Sunday, November 11, 2007

Deaths Mark Growing Resistance to the US Occupations in Afghanistan and Iraq

Deaths mark grim Afghan, Iraq milestones

By JASON STRAZIUSO,
Associated Press Writer

Militants ambushed and killed six U.S. troops walking in the mountains of eastern Afghanistan — the most lethal attack of the year. The deaths made 2007 the deadliest for the U.S. military here since the 2001 invasion, mirroring the record U.S. toll in Iraq.

Both conflicts have seen an increase in troop levels this year that has put more soldiers in harm's way, including those killed Friday while returning from a meeting with village elders in Nuristan province. Militants wielding rocket propelled grenades killed the six Americans and three Afghan soldiers. Eight U.S. troops were wounded.

"They were attacked from several enemy positions at the same time," Lt. Col. David Accetta, a spokesman for NATO's International Security Assistance Force and the U.S. military, said Saturday. "It was a complex ambush."

The six deaths brings the number of U.S. troops killed in Afghanistan this year to at least 101, according to an Associated Press count, surpassing the 93 troops killed in 2005. About 87 died last year. The toll echoes the situation in Iraq, where U.S. military deaths this year surpassed 850, also a record.

Launched in the aftermath of the Sept. 11, 2001, terror attacks, the war in Afghanistan quickly ousted al-Qaida chief Osama bin Laden and his Taliban protectors and appeared to have been a swift military victory.

But insurgent attacks — advanced ambushes and suicide and roadside bombs — have risen sharply the last two years, and analysts say the counterinsurgency battle U.S. and NATO forces now face will take a decade or more to win.

Critics of the Bush administration say the Pentagon turned its attention away from Afghanistan during the build-up to the invasion in Iraq, leaving the military with too few resources here to back up that initial victory with an adequate security presence.

Though attacks in Iraq have dropped in recent months, U.S. troops there have also faced a rising number of suicide and roadside bombs since the 2003 invasion, known as asymmetric attacks in military circles.

Seth Jones, an expert on Afghanistan at the Washington-based RAND Corp., said the power of the U.S. military has forced insurgent groups into relying on such bombings.

"It's an irony that the United States far and away has the most powerful military in the world," said Jones. "I think the current levels of attacks in Iraq and Afghanistan show, however, that the key vulnerability to the United States both in Afghanistan and Iraq is the asymmetric attacks."

U.S. forces have two combat brigades — more than 8,000 troops — in eastern Afghanistan this year, up from one last year. The U.S. has about 25,000 forces in Afghanistan today — 15,000 under NATO and 10,000 under the U.S.-led coalition.

Accetta said U.S. forces this year have pushed into new areas that traditionally have been militant safe havens.

"If you look back, last year we didn't have a significant presence in Nuristan and now we do," he said. "That all contributes to the fact there have been more casualties this year than there have been in previous years."

Violence is at record levels across the board. Insurgents have launched more than 130 suicide attacks, a record number, and Afghanistan last week saw its deadliest attack since 2001, a suicide bombing in Baghlan province that killed about 75 people, including 59 students and six members of parliament.

"It certainly is disturbing that U.S. casualty figures, though they are low in general, are increasing," Jones said. "But I think the most significant concern is the growth that is affecting Afghans, the whole panoply of raids, IEDs, suicide attacks, and the attack in Baghlan this week."

More than 5,800 people, mostly militants, have died due to insurgency-related violence this year, also a record, according to an AP count based on figures from Western and Afghan officials.

Anthony Cordesman, an expert on the U.S. military, said in a report this month that the average number of attacks in Afghanistan each month has risen 30 percent this year, from 425 in 2006 to 548 this year.

He labeled the Afghan conflict a "war of attrition that can last 15 or more years" that militants can win simply by outlasting U.S. and NATO efforts.

"As in Vietnam, tactical victory can easily become irrelevant," he wrote in a report for the Washington-based Center for Strategic and International Studies that called for greater development of the Afghan government and military.

Friday's ambush resulted in the highest number of U.S. casualties from a battle this year, Accetta said.

"With Sunday being Veterans Day, this is a reminder of the sacrifices that our troops and our Afghan partners make for the peace and stability of the Afghan people," Accetta said.

Fighter aircraft and troops using artillery and mortars at nearby outposts fired on the militants' positions, Accetta said. It wasn't immediately clear how many militants were involved in the ambush, he said.

Mohammad Daoud Nadim, Nuristan deputy police chief, said the ambush happened in the remote province's Waygal district, about 40 miles from the border with Pakistan, which militants are known to use as a sanctuary.

Arabs and other foreign fighters from Chechnya and Uzbekistan are known to operate in the Nuristan region, but the provincial governor, Tamin Nuristani, blamed the attack on Taliban militants. Nuristani said the combined troops searched two houses after the meeting with village elders and were ambushed while walking to their base afterward.

Nuristan province has seen heavy fighting recently. Two U.S. soldiers were killed and 13 wounded by an ambush in July, while militants disguised in Afghan army uniforms wounded 11 U.S. troops in August.

The attack Friday was the deadliest incident for U.S. troops since a Chinook crashed in February in Zabul province, killing eight Americans. Officials ruled out enemy fire as the cause of that crash.

Associated Press reporter Amir Shah contributed to this report.

DNA Discoveries and the New Racism in the United States

November 11, 2007

The DNA Age

In DNA Era, New Worries About Prejudice

By AMY HARMON
New York Times

When scientists first decoded the human genome in 2000, they were quick to portray it as proof of humankind’s remarkable similarity. The DNA of any two people, they emphasized, is at least 99 percent identical.

But new research is exploring the remaining fraction to explain differences between people of different continental origins.

Scientists, for instance, have recently identified small changes in DNA that account for the pale skin of Europeans, the tendency of Asians to sweat less and West Africans’ resistance to certain diseases.

At the same time, genetic information is slipping out of the laboratory and into everyday life, carrying with it the inescapable message that people of different races have different DNA. Ancestry tests tell customers what percentage of their genes are from Asia, Europe, Africa and the Americas. The heart-disease drug BiDil is marketed exclusively to African-Americans, who seem genetically predisposed to respond to it. Jews are offered prenatal tests for genetic disorders rarely found in other ethnic groups.

Such developments are providing some of the first tangible benefits of the genetic revolution. Yet some social critics fear they may also be giving long-discredited racial prejudices a new potency. The notion that race is more than skin deep, they fear, could undermine principles of equal treatment and opportunity that have relied on the presumption that we are all fundamentally equal.

“We are living through an era of the ascendance of biology, and we have to be very careful,” said Henry Louis Gates Jr., director of the W. E. B. Du Bois Institute for African and African American Research at Harvard University. “We will all be walking a fine line between using biology and allowing it to be abused.”

Certain superficial traits like skin pigmentation have long been presumed to be genetic. But the ability to pinpoint their DNA source makes the link between genes and race more palpable. And on mainstream blogs, in college classrooms and among the growing community of ancestry test-takers, it is prompting the question of whether more profound differences may also be attributed to DNA.

Nonscientists are already beginning to stitch together highly speculative conclusions about the historically charged subject of race and intelligence from the new biological data. Last month, a blogger in Manhattan described a recently published study that linked several snippets of DNA to high I.Q. An online genetic database used by medical researchers, he told readers, showed that two of the snippets were found more often in Europeans and Asians than in Africans.

No matter that the link between I.Q. and those particular bits of DNA was unconfirmed, or that other high I.Q. snippets are more common in Africans, or that hundreds or thousands of others may also affect intelligence, or that their combined influence might be dwarfed by environmental factors. Just the existence of such genetic differences between races, proclaimed the author of the Half Sigma blog, a 40-year-old software developer, means “the egalitarian theory,” that all races are equal, “is proven false.”

