SACP Red October Campaign (2020–2021) Launch Statement: Hunger Eradication, Health, Human Settlements, and Water; As delivered by SACP General Secretary Dr Blade Nzimande

4 October 2020

Hunger Eradication, Health, Human Settlements, and Water - We are launching our SACP 2020 Red October Campaign based on these critical inter-connected challenges in our society. Their relevance today is as great (if not greater) than when, in the early 1990s, General Secretary Comrade Chris Hani launched the Triple H (Health, Housing and Hunger) campaign. That earlier campaign achieved an important impact upon the content of what became the ANC’s 1994 election manifesto – the RDP, a policy document whose general line of march remains absolutely valid. The RDP programmatic statement that is still, sadly, unfulfilled in many ways, as has been floodlit in the Covid-19 pandemic.

Today, as we take up our Triple H+W campaign, we do so in the midst of the gravest global capitalist crisis since the 1930s. It is a crisis triggered by the Covid-19 pandemic, but it occurs against the background of, and further exacerbates, the pre-existing multi-dimensional economic, social and environmental crises – both within South Africa and globally.

Here in SA, the past weeks have brought the dismal but not unexpected news of a second quarter 16 per cent GDP collapse and the further loss of 2.2 million jobs, bringing our actual unemployment rate into an entirely unsustainable 50 per cent plus range. Youth unemployment is likely to be around 70 per cent.

This is simply unsustainable. On this trajectory our country faces social collapse.

And yet there is also hope. There are real possibilities (and the absolute necessity) for a struggle for a different world, to break the chains of neoliberal austerity, to forge a different sustainable relationship with the environment.

All around the world there is a renewed popular upsurge and a growing realisation of the imperative to build, what we might call, a post-capitalist global order:

· to put people before profits,

· to put environmental sustainability before corporate greed,

· to make the financial speculators and the horde of parasites redundant – not the workers

· to acknowledge and mainstream the huge role played by women not least in the care economy,

· to recognise and formalise what the pandemic has made crystal clear, the millions in the informal economy, street vendors and others are doing essential work.

The Covid-19 pandemic has underlined the absolute centrality of social solidarity, between men and women, between the young and the old, across culture and across national boundaries.

The SACP’s slogan – ‘Socialism is the Future, Build It Now!’ is more relevant than ever. Let us use this Red October Campaign to give concrete content to that slogan. Let us build working class and popular confidence and capacity. Let us foster a socialist morality of sharing and caring, not of greed. Let us construct, in struggle, the building blocks of socialism in the present.

As Cde Chris Hani always insisted – socialism must not be seen as some distant and abstract utopia. It is not about big words. It’s about very basic things – nutritious food, dignified shelter, safe water, accessible health-care.

Building on and learning from what is already happening

In preparation for today’s launch, the SACP convened a Webinar on Friday involving experts in their fields but also Party structures. What we learnt was that in townships, villages and informal settlements, Party cadres are active, sometimes directly under the SACP banner, at other times as activists in community-based programmes and networks. We commit to deepen this work.

Much of this work is unheralded. In Lavender Hill, in Cape Town, for instance, Party and ANC comrades, together with many other community activists are running free food kitchens, food gardens, trauma counselling, and working closely with a collective in nearby Cuban Heights that built their own homes on a housing brigade basis.

In Limpopo, during the Covid-19 lockdown, initiative has been taken to coordinate the food that people in a village grow to enable selling produce to each other, to lessen the dependence on retailers charging high prices for food that can be produced locally.

In Mpumalanga an SACP branch works every weekend helping in a food garden to support elderly widows and single widowers.

In Vosloorus, there are community food gardens still functioning that were started by the Party Branch in the late 1990s.

In Jouberton in the North West, a housing stokvel set out to build their own homes and organised to get assistance from the provincial government.

Some of these programmes have been a direct response to the deepening crises sparked by the Covid-19 pandemic, others have been scaled up on the basis of pre-existing community programmes and networks.

These are just a few examples of thousands of grass-roots initiatives that are being undertaken across our country.

We need to share these experiences. We need to learn from each other. We need to massively expand this work. We have Red Brigades who have valiantly taken up so many Party campaigns – let these Red Brigades now become Covid-19 compliance brigades, food security brigades. Let them protect public infrastructure from looting and from destruction. Let them be trained to become Red Health Brigades. Our Red Brigades must be at the forefront of cleaning our environment, preventing water pollution and water wastage.

