely before the banning of the African National Congress and taking the peasant story up to 1960; the second was an improved version of the first, taking the story two years further.

It was at this point that I came into the picture, to reconcile the two versions and edit the final form of the manuscript. Friends in Cape Town (who must be nameless because they are still in Cape Town) annotated and checked the references.

Govan’s colleagues in the Transkei watched the workings of the new Bantu Autliorities, the chiefs’ courts, and the so-called development schemes of the government, and sent their findings to him, through the information pipe-lines of the African National Congress. Steadily the newly arranged chapters were assembled.

By the beginning of 1963 both Govan and I had been served with government prohibitions against writing, preparing, or compiling any material for publication. We were journalists without a newspaper (New Age had been banned by the Nationalist Government, and its successor, Spark, forced to suspend publication because its entire staff had been disabled by ministerial prohibition).

We had more time to work on the Bantustan book, but it had all to be written under cover, both to secure the manuscript and to guard ourselves against arrest, prosecution, and imprisonment for writing in defiance of the government ban. In addition, we were unable to meet openly to discuss the progress of the book, for we were both on the list of persons banned from communicating with other banned persons.

The manuscript was almost ready by July 1963. It remained only for Govan to write the final chapter on the Transkei’s first constitution and first elections. That month Govan was arrested in the raid on the Rivonia underground hiding-place and he was taken to prison to spend the first ninety days in solitary detention, and then to await trial on a charge of conspiring to overthrow the South African government by violent means.

Less than a month after Govan’s arrest I, too, was detained for ninety days under the General Law Amendment Act. The ninety days grew to 117, till I was released in December 1963. The Bantustan book had not been hanging fire all that time.

In Cape Town it was being completed, and sent in instalments out of the country. When I managed to reach London it remained for me only to do the final polishing.

As the book went to press Govan Mbeki sat in the dock of the Rivonia trial, side by side with his fellow Transkeians Nelson Mandela, Walter Sisulu, and Raymond Mhlaba. They and their five other co-accused stood trial for their lives.

Govan’s book on the Transkei helps to explain his deep involvement in the political struggle of his people. He has a formidable grasp of economic and political problems. More than that, his own life in the Transkei has bound him to the problems and passions of the peasants.

For many years he served the newspapers on which he worked with hard-won reports on what was happening to the Transkei under its state of emergency, to Pondoland in revolt, to the Ciskei in famine. His first writings were about the Transkei. He was Secretary of the Transkeian Voters’ Association in the forties and General Secretary of the Transkei Organized Bodies. He was born and grew up in the Transkei, as his father before him.

Govan Mbeki is a modest, a self-effacing man. But he has told something of his early life.... Born in 1910 at the Mpukane in the Nqamakwe district of the Transkei, he relates:

"I was brought up in a strict religious atmosphere. My mother was the daughter of a Methodist minister. My father was chief and recognized as such by his people but graded and employed as headman by the government. Later he was deposed. For his times he was fairly well-to-do. He had an agricultural plot of just over 16 morgen, he owned a fairly large herd of cattle and horses, as well as flocks of goats and sheep. Missionaries influenced him to educate all his children.

"My sisters qualified as teachers, and my brother as an agricultural demonstrator. My father built a substantial stone house when I was born or just before then. My brother still lives in it. When my father died he left savings at the post office in separate accounts for my brother as well as for me. This was used to pay for our education.

"I went to a mission school about six miles from our home. Most of the way was scaling a mountain. Daily I walked to and from school leaving shortly after sunrise and returning at about sundown to tend the stock. The school classes were held in a church hall.

"All the classes ranged up the length of the hall, with the highest classes just below the pulpit. It was bedlam. One class recited the alphabet, another a multiplication table, a third sang up and down the scale of the modulator, others would be poring over arithmetic problems.

"The only advantage in the arrangement was that the principal teacher saw his staff at work all the time without having to leave his own class. But little wonder I was below average in arithmetic!"