Though few of the bits of human genetic code that vary between individuals have yet to be tied to physical or behavioral traits, scientists have found that roughly 10 percent of them are more common in certain continental groups and can be used to distinguish people of different races. They say that studying the differences, which arose during the tens of thousands of years that human populations evolved on separate continents after their ancestors dispersed from humanity’s birthplace in East Africa, is crucial to mapping the genetic basis for disease.

But many geneticists, wary of fueling discrimination and worried that speaking openly about race could endanger support for their research, are loath to discuss the social implications of their findings. Still, some acknowledge that as their data and methods are extended to nonmedical traits, the field is at what one leading researcher recently called “a very delicate time, and a dangerous time.”

“There are clear differences between people of different continental ancestries,” said Marcus W. Feldman, a professor of biological sciences at Stanford University. “It’s not there yet for things like I.Q., but I can see it coming. And it has the potential to spark a new era of racism if we do not start explaining it better.”

Dr. Feldman said any finding on intelligence was likely to be exceedingly hard to pin down. But given that some may emerge, he said he wanted to create “ready response teams” of geneticists to put such socially fraught discoveries in perspective.

The authority that DNA has earned through its use in freeing falsely convicted inmates, preventing disease and reconstructing family ties leads people to wrongly elevate genetics over other explanations for differences between groups.

“I’ve spent the last 10 years of my life researching how much genetic variability there is between populations,” said Dr. David Altshuler, director of the Program in Medical and Population Genetics at the Broad Institute in Cambridge, Mass. “But living in America, it is so clear that the economic and social and educational differences have so much more influence than genes. People just somehow fixate on genetics, even if the influence is very small.”

But on the Half Sigma blog and elsewhere, the conversation is already flashing forward to what might happen if genetically encoded racial differences in socially desirable — or undesirable — traits are identified.

“If I were to believe the ‘facts’ in this post, what should I do?” one reader responded on Half Sigma. “Should I advocate discrimination against blacks because they are less smart? Should I not hire them to my company because odds are I could find a smarter white person? Stop trying to prove that one group of people are genetically inferior to your group. Just stop.”

Renata McGriff, 52, a health care consultant who had been encouraging black clients to volunteer genetic information to scientists, said she and other African-Americans have lately been discussing “opting out of genetic research until it’s clear we’re not going to use science to validate prejudices.”

“I don’t want the children in my family to be born thinking they are less than someone else based on their DNA,” added Ms. McGriff, of Manhattan.

Such discussions are among thousands that followed the geneticist James D. Watson’s assertion last month that Africans are innately less intelligent than other races. Dr. Watson, a Nobel Prize winner, subsequently apologized and quit his post at the Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory on Long Island.

But the incident has added to uneasiness about whether society is prepared to handle the consequences of science that may eventually reveal appreciable differences between races in the genes that influence socially important traits.

New genetic information, some liberal critics say, could become the latest rallying point for a conservative political camp that objects to social policies like affirmative action, as happened with “The Bell Curve,” the controversial 1994 book that examined the relationship between race and I.Q.

Yet even some self-described liberals argue that accepting that there may be genetic differences between races is important in preparing to address them politically.

“Let’s say the genetic data says we’ll have to spend two times as much for every black child to close the achievement gap,” said Jason Malloy, 28, an artist in Madison, Wis., who wrote a defense of Dr. Watson for the widely read science blog Gene Expression. Society, he said, would need to consider how individuals “can be given educational and occupational opportunities that work best for their unique talents and limitations.”

Others hope that the genetic data may overturn preconceived notions of racial superiority by, for example, showing that Africans are innately more intelligent than other groups. But either way, the increased outpouring of conversation on the normally taboo subject of race and genetics has prompted some to suggest that innate differences should be accepted but, at some level, ignored.

“Regardless of any such genetic variation, it is our moral duty to treat all as equal before God and before the law,” Perry Clark, 44, wrote on a New York Times blog. It is not necessary, argued Dr. Clark, a retired neonatologist in Leawood, Kan., who is white, to maintain the pretense that inborn racial differences do not exist.

“When was the last time a nonblack sprinter won the Olympic 100 meters?” he asked.

“To say that such differences aren’t real,” Dr. Clark later said in an interview, “is to stick your head in the sand and go blah blah blah blah blah until the band marches by.”

Race, many sociologists and anthropologists have argued for decades, is a social invention historically used to justify prejudice and persecution. But when Samuel M. Richards gave his students at Pennsylvania State University genetic ancestry tests to establish the imprecision of socially constructed racial categories, he found the exercise reinforced them instead.

One white-skinned student, told she was 9 percent West African, went to a Kwanzaa celebration, for instance, but would not dream of going to an Asian cultural event because her DNA did not match, Dr. Richards said. Preconceived notions of race seemed all the more authentic when quantified by DNA.

“Before, it was, ‘I’m white because I have white skin and grew up in white culture,’ ” Dr. Richards said. “Now it’s, ‘I really know I’m white, so white is this big neon sign hanging over my head.’ It’s like, oh, no, come on. That wasn’t the point.”

Palestinians Commemorate Anniversary of Arafat's Death; FPA to Hold Conference in Chicago

SUNDAY, NOVEMBER 11, 2007
21:04 MECCA TIME, 18:04 GMT

Arafat death commemorated

Abbas also criticised Israel, attacking it for what he called its 'ugly separation apartheid wall'

The Palestinian president has used a rally commemorating the death of Yasser Arafat to criticise Hamas strongly.

Speaking under a giant mural of Arafat on Sunday, Mahmoud Abbas condemned Hamas's takeover of Gaza and demanded the group "retract its black coup" before there could be dialogue between the two factions.

"There are those who stabbed our democracy and preferred the military coup to the path of national dialogue," he said.

Abbas said Hamas "cannot erase Arafat's achievements".

Hamas seized control of the Gaza Strip in June leaving Abbas's Fatah faction only in control the West Bank.

He was addressing thousands of people gathered at a new mausoleum complex in the West Bank city of Ramallah to commemorate Arafat's death.

'Apartheid wall'

Abbas also criticised Israel, calling its West Bank separation barrier the "ugly separation apartheid wall".

He said Palestinians remained committed to removing all Israeli settlements and checkpoints in the West Bank.

Abbas pledged to move ahead with peace talks with Israel, a policy condemned by Hamas.

"Peace and security cannot be achieved by aggressive actions and our strategic choice is peace, based on our full adherence to our national rights," he said.

Arafat's tomb, guarded round the clock by members of the presidential guard, has become an obligatory destination for foreign dignitaries who come to the Muqataa compound.

The precise cause of Arafat's death in a Paris hospital in 2004, at the age of 75, remains a mystery.

Key figure

During his lifetime, Arafat, who died in 2004, guarded against the division that has split the Palestinian territories.

He remains a key figure for Palestinians. Even Hamas, which opposed Arafat's policies during his lifetime, praised the late leader.

"We agreed with president Abu Ammar a lot and we disagreed with him a lot, but in spite of this we consider him a symbol of the Palestinian nation," Fawzi Barhum, a Hamas spokesman, said.

"His memory will endure forever, in every Palestinian boy and girl, in every man regardless of his political affiliations."

Nevertheless, Hamas-run police broke up a number of small demonstrations in the Gaza Strip on Sunday, arresting several young men who were waving the flags of Fatah, witnesses said.

Mausoleum opened

On Saturday, dozens of Palestinian leaders and foreign dignitaries gathered for the opening of the new mausoleum complex at the Muqataa compound.