Build district development forums

Government has taken the decision to build more effective, all-of-government cooperation through the District Development model. This also becomes an ideal site to build greater popular participatory involvement to advance the objectives of our Triple H plus Water campaign. We are calling on SACP provinces and district structures to play an active role in establishing popular district development forums.

There is no one-size fits all. How, in practice, to advance the objectives of our Red October campaign will need to be concretised locally and democratically with a wide array of community and sectoral activist structures. We believe that district development forums can be a key site for doing this and for engaging with government.

Building working class and popular unity in action

Our approach to campaigning must never be limited to a ‘service delivery protest’ mode. While such protests serve to highlight real issues confronting working class communities, we need to position the working class and broader popular forces not just as plaintiffs, not as under-serviced ‘clients’ of a delivery-state, but as the makers of change.

A democratic state has resources and responsibilities which must be deployed and actively engaged. We must help to build a capacity for democratic social ownership and responsibility for our villages and townships, for the safety of women, children, non-nationals, and all in our communities and our places of work. A democratic state and organised and mobilised working class and popular forces need to be the co-producers of radical transformation.

Building unity in action means:

· Forging much greater unity within the organised working class. The SACP welcomes the fact that SAFTU has committed its full support to the COSATU General Strike of October 7th. It is a strike against corruption and austerity. It is a strike against government’s illegal reneging on its own commitments in the public sector central bargaining forum. The SACP extends its full support to this day of action and to the demands advanced by the two largest and socialist federations in our country.

· Unity in action also requires struggles that unite the formally employed and organised with the unemployed and those active in the informal sector. We call on the unionised working class to join us in the Triple H and Water campaign that deliberately seeks to connect work place struggles with struggles in our communities;

· Unity in action also requires that we broaden our struggles to include the widest array of popular forces – not least the millions of middle strata who face massive problems of indebtedness, home repossessions, unaffordable health-care, and much more.

Engendering Hunger Eradication, Health Care, Human Settlements and Water

We must integrate the Joe Slovo Foundation-SACP-Cosatu White Ribbon Campaign against gender-based violence into our approach to the Red October campaign. Gender inequality results in women carrying a disproportionate burden in relation to hunger, illness, water access and housing. The gains we make in the struggle for hunger eradication, healthcare, safe human settlements and provision of water can enhance women’s options when faced with gender-based violence, and can improve the safety of women.

· Knowing that you have a safe place to stay makes it easier to leave the abuser, so as to live another day. Women’s ownership of houses provides shelter for an entire family.

· Access to a meal without any strife, helps to save a life. Skilling and employing women, and ensuring guaranteed minimum income for every woman helps the fight against hunger and makes women less dependent on abusers for food.

· When access to compassionate health practitioners is easily gained, evidence of rape and abuse will be better obtained. Women should have access to 24-hour healthcare and feminine hygiene products.

· On-tap, potable water, in safe and secure locations minimises the vulnerability of women to assault and assists to preserve dignity. Access to water for hygiene boosts self-esteem and confidence to actively participate in activities.

The Triple H plus Water campaign and a mass public employment programme

There is now wide-spread support from the Nedlac partners that a mass public employment programme has to be a key response to the crisis.

As the SACP we believe that much of this programme should be based on the Community Work Programme model. It is a ward-based model, public sector facilitated but actively run by local NPOs/CBOs, in which the projects are democratically selected by the community participants.

These may range from community food gardens, community safety networks, cultural activities and sports coaching, township infrastructure maintenance and clean-up work, environmental work, school feeding, assisting early childhood centres and women safety havens, community health outreach, and much more.

In other words, a massive scaling up of public employment programmes shouldn’t be about displacing existing formal sector jobs, but rather injecting resources into existing community-based struggles and networks, and encouraging the expansion and development of many more.

This Community Works Programme (CWP) approach to public employment programmes has a proven capacity for rapid scaling up, and is an ideal manner for building social ownership and responsibility for our local neighbourhoods.

The immediate introduction of a Universal Basic Income Guarantee!