Govan won scholarships to the Fort Hare University College, to do his school leaving certificate examination and an Arts degree. He also gained a diploma in Education, leaving Fort Hare at the end of 1936. By then he was the leader of militant student opinion. His interest in politics had first been aroused in his teens when the area in which he lived was visited by an African minister who was an early member of the infant African National Congress.

As a young man he had accompanied a cousin to meetings of the I.C.U. (the Industrial and Commercial Workers’ Union), and he had interpreted his cousin’s speeches to the peasants. In the early thirties Dr Edward Roux, then a member of the Communist Party, had pitched a tent outside Fort Hare, and for the first time Govan explored the Marxist view of the African problem.

By the time of the Herzog Bills in 1935, and with them the seal of segregation and the final loss of the vote on the common roll, Govan was in the thick of African National Congress politics. Mussolini’s attack on Abyssinia had incensed the students of Fort Hare.

Govan was collecting degrees, majoring in politics and psychology, and then economics, and selling newspapers during his vacations for 24s. a week. He tried to organize a trade union, and was sacked.

From compound life with workers Govan took to teaching first at a secondary school in Durban, then at a teachers’ training college in the Transkei. Now he began his first political journalism, and published essays in book form in 1939, entitled The Transkei in the Making. In 1938 he edited the Territorial Magazine which later became Inkundla Ya Bantu.

From teaching and journalism he went back to the people of the Transkei and in 1941 he became Secretary of the African Voters’ Association, whose object was to restore the African voters to the common roll, and two years later General Secretary of the Transkeian Organized Bodies, which united all political groups in the Transkei. The same year he co-authored a new policy document drawn for the African National Congress — ‘The African Claims.’

Govan went into the Bunga (The Transkei Council of elected and nominated members) as an elected representative and watched the workings of this body from the inside. From 1944 to 1946 he was the first representative of the students on the governing body of Fort Hare. He published a new booklet, on co-operatives, called Let’s Do it Together.

In the fifties Govan went back to teaching, this time in Northern Natal. But there he found himself in a coal mining area, and he held his teaching post for only twenty-one months before he was sacked for organizing the coal workers.

Now began some years of full-time political journalism, as manager of the Eastern Province office of New Age and Spark and their banned predecessors, and as reporter and editor in the branch office used by the Transkei to siphon its news to the outside world. By now Govan was an African National Congress kingpin in the Eastern Cape. He was organizer, propagandist, technician, policy-maker; man of action, and intellectual.

Above all, he sees the Transkei through the eyes of the commoner, for the peasants of his home country are the people he loves. In this book he describes how the commoner lives and works under apartheid. Can the land support the people? Is there work? he asks.

He strips apartheid to its economic bones and discusses it in terms of wages, land allotments and taxes. Can this really be self-government? he asks. He tells the sordid inside story of how chiefs chose power and were bamboozled and cajoled into accepting the Bantustan plan because they learned that there was something in it for them. He presents material never reported anywhere before on the fate of the ordinary peasant at the hands of the tax collector, the authoritarian chief, and the tribal court.

Many of the chapters are a close scrutiny of the technique of rule of Africans by the Verwoerd Government but throughout the story is told in the words and from the experiences of the peasant, for while Govan worked with blue books and statistics, the commoners of the Transkei were his chief source of information, and as he loved them, so they trusted and confided in him.

Govan has a sharp mind, intolerant of the foolish and the faint-hearted. But in between the meetings, and the drafting of circulars and resolutions, the stern disciplinarian becomes the gentle and considerate friend. The last years have been hard ones for a man who has renounced home and family life, comfort and study, to lead the life of the political outlaw. Like the Transkeian peasant, Govan has lived as a migrant. Poverty and the rule of race that is called apartheid drive the Transkeian migrant from security on the land to work in the cities, and then back again. His own hatred of poverty and racial rule has led Govan Mbeki to place the cause of his people before his personal needs. Today he is locked away on the penal Robben Island, serving a sentence of life imprisonment.

Ruth First
London, June 1964