"The question is will Fatah be strong enough to contain such a powerful 'partner' or will it be just exploited and eroded over time?

It was at this place that Arafat spent the last years of his life under siege by Israeli forces.

"We inaugurate this everlasting monument in remembrance of the eternal martyr Yasser Arafat who strove in the path of God and his country and his people," Abbas said in a short speech.

The complex measures 11 metres by 11 metres to symbolise the date of Arafat's death.

It includes a 30-metre lighthouse with a laser beacon pointing in the direction of Jerusalem, where Arafat always wished to be buried.

The mausoleum complex will include a mosque and a museum exhibiting his personal effects, items from his office, presents and documents.

Checkpoint hurdle

Just hours after Abbas's speech on Sunday, the Palestinian side cancelled talks pertaining to the planned Annapolis peace conference.

They said they were stopped at an Israeli checkpoint, and requested that the preparatory discussions be moved abroad.

"We cannot carry out negotiations like this," Ahmed Qureia, the chief Palestinian negotiator, said after Israeli soldiers blocked his team near Jerusalem.

He and other members of Abbas's team had been scheduled on Sunday night to meet the Israeli team at a location inside Israel.

An aide to Qureia said the negotiators informed Israel they wanted to move the talks to another country but offered no other details.

Fatah criticised

Meanwhile, a Palestinian politician has described the Annapolis conference as serving "Israeli and US interests".

In comments aired by Al Jazeera on Sunday, Ramadan Shallah, secretary-general of the Islamic Jihad, said: "Let the whole Arab nation know that there will be no state within the 1967 borders. They have been negotiating the 1967 borders for months.

"Lands will be exchanged, they will take the most important lands in the West Bank and give us few metres in Naqab [Negev] east of Gaza Strip.

"They talk about settlement dismantling; settlements will not be dismantled. They talk about the refugees; the refugees will never return."

Source: Agencies and Al Jazeera


November 2007

The FPA on the Popular Conference in the US

During the past months, we were asked by many to address the upcoming Popular Conference being planned for August 2008 in the City of Chicago.

The Free Palestine Alliance (FPA) had launched an initiative approximately 2 years ago in response to the escalating need for an alternative to the downward and destructive spiral that is plaguing the Palestinian Arab people. Our intent was and remains to be empowering our community and leveraging its resources in favor of the fundamental principles of the Palestinian national liberation movement, paramount of which are the right to return and the indivisible unity of Palestine as a people and land inextricable from the larger Arab Nation (Al-Watan Al-Arabi).

Our goal was to facilitate small gatherings and discussions on the state of the Palestinian and Arab struggle. We were, as we continue to be, motivated by the Arab democratic nationalist traditions to renew and reinvigorate the discourse of egalitarianism and democratic popular empowerment, anchored in our collective history away from imposed sectarianism and religious divides that are alien to our society. We reject the notion that we are supposed to replace the long-celebrated dual vision for social equality and national liberation for scant political expediency. As a society, we can not afford to lose either pillars of this duality if we are to emerge victorious.

We believe that the Palestinian people constitute a primary flagship of liberation; a flagship proudly burdened with immense responsibilities and the need for long-term strategic resilience.

On this basis, we set out with many friends to build on our collective successes and to evaluate ways to propel our struggle forward, however possible. Addressing errors and evaluating set-backs was considered a corner stone of our initiative. After all, self-reflection and self-criticism is a tradition we celebrate.

Indeed, putting aside blind organizational biases in favor of a principled new beginning is now a matter of life and death for our people. We no longer can afford to do things as usual - plugging away as our rights are bartered away for crumbs. Failure is no longer an option. It is for this reason that when a political disagreement emerged with some on how to proceed, we elected to remain quite as our initiative was taken to different path. Principally, we differed on the very essence of the political goals we wish to achieve.

For example, we did not then nor do we now envision that this initiative or similar efforts would be discussing what actually constitutes Palestine (borders). Palestine is from the River to the Sea despite the passage of time. Nor did we think that the core Arab identity and belonging of Palestine would ever be doubted, implicitly or otherwise. We are first and foremost Arabs, basked in the sun of Arabism and nurtured by those who preceded us, whose sacrifice stretches from the Gulf to the Ocean, and on whose shoulders we stand tall today. Certainly, we never wanted to create an exclusivist cocoon for Palestinians only, away from our Arab sisters and brothers who also shoulder the collective Arab pain. The collective Arab struggle is inextricable from itself and indivisible into sectarian units. It is one and whole, and destined to win, if only we believe it so.

We emphatically wanted to stay away from the current struggle over power between Hamas and Fateh. We believe that it is critical for our people in exile, including our community in the United States, not to fall victim once again to competing interests and typical behind the curtain deals that serve only those seeking seats of power. Successive past failures are the best indicator of how well-intentioned initiatives that don't guard against the manipulative influence of the likes of Mahmud Abbas and his supporters will end up being a mouthpiece for corruption, opportunism and dismembered rights.

For example, the Palestinian American Congress was initially launched in a manner similar to the current effort, but was quickly transformed into a Palestinian Authority tool. We hope to guard against a repeat of this experience, where our voices are unknowingly usurped by a select few. Consider how many times community initiatives have been corrupted by this or that camp, and how many times we suddenly heard announcements of high level diplomatic appointments of people who have sworn up and down that they are not after seats of power.

It is worth noting that it is common for behind the scene promises to be made for appointments in presumably upcoming "representative" bodies, such as the Palestine National Council, provided that community support is rendered, albeit falsely. We fully reject such methods because they lead to nothing by nepotism, corruption and authoritarian rule.

We aimed to initiate a discussion on implementing transparency and accountability on all levels. We insisted that those guilty of treason must be held accountable by the people. We can't continue to placate those who so eagerly wish to settle for anything anywhere just to secure political expediency or occupy a functionary seat. Holding our leadership accountable is fundamental to liberation and we refuse to let records of treason slide. Those who surrender Palestinian leaders, such as Ahmed Saadat, to Israeli colonial rule must be held accountable by our people. And those who kill, burn, and mob our towns and villages under the name of nationalism or anything else must answer to the collective will of the movement. Enough adventurism with our lives!

It is of utmost importance that a clear position be adopted against the agreements that are incrementally destroying everything for which our people have struggled, including Oslo, Madrid, the Saudi initiative to normalize with Zionism, all the way up to the upcoming Annapolis conference. We can no longer afford to tolerate wholesale abrogation of rights. We also feel that it is critical to build an alternative to the destructive political lines that are infecting our people that range from religious segregation to pro-Israel Dahlan-like phenomena. We deserve better.

On the basis of these and other issues, we differed with friends who started this road with us. Some argued that we need a minimalist position. Others argued that we need the largest possible numbers at any cost. And some openly wanted alliance with any political force just to get these numbers. We disagree. It is time to stick to what counts most, our existence as a people and land within the context of our history and democratic pan-Arabist traditions.

What value are numbers if they are cheering for justice for "Palestinians and Israelis," as was the case in one demonstration in Washington DC? What value are numbers if they are controlled by Abbas and his lackeys here in the US? What value are numbers and alliances if the cost is for us to shed our Arabism and our belonging to a liberation movement? What value are numbers if they are transformed into cheerleaders in banquets and political rallies for imposed and corrupt leaders?

However, we remain steadfast in our resilience to continue. And despite these differences, the FPA will continue in its tradition of perseverance and principled unity. Thus, to help foster this sort of open discussion on these and other critical issues, we will be holding a series of meetings nationwide, the first of which will be in the Los Angeles area (the date will be announced for Los Angeles following completion of community consultation on time and place).