The levels of social distress, with a new job-loss bloodbath on top of existing crises, means that apart from thousands of localised initiatives and programmes, we have to respond with urgency and across the board. The Special Covid-19 Social Relief of Distress Grant (SRDG) of R350 per month has offered a survival life-line to millions. But that grant is now due to expire at the end of this month

We cannot allow this to happen. The SRDG grant which has been going to those who are not covered by pensions, UIF, or as care-givers by the Child Support Grant must now be converted as an urgent priority, into a Universal Basic Income Guarantee. Without this small but desperately needed lifeline many households will fall into deeper distress.

The SACP calls for a Basic Income Guarantee that is universal, in other words, that is not means-tested to avoid costly administrative overheads.

Without a Basic Income Guarantee, without each adult in a household being able to contribute to the household income, the impact of all of the Triple H plus Water campaigns will be severely limited.

Hunger and malnutrition are a scandal in a country that produces enough to feed all its people

Nearly 50 per cent of South Africans are food insecure, yet our extensive but labour-shedding, capital-intensive commercial agricultural sector (heavily reliant on pesticides, fertilizers and other anti-environmental practices) produces more than enough to feed South Africa.

Hunger relates not just to having enough food, but also critically having a nutritionally balanced diet. Apart from hunger, South Africa has a major diabetes crisis, which particularly impacts on working class communities, reflecting poor nutrition.

The Covid-19 pandemic and the hard lockdown further exposed just how vulnerable millions of South Africans are to food insecurity. However, there were also impressive, community based initiatives of solidarity (Community Action Networks – CANS and similar grassroots efforts) that pointed the way to one key response going forward, in which local food gardens and other cooperative efforts supplied food to those most vulnerable and in need. We need to build on these experiences.

Pre-Covid-19 some 80 per cent of learners in our schools were benefiting from the School Feeding Programme. With the lock-down, unwisely, the School Feeding Programme was also temporarily closed down. This was a mistake which has now been rectified. We now need to expand the School Feeding Programme to include continuing the programme during school holidays. We also need to take forward pilot programmes in several provinces where schools have food gardens that produce for the programme and also help feed the poor in surrounding communities.

The hard lockdown also exposed how important informal street traders are (not just for their own household sustainability) but for providing affordable food for the working class. Yet these traders encounter a great deal of administrative harassment particularly from local municipalities. Their rights to trade must be recognised and formalised.

Effective land reform in rural areas must prioritise promoting small-scale, labour intensive productive use with appropriate infrastructure (water) and subsidised inputs (seeds, etc), and these must also be linked to state-led agro-processing programmes.

The heavy concentration in the food whole-sale and retail sectors must be broken with government assistance to local cooperative selling and purchasing initiatives.

The rights of rural women living in the former homelands to secure tenured access to productive land must be entrenched.

The increased indebtedness of the working class and the lower middle classes in wake of the Covid-19 pandemic exacerbates the food insecurity and deepens the crisis of social reproduction of many a household. It must be addressed in our economic recovery and development strategy and in building an inclusive economy. Consideration should be given to another debt amnesty and/or other debt relief measures for workers and the lower middle classes, who are often at the mercy of private finance capital.

We now need the very rapid advance to a National Health Insurance

 The Covid-19 pandemic has emphasised with the greatest urgency the absolute necessity on now advancing very rapidly with the implementation of a comprehensive National Health Insurance system based on the principle of solidarity.

We have a two-tier health system in SA – the one privately provided and serving 16 per cent of the population with medical aids, and the other an over-burdened and under-funded public health system caring for the rest. The Covid-19 pandemic has exposed the weaknesses of both. Even before the pandemic, the private health care system was dysfunctional and even those with medical aids were finding that coverage was running out before the last months of the year. To compound matters, the private health-care system is parasitic on the public sector. Nurses and doctors are trained in publicly funded facilities.

To advance rapidly towards the NHI:

· We say: Down with budget cuts and the creeping de-funding of the public health-care system. The public health system needs more human and financial resources.

· We say: Implement the long-standing resolution to develop a state-owned capacity to produce desperately needed pharmaceuticals, so that affordability and availability are based on social need and not market forces.

· We call for much greater transparency in the health-sector in general and we need to stamp out corruption and neglect – we need to restore public trust in public health-care provision.