The FPA is proud to be known as a tough fighter in defense of the Arab people, undeterred by any pressure or difficulties. We stand firm on the egalitarian and democratic nationalist principles of the Palestinian Arab movement, from which we will not deviate under any circumstance. We stand firm on protecting organizations such as Al-Awda and others so that they may continue to fulfill critical components of our struggle.

Indeed, we continue to extend our hand out to all those who share the collectively cherished vision of liberation and equality. Shoulder to shoulder we must stand!

In that regard, we call on all to do all that is possible to support and empower the upcoming Al-Awda Convention on the 60th year of Al-Nakba to be held in Los Angeles in 2008. This will be a watershed event for our community deserving our fullest support in every way possible.

We have massive challenges before us; and the time is now.

The struggle continues.
The Free Palestine Alliance, USA, November 2007

Cynthia McKinney's Challenge to the War Parties

CYNTHIA MCKINNEY'S CHALLENGE TO "THE WAR PARTIES"...

Cynthia McKinney, who appears to be in the process of reversing an
earlier decision to forego a 2008 presidential bid on the Green Party
line, has in recent days taken a number of steps toward mounting an
anti-war run against the Democratic and Republican nominees next year.

The former Democratic congresswoman from Georgia has got a new website up --http:// www. runcynthiarun.org -- which seeks campaign contributions "so we can get on with the business of getting Cynthia on fifty-one ballots and reaching out to the voters of this nation who are ready for a Green alternative to the wars being waged both at home and abroad by the War Parties and their candidates."

And McKinney is celebrating the success of supporters in getting
her name placed on the ballot for the February 5 Green Party presidential primary in Illinois.

McKinney, who in a September 10 a letter to the steering committee of the Green Party of the United States indicated that she would not seek the party's presidential nomination, began to reconsider that decision almost immediately.

With steady encouragement from grassroots Greens, many of whom came to see the maverick House member as a political hero during her time in Washington, McKinney quit the Democratic Party in September and enrolled as a Green in October.

On October 22, McKinney supporters filed paperwork with the Federal Election Commission to establish an exploratory committee for a Green Party presidential bid.

McKinney is signaling that a formal declaration could come late in
November. But she's already making appearances around the country for local Green parties and their candidates -- including visits to South Carolina, Maine and New York before last Tuesday's elections. And she is certainly sounding like a candidate.

"We're going to have to do things we've never done before if we're to
have things we've never had before," she wrote in a thank-you to
Illinois supporters. "Democracy, authentic representation, human needs prioritized, universal access to health care, bringing our troops home, making peace with the world's nations, making peace with our home planet, making peace in our own communities, funding schools over jails...

Each of these alone is something we've never known before.
Anyone of them alone would be worth doing things we've never done
before. And all of them can be achieved when we get engaged and make democracy our own."

Saturday, November 10, 2007

Africa's Warrior Queens: Gender Roles, Political Leadership and Societal Development

Africa's Warrior Queens

Gender Roles, Political Leadership and Societal Development

by Abayomi Azikiwe, Editor
Pan-African News Wire

One major recurrent feature of African history is the existence of women rulers throughout various regions of the continent. Since the period of ancient dynastic Egypt, there have been notable women who have led monarchical societies and exercised political, economic as well as military power.

It is also of great significance that there were women rulers of highly developed African societies who led anti-slavery and anti-colonial resistance to the onslaught of European imperialism. Questions related to whether the women may have only represented the ruling groups within the society or whether they were more compassionate and egalitarian in their style of leadership, does not necessarily distract from their important place in history that distinguishes this social phenomena from other societies in Europe and Asia.

According to the web site "African Women Warriors" located at http://www.geocities.com/jywanza1/AfrikanWarriors.html

"Matriarchal warrior tribes and matrilineal tribal descent are a continuing theme in African history and in some cases survived into modern times. One of the great African warrior queens of the ancient world was Majaji, who led the Lovedu tribe which was part of the Kushite Empire during the Kushite's centuries long war with Rome. The empire ended in 350 AD when the Kushite stronghold of Meroe fell to repeated Roman assaults. Majaji led her warriors in battle armed with a shield and spear and is believed to have died on the walls of Meroe.

"The Egyptian warrior queens included Ahotep, the 7 Cleopatras and Arsinoe II & III, all of who descended from the royal house of Kush. They ruled Egypt and led her army and navy through Roman times. A succession of Ethiopian Queens and military leaders known as Candace were also descended from the Kush. The first Candace, leading an army mounted on war elephants, turned back Alexander's invasion of Ethiopia in 332 BC. In 30 BC Candace Amanirenas defeated an invasion by Patronius, the Roman governor of Egypt and sacked the city of Cyrene.

"In 937 AD Judith, Queen of the Falash, attacked Axum, sacred capital of Ethiopia, killing all the inhabitants including the descendants of Solomon and the Queen of Sheba."

In this essay five women will be noted for their leadership roles in African history during very important periods of social transformation within the societies they came out of and took over either through inheritance or political struggle.

Hatshepsut: A Ruler in Ancient Egypt

Hatshepsut is often considered the first woman ruler of ancient Egypt. She was born during the 15th century BC, the daughter of Tuthmose I and Ashmes, who were of royal lineage. She was one of three children who survived the childhood deaths of her brothers.

Even though her father Tuthmose I had a son by a commoner Moutnofrit, Tuthmose II, Hatshepsut ruled as a result of her political acumen and personal capability. Tuthmose II died early of cancer after claiming authority for three or four years. Hatshepsut was able to garner enough support among the key elements within Eygptian society to take control as pharaoh. Her rule lasted approximately 15 years. Her death is reported to have occurred in 1458 BC.

In an article by David Bediz entitled "The Story of Hatshepsut" he states that:

"Although there were no wars during her reign, she proved her sovereignty by ordering expeditions to the land of Punt, in present-day Somalia, in search of the ivory, animals, spices, gold and aromatic trees that Egyptians coveted. These expeditions are well documented in the hieroglyphic inscriptions on the walls of her temple. With these inscriptions are included incised representations of the journey, including humorous images of the Puntites and their queen, at whom the Egyptians no doubt looked while restraining a giggle; the queen has folds of fat hanging over her knees and elbows, her back is crooked and she has an acquiline nose. To the short, thin Egyptians she was probably quite a sight."

During Hatshepsut's rule she constructed many monuments and works of art unrivaled by any other queen to come in Egypt. She erected an enormous temple in the Valley of the Kings near a large plateau at Deir-el-Bahri just adjacent to the Nile River from Thebes.
http://www.bediz.com/hatshep/story.html

Queen Mantatisi (1781-1836): Commander of the Batlokoa (The Wild Cat People) of Southern Africa

Perhaps one of the most well-known and feared women military leaders during the early 19th century was Mantatisi who was born the daughter of Chief Mothaba of the Basia in the Harrismith District of the later Orange Free State. She became the wife of Mokotjo, the chief of the neighboring Batlokoa. Mokotjo died while their son Sekonyela was still to young to take over control of the chieftiancy. As a result Mantatisi assumed control and acted as regent for Sekonyela.

Reports claim that Mantatisi was a tall attractive woman who bore her husband four sons altogether. After her husband's death a series of military encroachments by the AmaHlubi clans who were fleeing their homes in neighboring Natal. According to historians of the region, Mantatisi commanded the Batlokoa into the Caledon Valley where they drove out the more peaceful Sotho clans living in the area. Her troops seized the crops and cattle of the people they attacked leaving a trail of destruction and devastation.

Her reign of military conquest extended as far as central modern day Botswana. At the height of her military and political power her army was estimated to contain forty thousand fighters. However, she eventually suffered a series of defeats beginning in Bechuanaland in January of 1823. Peter Becker describes the developments during this period when he states that:

"Meanwhile Mantatisi was approaching with forty thousand men, women and children. It was January 1823, the time of the year crops were ripening and food was usually plentiful. But the Wild Cat People were compelled to live frugally, for so great had been the chaos brought about by lifaqane in general and the plundering of Mantatisi, Mpangazita and Matiwane in particular that entire tribes had vanished from their settlements even before they had tilled their fields in preparation for planting. Indeed, the Central Plateau swarmed with hunger-stricken stragglers and small, detached parties of bandits. Apart from roots, bulbs and berries, there was little food to be found in the veld, certainly not enough to feed so large a horde as that of Mantatisi."

Nonetheless, the most prosperous of the Bechuana chiefs, Makaba of the Bangwaketsi, made a firm decision not to surrender to Mantatisi without a struggle. The same above-mentioned author, Peter Becker, continues by saying that:

"Meanwhile, the old Chief had decided not to surrender to Mantatisi without a fight. He called up every available warrior, garrisoned every pass leading to his capital, and with the guile for which he was famous, prepared traps into which he planned to lead his aggressors.

"Since her flight from the Harrismith District Mantatisi had managed to brush aside all opposition in the teritories she traversed, but now in the stifling bushveld of Bechuanaland she was to come face to face with a foe whose fighting forces were as numerous and also better fed than those of the Wild Cat People. The vanguard of Manatisi's army strode into ambuscades; large groups of men topped headlong into concealed pitfalls and met their death beneath volleys of barbed javelins. A battle broke out, in the course of which hundreds of the invaders were massacred. Before the situation could develop into a rout Mantatisi suddenly disengaged her armies and retreated with her hordes to the east. Thus Makaba became the first Sotho chief to repulse the formidable Wild Cat Army, and to this day he is spoken of as the 'Man of Conquest.'"

After Mantatisi's son Sekonyele reached maturity he took control of the Batlokoa social structures and military. Eventually they would be conquered by the Basotho King Mosheshoe I. In the work known as "Chronicles of Basutoland: A Running Commentary on the Events of the Years 1830-1902 by the French Protestant Missionaries in Southern Africa," a correspondence from church operatives in Basutoland stated the following in regard to the fate of the Batlokoa under Sekonyela the son of Mantatisi:

"There is no doubt that Moshoeshoe would have preferred to win his old adversary to his side but Sekonyela is irreconcilable as well as dangerous. With the British about to retire from the Sovereignty, Moshoeshoe is faced with the prospect of the inevitable alliance between Sekonyela and the Boers. Before it is too late, Sekonyela must be destroyed. Fortunately, the latter chooses this very moment to goad Moshoeshoe to retaliation and thus plays into his hands, once again, but for the last time.

"Moshoeshoe, a man of peace, for the first time in this record appears in the unusual role of a fighting general and at once reveals himself a master. Now at last he is free to deal with his traditional enemy, an enemy whom he has spared for years. Unfortunately, this meant the end of the Batlokoa tribe as such and their crushing defeat will simultaneously rid Moshoeshoe of their presence and clear the field for further penetration by their common foe, the insatiable land-devouring Boer.

"Moshoeshoe...gentle and humane by nature, has seen his power grow from year to year, and he may be described to-day as stronger and, at the same time, more influential and wealthy than any other chief in Southern Africa."

Women in the Anti-Colonial Struggle

Queen Nzinga(1583-1663 AD) of Ndongo and Matamba: Fought to Halt Portuguese Colonialism

Nzinga was born in 1583 AD in the area now known as Angola in the southwest region of the African continent. She was reported to have first become involved in politics as an ambassador for her brother in negotiations with the Portuguese colonialists. The Portuguese had set up a slave fortress at Ambaca that was built on the land of the Ndongo kingdom.

Her negotiations with Portuguese Governor Joao Correia de Sousa was initially successful in that he agreed to her terms for resolving their differences. The purpose of the negotiation was to seek the withdrawal of the Portuguese colonialists from their land and the return of the Ndongo people who had been captured and enslaved.

Although she converted to Christianity during this period in order to consolidate the treaty with Portugal, it was reported in later years that she was highly critical and condemnatory of European Christians and their motives in Africa. Despite the signing of a treaty with Portugal, the Europeans never honored its terms. Consequently war would erupt after she assumed control of Ndongo around 1624.

The battles between the Ndongo and the Portuguese would continue for decades. Queen Nzinga launched attacks against the Portuguese occupation of Ambaca. She was eventually forced to flee to the east in 1627 and re-occupy the island of Kidonga where she had been ousted by the Portuguese in 1624. By 1631 she had taken over the neighboring kingdom of Matamba in her continuing efforts to battle the encroachment of the Portuguese into the interior of this region.

Queen Nzinga would later form an alliance with the Kongo people who worked in conjunction with the Dutch West India Company. Even in 1644 she attacked the Portuguese again and defeated them at Ngoleme. However, by 1646, with the capture of her sister, she was defeated at Kavanga. Her sister was able to secretly correspond with Queen Nzinga revealing the war plans of the Portuguese. When this was discovered by the colonialists her sister was reported drowned by the Portuguese military in the Kwanza River.

As a result of her alliance with the Netherlands, reinforcements were sent to Queen Nzinga's army. She would route the Portuguese and seize their capital at Masangano in 1647. Despite a Portuguese retaliation causing Queen Nzinga to flee, her retreat led to other battles well into the 1650s. Even into her sixties, Queen Nzinga would continue attacks on the Portuguese fortresses leading her own troops in battle. She would eventually sign a peace treaty with the Portuguese in 1657.

In her later years she would devote her time to re-integrating former slaves back into African society. She died peacefully at the age of eighty on December 17, 1663 in Matamba. In modern Angolan political life, Queen Nzinga is remembered for her enormous military and diplomatic skills. A major street in Luanda, the capital of Angola, is named after her. A statue of her is located at Kinaxixi at a massive square. Angolan women view the area as ideal for marriage and many couples exchange vows there on Thursdays and Fridays.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nzinga_of_Ndongo_and_Matamba

Mbuya Nehanda (Charwe Nyakasikana)(1862-1898): Spirit Mediums & the Anti-Colonial Revolt in Mashonaland (Zimbabwe)

The struggle in Zimbabwe goes back for over 100 years to reclaim the land and culture of the Mashona and Ndebele peoples whose populations constitute the majority of Africans living in this region of sub-continent. One of the key figures in sparking an anti-colonial revolt during the last decade of the 19th century, was Mbuya Nehanda who in all likelihood had accumulated some status and clout prior to the 1896-97 rebellion in Mashonaland.

Nehanda was considered a powerful spirit medium who dedicated her life to the preservation of traditional African culture. During the late 19th century in the hills around Mazoe, Zimbabwe, there resided numerous sub-chiefs including the Wata and Chidamba. In the area, according to the Anglican Church maps after 1888, there was a village called Nehandas.

The historical sources on Zimbabwe say that the original Nehanda was a child of Mutota who was the initial Monomatapa (ruler) who resided in the escarpment North of Sipolilo in the early 15th century. Mutota was the founder of the Mutapa state and also had a son called Matope. Nehanda in 15th century Mutapa became so powerful that it was believed that her spirit lived in other humans over the generations. Even 500 years later it was taught that the spirit of the original Nehanda occupied Nehanda Charwe Nyakasikana as the woman incarnation of the oracle Nyamhika Nehanda.

Nehanda and her spirit companion Kaguvi were cited as the important figures in the First Chimurenga during 1896-97. Kaguvi was considered the spirit husband of the former great Shona medium Nehanda and this consequent historical connection influenced Mbuya Nehanda to teach the philosophy of resistance to British imperialism. This important role of Kaguvi and Nehanda can never be minimized in assessing anti-colonial history in Zimbabwe.