· We call on trade unions in their wage and other demands to make the NHI a key component of the social wage demand. In particular, trade unions in the largest companies need to put pressure on the bosses (those most likely to oppose NHI) – to appreciate the value of an NHI.

· We must not only mobilise the workers and urban and rural poor around the NHI. For increasingly indebted middle strata with costly medical aids that rapidly become depleted forcing you to pay for health-care out of pocket, the NHI will be a vital advance for you.

· To the cynics who query affordability of an NHI, we say quite simply – the NHI is something that we cannot NOT afford. If you ever doubted this before the Covid-19 pandemic, then surely now is the time to change your views.

Water and sanitation

While there has been progress since 1994 in providing access to safe water and sanitation, we are falling far behind our goals to provide one hundred per cent coverage by 2030.

While many of our written policies are world-class, actual transformation and implementation are often weak.

The Water Licence dispensation continues to be heavily skewed towards pre-1994 beneficiaries.

South Africa is a water scarce country and there is an urgent need to rapidly change our approach to water and sanitation. There are many sustainable technologies, some developed by an excellent cadre of South African researchers but we have failed to develop them for the market, and the intellectual property, production and marketing have now been taken over by other countries.

We need to connect our re-industrialisation programme to a just green transition, with the production of water and sanitation technologies that meet the desperate social needs of our people and country – these include technologies like a water-saving, non-sewered approach to sanitation, and obtaining energy from water flow in pipes (something successfully piloted at the Bloem Water headquarters which is now off-grid).

In community struggles, we need to mobilise to protect key infrastructure, including water infrastructure from vandalism.

A ward-based Community Work Programme, or similar community development forum could resource two or three local plumbers to fix costly and wasteful water-leaks.

Human settlements

When the SACP first launched its HHH campaign in the early 1990s, we tended to focus on houses. The RDP of 1994 estimated a housing back-log of 3 million. In the following years nearly 3-million RDP houses were constructed, but the back-log remained 3 million, owing to many factors – rapid urbanisation thanks to the abolition of apartheid control measures but also due to a general failure to rapidly implement rural land reform.

The shortage was also compounded by second and third generation family members in overcrowded township homes seeking their own dwellings. The net impact has been a huge expansion of informal settlements, as well as extensive informal backyard dwellings.

The RDP housing build has been beset with numbers of problems:

Instead of a publicly-owned construction capacity, or of a peoples-brigade approach to housing construction, new township housing has been outsourced with all of the attendant problems of corruption, shoddy workmanship, manipulation of housing lists, etc (of which the FS asbestos project is one of the more industrial scale examples of looting in the housing sector);

the focus on houses alone, and not on viable human settlements with local employment possibilities and with recreational and other communal amenities, has seen the replication of the apartheid-era dormitory township pattern.

To make matters worse, in order to maximise the number of houses within a limited budget, and without the will to expropriate well located land, most RDP settlements are on the distant margins of towns and cities where the land is cheapest. Once again we have replicated apartheid spatial patterns and enforced long-distance (in this case daily) migrancy on to much of the working class.

In this Red October campaign the SACP, together with a range of allied formations, will be taking forward our campaign against brutal evictions and home re-possessions.

We will campaign for the active transformation of human settlements including through:

The cancellation of private housing contracts where there are not the required skills, with all monies recuperated

A major people-driven programme, based on CWP principles, for the upgrading of well-located informal settlements

The expanded construction of rental stock and the effective regulation of rentals

Addressing security of tenure – while working class households appreciate getting title deeds, the current title deeds regime is inappropriate for the realities of the majority of households

Security of tenure and security of access to productive communal land is especially critical for the one-third of South Africans, especially rural women, living in the former ‘homelands’.

Urban land reform, including expropriation of well located land, for mixed use, mixed income development must be fast tracked.

The Triple-H plus Water Campaign and the struggle against Gender Based Violence

In our campaigning, it is critical to integrate all of our developmental and transformational objectives with a clear gendered perspective.

In particular we need to tirelessly fight against the pandemic of gender-based violence in our society. The struggle for sustainable human settlements, for dignified and accessible health-care, for access to safe water and sanitation, and against hunger all connect dynamically with the struggle against patriarchal oppression and all of its morbid symptoms.

With dignified and accessible public health-care, the survivors of rape will at least receive proper care and attention, and the basis for the effective prosecution of perpetrators can be effectively grounded.