The resistance fighters and their supporters in Mashonaland believed that both Kaguvi and Nehanda were the voices of God, also known as Mwari. They both preached that the origins of problems within the homeland resulted from the settlements established by the British which sought to encroach on greater portions of land occupied and utilized by the African people. According to Kaguvi and Nehanda, Mwari had decreed that the Europeans be driven from the country.

As a result of Nehanda's role in the First Chimurenga, an arrest warrant was put out for her capture. Kaguvi and Nehanda were charged with the murder of a puppet African police officer and a British colonial agent. They were both sentenced to hang in 1898. At the hanging it required three attempts before Nehanda died. Her last words before death were reported to have been that: "My bones will rise again."

During the imprisonment of Nehanda and Kaguvi, the Europeans attempted to have both of them converted to Christianity. Even though Kaguvi was reported to have converted, Nehanda emphatically refused to accept what she considered as the belief system of the colonialists.
http://www.bulawayo1872.com/history/nehandambuya.htm


Yaa Asantewaa (1850-1920): State Building and the 1900 Asante War of Resistance Against British Imperialism

The west Africa nation of Ghana is considered historically the fountainhead of the anti-colonial struggle in Africa and the Diaspora. This is the direct result of the triumph of Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, the first Prime Minister and later President of the First Republic of Ghana during the 1950s and 1960s. Nkrumah's Convention People's Party (CPP) led the years-long battle for national independence that reached fruition on March 6, 1957.

Yet over a half-century earlier a great African warrior Queen Yaa Asantewaa has been recognized by historians as a major contributor to the efforts by African people to prevent the consolidation of British imperialism in what was then known as the Gold Coast (today Ghana). Yaa Asantewaa was born into the royal Asona clan of Edweso and in 1887 when the female stool of Edweso was vacated, Nana Akwasi Afrane Okpese, who was then Edwesohene, utilized his traditional authority to place Yaa Asantewaa as successor to Nana Ampobin I as Edwesohemaa.

After her appointment to the position of the Edwesohene she performed her functions very effectively. Later when her brother died in 1894, Yaa Asantewaa used her prerogative as Queen-mother to select her grandson to take over the position vacated by his uncle. In 1896 she reached an agreement with the British and signed a Treaty of Protection. At the same time she worked between 1896-1900 to resist European commercial and mining agents who sought to encroach further into the territory of the Edweso.

Yaa Asantewaa opposed both the European commercial agents and their allies among the neighboring people of Kokofu. She eventually challenged the efforts of the colonialists in the British courts established in Kumasi after the deportation of the Asantehene in 1896. The British sought to prevent any effective resistance to their growing colonial rule in the area. They would impose taxation and alien rule on the people which caused great consternation and outrage among the Asante.

In March of 1900 the British formerly announced to the Asante Chiefs that the leadership of the nation would not be allowed to return and assume their rightful authority. The British demanded that the Golden Stool, which is considered the soul of the people, be surrendered. Wilhelmina J. Donkoh in her article entitled: "Yaa Asantewaa, A Role Model for Womanhood in the New Millennium," points out that:

"This was the environment in which Nana Yaa Asantewaa, the only female present at the gathering in her capacity as the caretaker of the Edweso State rose up and defied British authority by questioning the Governor. She inquired of the Governor, whether he had seen the Asantehene before coming to Kumasi, that since the Asantehene was the traditional custodian of the Stool, he was the appropriate person to disclose its whereabouts. She then turned on her male counterparts who had been stunned into silence, and taunted them about their manhood."

Donkoh in the same above-mentioned article continues by illustrating her direct role in commanding the resistance war of 1900 against the British. She also notes that her actions defied Akan values that call for the woman to be submissive and quiet in public. Consequently, she was not at all concerned about being described as an "obaa Kokonyini" (a female cockerel) or an "obaa sagyefoo" which in essence means a female redeemer in the times of war.

Donkoh relates Yaa Asantewaa's leadership style during the resistance war of the people against the British in 1900:

"From various accounts, Yaa Asantewaa comes across as a 'Mother Courage' figure as well as an astute tactician and able military leader. For example, her taunts challenged some of the men to act. Eyewitness accounts from Edweso indicate that she herself did not physically take up arms to fight. Her role has been described as being mainly inspirational.

"Yet all accounts acknowledge her to be the leader of the resistance supported by some male leaders--Kofi Fofie of Nkonson, Antoa Mensa, Kwame Afrifa of Atwima and Osei Kwadwo Kromo. She was known to have visited the soldiers in the battlefield to ascertain how they were faring. She also gave directions and advice as well as supplied gunpowder."

Donkoh also stresses that Yaa Asantewaa's role was not totally without precedent within her people's history:

"It should be pointed out that in Asante history, there, have been many instances when women have excelled in a public capacity. There is, for example, the case of the Asantehemaa Adoma Akosua, who in 1814, was left in charge of the affairs of the Asante nation while the Asantehene Osei Bonsu went to the coast to visit his troops on the battlefield there.

"In the period, Adoma Akosua received a Dutch embassy with which she discussed trade. There is also the brief diplomatic career Akyaawaa Oyiakwan, a daughter of the Asantehene Osei Kwadwo (1764-77), who headed two different diplomatic missions that successfully negotiated the Maclean treaty in April 1831 with the British and with the Danes at Christianborg Castle in August of the same year.

"In addition, is the example of the Dwabenhemaa Ama Seiwaa who in 1843 took over as chief of the Dwabeii and led her people back to Asante from exile in Akyem Abuakwa in the south east of the Gold Coast after the death of her two sons in succession.

"Indeed, her daughter, Nana Afrakoma Panin and her granddaughter Nana Akua Saponmaa both held the dual offices of Dwabenhemaa and Dwabenhene concurrently. However, the difference between all these examples and the case of Nana Yaa Asantewaa was that the latter took on the might of the technologically superior British."

Conclusion

This brief survey of the role of five African women within their societies during the ancient, pre-colonial and colonial eras illustrate quite clearly that the assumptions around the strict divisions of labor and political power among traditional African nations depart significantly from those in Europe and Asia. The lives, contributions and accomplishments of these women also defy the stereotypical notions of the role of females within traditional African societies prior to the advent of colonialism and national independence.

The political imperatives of the twenty-first century require that further scientific research be conducted into the role of women in African history and societies. This can be done by a more objective approach to the existing data and artifacts available on the pre-colonial period as well as utilizing the vast oral histories within African societies themselves.

Genuine national independence of the continent and the former colonial territories require the total emancipation of all oppressed sections of society. For Africa will never reach its full potential without the complete liberation of women. Consequently, the reconstruction of African history and the role of women within it will make a significant contribution to the realization of a society devoid of all forms of exploitation and oppression.
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Abayomi Azikiwe is the editor of the Pan-African News Wire.
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Sarkozy's Remarks in Chadian Children Kidnap Case Are Insensitive

Sarkozy’s remarks in children’s case insensitive

By Stephen T. Maimbodei
Zimbabwe Herald

Children’s rights are human rights! Is this true or is it just one of the many clichés used wily nilly? Are our children safe wherever they are? Whom should we trust in matters relating to their welfare? For, poverty, the HIV and Aids pandemic and Africa’s armed conflicts continue to expose children to various forms of abuse from adults they are supposed to look up to and trust.

Child sexual abuse is rampant, and in most cases people known and trusted by the children are the perpetrators. What is our take on issues of child trafficking, especially the trafficking of orphaned and other vulnerable children, most of whom do not have legal guardians?