The struggle to radically transform our communities from dormitory townships into human settlements with recreational spaces and amenities, must include places of safety for women and children. Overcrowded dwellings provide little to no privacy.

Access to safe water will liberate millions of women and young girls from the drudgery, and often danger, of fetching water from distant streams. Likewise, we know that poor sanitation and access to toilets at night are major challenges for women in many informal settlements.

Our approach to this Red October campaign is to build popular power on the ground. In much of our work on food gardens and soup kitchens, on community based health-work, on networks of solidarity and care it is noticeable that it is women who are often in the majority. The campaign must affirm women cadres, must build confidence and collective capacity.

 The struggle on Two Fronts – No to Corruption and Lawlessness! No to Austerity!

The sectoral focuses of our 2020 Red October Campaign – Health, Human Settlements, Hunger and Water - are fundamentally related to the broader strategic positioning that the SACP’s September Central Committee elaborated for the present conjuncture:

It is a struggle on Two Fronts –

· Against Corruption and Lawlessness!

· Against Austerity!

Popular struggles against the crises on the health front, in homelessness, in hunger and access to safe water and sanitation all invariably bump into the challenges of:

· corruption and lawlessness, on the one hand, and

· the crushing impact of a dogmatic, self-destructive, neo-liberal austerity imposed by Treasury and the SA Reserve Bank, and a range of neo-liberal enforcers, including the ratings agencies, the IMF, and much of the mainstream commentariat, on the other.

When SACP districts take up community-based campaigns for access to water, they run into a tangled web of lawless destruction of bulk infrastructure so that corrupt water-tanker tenderpreneurs with connections into municipalities can profit off people’s most basic right.

This is compounded by the reality that the struggling municipal sphere, the key inter-face between communities and the state, is the most direct victim of punitive austerity, receiving only 9 per cent of now declining budget transfers. There is a serious lack of basic professional skills in most municipalities and if bulk infrastructure, for instance, is not actively sabotaged, it often becomes dysfunctional simply because of an incapacity to maintain it.

Treasury is now further reducing expenditure by R21bn for 2020/2021 and by R28,5bn for 2021/2022, and, defying the public sector bargaining council agreement, has unlawfully cut civil servant wages by more than R50bn annually. Unless this self-defeating austerity is reversed, this pro-cyclical austerity which is out of step with most countries in the world, at a time of catastrophic economic decline, will drive SA into a total, failed state impasse, possibly as soon as 2022.

While corruption is a massive drain on our society, we must actively fight the illusion that neo-liberal austerity is the most effective weapon against corruption. We need a massive stimulus programme focused on mass job creation, re-industrialisation and a just green transition.

For a public health system based on solidarity, for an end to homelessness, hunger and a lack of water and sanitation – We say: No to Corruption and Lawlessness! No to Austerity!

How to Pay for all of this?

Before the global C-19 pandemic there was a growing awareness even in relatively mainstream international quarters that rigid neoliberal orthodoxy was not working.

Even the leading global capitalist mouthpiece, the Financial Times recently editorialised:

‘Governments will have to accept a more active role in the economy. They must see public services as investments rather than liabilities, and look for ways to make labour markets less insecure. Redistribution will again be on the agenda…Policies until recently considered eccentric, such as basic income and wealth tax will have to be in the mix.’

These trends have opened considerable policy space for a much more active engagement with progressive heterodox economic policies.

Unfortunately, key institutions within the South African state (notably Treasury and the SA Reserve Bank) remain recalcitrant, neoliberal ‘true-believers’, stuck in a provincial and destructive ‘orthodoxy’ while global fashions are changing.

‘We can’t live beyond our means’ is an often repeated refrain, as if South Africa’s economy was a household. As if, as Marx long ago recognised, capitalist states actively use ‘budget deficits’. As if in a country with relative monetary sovereignty (which we have) it was not the state that issued currency (Rands), but rather depended on taxes (or loans) for what it could spend. This is a bit like thinking middle-class parents have to live off taxing (or borrowing with interest) the pocket-money they give to their children.

In a globalised world dominated by the US dollar, a ‘middle-income’ country like South Africa does not enjoy absolute monetary sovereignty – we cannot just print all the money we need. Oil and other imports, along with our non-Rand denominated public debt (fortunately, only around 10 per cent of our total public debt) have to be paid for in foreign currencies, mainly US dollars. This is why exports and the exchange rate of the Rand to major global currencies are important factors to monitor and manage. But the narrow, house-keeping world-view that our current public budget deficit is unsustainable and that we are facing a ‘fiscal cliff’ is absolutely and dangerously misguided.

There is considerable scope for a much more relaxed monetary and fiscal policy in SA – with even Chase Manhattan Bank recently expressing surprise that the South African Reserve Bank (SARB) failed to further reduce the prime interest rate in September given the devastating impact on the economy of C-19.

While there are important and still open debates within SA, and in which the SACP is engaging, among a variety of anti-neoliberal progressive economists, academics and research institutions, there is an important convergence amongst us based on:

· Anti-austerity – the question should not be ‘can we afford a Universal Basic Income Guarantee, or a massive public employment programme, or publicly-led re-industrialisation?’. The stark reality is that we can’t NOT afford to implement a massive, publicly-driven and funded stimulus and recovery programme. The alternative is social collapse and a failed state within the relatively short term.

· We need a real and substantive stimulus/recovery plan that drives radical structural transformation (not structural ‘reform’) while the general commitments contained in the NEDLAC (but still to be pronounced upon by Cabinet) Recovery Plan are to be welcomed – the scale and resourcing remain unclear.

The default position appears still to be over-reliant on the private sector and on incentivising (without disciplining) private capital. A classical example of this was the SARB’s R200bn loan guarantee scheme to the private banking oligopoly in the midst of the hard lock-down. The idea was that the private banks would be able to advance low interest credit to struggling private companies (of their choice). There was virtually no take-up.

Instead, the SARB should have (and still should) directly inject liquidity into public sector Development Finance Institutions (DFIs) (notably the DBSA and IDC) so that public interest investment rather than commercially driven priorities is advanced.

The SARB argues, nonsensically, that this kind of arrangement would ‘crowd out’ the private sector. When the public sector is not spending, the private sector stays aloof preferring to invest surplus in speculative activity or off-shoring.

· Discipline capital -while we style our state as a ‘democratic developmental state’, there is no example anywhere in the world in which the active strategic disciplining of capital is not a central pillar of a developmental state (whether South Korea from the 1960s, or the rather different social democratic Nordics in the 1950s-70s). Yet in the post-apartheid SA capital has been given a remarkably easy ride.

Corporate taxes have dropped from 52 per cent in 1983, to 48 per cent in 1994, to 28 per cent currently.

Despite this, there is also massive corporate and individual capitalist tax fraud, including mispricing, costing the economy an estimated R150 billion to R370 billion annually.

There has been little to no appetite to enforce prescribed assets on capital – despite the fact that the cash reserves in the JSE’s largest 50 companies increased from R242 billion to a massive R1.4 trillion between 2005 and 2016. In other words, there has been a massive and ongoing investment strike.

Since 1994 export controls have been systematically relaxed, yet by its own admission, Treasury concedes that between $10-25 billion is lost as a result of illicit financial flows.

In short, while (quite correctly) much is said about wastage and irregular expenditure in the public sector, very little is said about this much larger loss to our country of trillions of Rands of potential, job-creating, developmentally productive capital.

To resource all of the desperate social needs for health care, food security, adequate water and sanitation provision, and decent human settlements - urgent steps need to be undertaken

A major review of Treasury/South African Reserve Bank policy perspectives – ensuring that macro-economic policy responds to the urgent need for a massive stimulus and recovery injection

There needs to be the introduction of a wealth tax

We must begin to tax capital transactions (a Tobin tax)

We must boldly introduce targeted prescribed assets

DOWN WITH CORRUPTION AND VANDALISM!

AWAY WITH AUSTERITY!

FORWARD WITH THE STRUGGLE FOR HEALTH-CARE, FOOD SECURITY, DIGNIFIED HUMAN SETTLEMENTS, SAFE WATER AND SANITATION FOR ALL!

SOCIALISM IS THE FUTURE – WE HAVE, COLLECTIVELY, TO BUILD IT NOW!

ISSUED BY THE SOUTH AFRICAN COMMUNIST PARTY | SACP

EST. 1921 AS THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF SOUTH AFRICA | CPSA

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