In Zimbabwe, we have many children on our streets. Are they safe from perverts some of whom lure them with freebies, which they cannot turn down because they are hungry, or because they need shelter and clothes just like other children in normal homes?

It is more than a week now since authorities in Chad rescued 103 children who were going to be flown to France under unclear circumstances. A team of French aid workers committed the alleged abduction, and they are from a French charity organisation called Zoe’s Ark. Chadian authorities subsequently arrested seventeen French, Spanish and Chadian nationals in connection with the incident.

The aid organisation claimed that the children were orphaned and they also claimed that the scheme, ‘which would offer a better life to the children’, was purely humanitarian.

Was this true, and was this the first group of children to almost be smuggled out of a region that has been torn by civil strife for so many decades?

According to Reuters news agency, Zoe’s Ark, which was formed by a group of motoring enthusiasts in the wake of the tsunami that devastated parts of Asia on 2004, claimed that it intended to place the ‘orphaned’ children in foster care with French families. Its general secretary, Stephanie Lefebvre, told the Le Parisien last month that the organisation never aimed to have the children in its care adopted but simply wanted to save them from starvation.

It has however emerged that some French and Belgian 'host' families had paid Zoe's Ark about 2,000 Euro (£1,390) each, to foster the children.

Chadian authorities initially charged the seventeen with abduction and fraud. If convicted the aid workers would face sentences of between 5 and 20 years, forced labour.

It has also emerged that the children reported to be Darfurian are in actual fact Chadian. Contrary to claims by the aid workers that they were ‘orphaned’, some of the children said their parents were still alive, and that they were taken from their villages on the Chad-Sudan border, and not from Darfur: "My parents had gone to work in the fields. As we were playing some Chadians came and said here are some sweets, why don’t you follow us to Adre and then we’ll take you home.

"We were taken to the hospital in Adre," said a young boy who gave his name as Osman.

According to another report by The Guardian, some of the children’s parents said they had entrusted their children to Zoe’s Ark because they believed they would be educated at a project in Chad, and not flown out of the country.

The children’s claims were echoed by UN agencies and other international aid organisations who have since established that at least 91 of the 103 children were not orphans and that they came from the border region between Chad and Darfur.

Soon after the incident, Chadian president Idriss Déby and his French counterpart president Nicolas Sarkozy strongly condemned the act. Déby promised ‘severe punishment’ for what he described as a ‘kidnapping’ or ‘child-trafficking’ operation: "I can understand … the French families who wanted to save children. But I don’t understand why an association decided, alone, to bring them to Paris". President Déby also claimed that the Europeans wanted to ‘sell’ the Chadian children to ‘paedophile non-governmental organisations’ or kill them to sell their organs.

Sarkozy condemned the French aid workers and branded their actions as ‘illegal and unacceptable’.

Zoe’s Ark has also been roundly condemned by several international aid and development organisations based in Chad: "The action has not only placed these children under tremendous stress, it has also seriously violated their human rights…" the organisations said.

Meanwhile, on November 6, Juan Miguel Petit, the UN Special Rapporteur on the sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography called upon both Chadian and French authorities ‘to fully investigate and shed light on circumstances surrounding the capture of the children.’

According to a report by Third Sector, Zoe’s Ark is now deemed a threat to Save the Children’s brand and the charity has formally written to Zoe’s Ark, asking it to stop using the name ‘Children Rescue’ in Chad because the name has the same Arabic translation as that of the global children’s charity.

This very disturbing case raises a number of ethical and moral issues regarding children’s rights. The question is, is this but a tip of the iceberg in a world now riddled with child abuse: trafficking, slavery, child soldiers, prostitution, paedophilia, perversion and other forms of abuse? With paedophiles lurking in cyberspace and the real world, how safe are our children?

The Chadian authorities must be congratulated for their vigilance and a job well done. Africa hopes that the truth behind this scam will be thoroughly investigated and made public, and that if anyone is found to have broken Chadian law, they will be justly punished under Chad’s criminal law. Despite the odds, it is also hoped that Chadian authorities will not be intimidated into capitulating.

When the story broke out, this writer had initially commended the French government for allowing the aid workers to be tried under Chadian law. At least it was not going to be another Black water incident where people who kill with impunity are granted immunity because Iraqi life does not seem to be as precious as American life.

Events took a nosedive when on November 4, Sarkozy made an unexpected visit to Chad and secured the release of three French journalists and four Spanish flight attendants. The freed men and women flew to Paris on his presidential jet after Sarkozy had held talks with Déby. The plane also stopped over in Madrid, where Spanish Premier Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero personally met the four Spanish flight attendants.

The writing is on the wall. The European Union’s voice is loud and clear as the case has now assumed regional (European) implications, as it is now dealt at the highest level in government. Meanwhile, the African Union’s voice is conspicuous by its silence.

Ten Europeans including members of Zoe’s Ark remain in custody in Chad charged with extortion and child kidnapping.

Initially, Sarkozy had told a press conference in N’Djamena that he hoped the French people implicated in the affair would be ‘tried’ in France. He also told Déby to respect the right to presumption of innocence for those still in custody.

However, according to AFP (November 6, 2007), the French president has vowed to return to Chad to bring home the remaining detainees. "I will go and bring back those who stayed behind, regardless of what they have done…the role of the head of state is to take responsibility for all of the French people."

This is despite reports that the French government had on three occasions warned Zoe’s Ark about its activities in Chad where they were registered under another name, Children Rescue.

This is the same Sarkozy who last week also said that members of Zoe’s Ark ‘were wrong to do what they did’. He had assured journalists that together with Déby they would ‘try to find agreement so that no one in this affair loses face.

Who now has lost face, Monsieur Presidante? Zoe’s Ark, France, Déby or the Chadian children?

It had been hoped that the Chadian rule of law would be allowed to take its full course. It had also been hoped that the judgements passed (if any) would be duly respected by all parties, and that Africa’s poverty, democratic principles and human rights record would not be used against it in order to diminish its legal institutions, and the gravity of the case. It had also been anticipated that European heads of state and government would not use their political and economic muscle and the colonial master status to get their way out of the crimes committed by their citizenry.

It is however an open secret now that the French president’s intervention is likely to affect the outcome of the case. Although Sarkozy condemned Zoe’s Ark’s actions as deplorable he called for the aid workers to be returned to France to face legal action. In a BBC World Services report on November 5, it was reported that a French judge would soon be flying to Chad to resolve the issue, although Chad was insisting that the group would stand trial on Chadian soil.

The intervention and interference by the French president at a personal level can best be described as the ‘devil getting into the detail’.

Why Sarkozy decided to deal with the issue personally is part of the bigger picture in this fiasco. It is also part of the answer to the puzzle of why westerners that commit crimes on African soil are not supposed to stand trial in those countries, and if they do and are found guilty, they are not supposed to save their jail terms there.

Many times political pressure has been exerted on the Zimbabwe government when Europeans and Americans have been arrested and jailed in Zimbabwean prisons.

The McGowan case and the case of the mercenaries arrested en route to Equatorial Guinea are cases in point.

But, how many Africans are locked up in western jails for various crimes, and how many African leaders have intervened on behalf of their citizens, notwithstanding that they would have broken the laws of those western countries?

Sarkozy’s flying to Chad to discuss the issue with Déby — was it a face saving gesture, or was this the case of a French president giving marching orders to the Chadian leader in typical colonial master fashion?

The French president continues to be as ambiguous and controversial as ever. Why does he get personally involved in issues concerning African children including migrant children living in France? This involvement dates back to the time when he was interior minister in Chirac’s government. Where is the catch when he has diplomatic machinery at his disposal? Is he reshaping French’s foreign policy with its former colonies, or is it for the love of Africa’s children?

In 2006 there were violent clashes between African migrant youths and French police, and Sarkozy was minister for the interior then. Several experts have maintained that his provocative statements promising to ‘eradicate the ‘scum’ and ‘gangrene’ (reference to the migrant youths) were ill-considered and they provoked further violence. "Sarkozy’s choice of words makes me think of the rhetoric used by military police in racial dictatorships, and of regimes practising ethnic cleansing,"

Hugues Lagrange, social researcher at the independent Paris Observatory of Social Change told IPS.

Notwithstanding, African children’s interests have once again been sacrificed on the altar of political expediency. According to The Times, Sarkozy is assumed by diplomats to have provided undertakings on further French assistance to Déby, who owes his political survival in recent years to the presence of 1 200 French peace keeping forces in his country.

France and Chad also have a judicial co-operation agreement that could make it possible for the French detainees to be tried in France. Thus it remains to be seen whether the Chadian government will rebuff Sarkozy as expressed by the justice minister who criticised Sarkozy’s public promise as ‘inopportune’. "[Sarkozy’s] statement will have no bearing on the handling of the case before the judge," he said.

The interior minister also said the Europeans should be tried and punished on Chadian soil. "It’s perfectly clear, the actions were committed in Chad, … "That is why these bandits must be tried and sentenced here", said the interior minister in an interview with Le Parisien on Tuesday.

The caveat is that while we applaud the tremendous efforts made by many aid organisations, it is cases like this that sometimes make people question the agenda behind some humanitarian activities.

Despite the noble intentions, the international aid business continues to be viewed with circumspect, especially in the developing world where most of their activities are concentrated. Recipients and analysts alike see bigger pictures and corrupted agendas behind the aid business. They also want to know whether the actions of some in the aid business come from empathetic hearts, or it is just business as usual with big bucks doing the rounds or flying away.

As we probe whether ‘children’s rights are human rights’, and how far adults respect them, we will examine some recent high profile cases involving children other than cases of child soldiers in some parts of Africa.

The world remembers full well the case of the 400 Libyan children who were in 1999 alleged to have been intentionally infected with HIV, the virus that causes the deadly Aids disease by five Bulgarian medical workers, and a Palestinian doctor.

The story assumed an international picture of immense magnitude, with the European Union and the United

States interfering diplomatically or otherwise.

The fate of the children was put on the back burner because it was Libya that was eventually put on trial. It was President Colonel Muammar Qaddafi who eventually yielded to western demands regarding the fate of the health workers, and not the fate of the Libyan children and their families.

In July 2007, Sarkozy’s ex-wife, Cécilia Sarkozy secured the release of the health workers from Libya after the French President agreed to provide weapons and nuclear technology to Libya as part of a deal for the release of the Bulgarian health workers.

According to press reports, ‘the release completed a rapprochement with Libya, which not long ago was largely shunned in the world community.

A turning point came when it publicly abandoned a program to develop weapons of mass destruction and made payments to the families of the people who died in the 1988 Lockerbie bombing. That led to Washington restoring diplomatic ties.’

Then the Libyan children’s case became a non-issue.

Late in 2006, the world was intrigued by yet another a high profile case of a Malawian baby (David Banda) whose adoption by rock star Madonna is still debatable. Commenting on the issue, the media said David Banda was probably a very lucky boy, because by being adopted by Madonna, he was being ‘whisked into a life far more comfortable than he could ever have wished for’.

How lucky will he be 30 years down the line?

David’s 32-year-old biological father Yohane Banda had initially welcomed the idea of Madonna adopting his son and extricating him out of the poverty cycle.

However, being illiterate, he did not know what the legal ramifications of his actions would be on David, who is now called David Banda Ciccone Ritchie: "I was never told that adoption means that David will no longer be my son … If I was told this, I would not have allowed the adoption. I want more clarification on the adoption. I would prefer that David goes back to the orphanage where I can see him any time I want, rather than send him away for good."

Were the 103 Chadian children going to end up like David Banda? Do we have more children like David, and more parents like Yohane Banda? How about children who come from child-headed families? What do these three case analyses say about us as African parents and the welfare and security structures we prepare for our children?

What kind of generation are we preparing if we allow our children to be brutalised and traumatised by disease, poverty, war and other forms of abuse? Is Africa begetting children, only to abdicate its responsibility of raising them to be equal partners with others in this globalised village? Is Africa begetting children and then socialising them to look up to other people for their welfare and well being?

Is colonial bondage still an excuse when we fail to provide enabling environments for our children where they will grow up and realise their dreams and aspirations? If we let them ‘fly away’ to places which we believe are comfort zones, who will take care of Africa?

Who will build Africa so that it becomes suitably habitable by its entire people?

Chad Frees Four Europeans in Child Kidnap Case

Chad frees four Europeans in child 'kidnap' case

Saturday, November 10

NDJAMENA (AFP)- Three Spanish air crew and a Belgian pilot were freed on Friday on the orders of Chadian prosecutors probing a French charity's bid illegally to fly 103 children out of the country.

The Spaniards, pilot Augustin Rey, co-pilot Sergio Munoz and cabin steward Daniel Gonzalez, took off for home with their junior foreign affairs minister Bernadino Leon, who arrived on an air force jet to collect them and meet Chad's Prime Minister Nourradine Delwa Kassire Coumakoye.

Members of the air crew told reporters they were "happy" and "relieved" after two weeks in jail, first in Abeche in eastern Chad and then in Ndjamena, while Leon said he was "grateful to Chad" and satisfied with the outcome of "quiet, efficient diplomacy."

They arrived at an airport near Madrid just before 10:00 pm (2100 GMT) on Friday where they were met on the runway by family and friends and Spain's deputy prime minister Maria Teresa Fernandez de la Vega.

Spanish Foreign Minister Miguel Angel Moratinos thanked "Chadian authorities and particularly President (Idriss) Deby for the way the situation was handled ... which in the end has made it possible for our citizens to return home."

Moratinos said, while on a visit to Chile, that Madrid has offered to pay for the education of the children, who are currently in an Abeche orphanage, as a response to a "generous attitude" on Chad's part.

After French President Nicolas Sarkozy made a lightning trip to Chad on November 4 to collect three French journalists and four Spanish air hostesses, only six Europeans now remain in jail cells.

They are members of the charity L'Arche de Zoe (Zoe's Ark), which caused an international outcry and upset relations between Chad and the former colonial power when it tried to fly the 103 children aged between about one and 10 to foster homes in France.

That flight was stopped and the first arrests made on October 25.

Zoe's Ark has maintained throughout that its aim was a children's rescue operation to save those it took to be youngsters orphaned by the war-wracked Darfur region of Sudan, across Chad's ethnically strife-prone eastern border. To do this, they chartered a privately owned Spanish Boeing 757.

However, aid staff from international agencies who have since cared for the children learned that almost all came from the Chad side of the border and have at least one living parent.

In Geneva, UN Children's Fund spokeswoman Veronique Taveau said Friday that all but "four children too young to express themselves" had given their names and the villages they came from to Chadian and UNICEF personnel.

Reuniting families could take another fortnight, Taveau said, once missions had gone to villages to cross-check details and ensure relatives could take in the 21 girls and 82 boys.

Belgian pilot Jacques Wilmart, who flew the children from Chad's border to Abeche, is a retired Sabena employee of 75. He was hospitalised at the French base in Ndjamena overnight after what his son Patrick Wilmart on Friday told AFP was "a malaise brought on by fatigue, lack of food and stress".

He was to be evacuated to Belgium on an air ambulance flight chartered by his son and wife, with support of the Belgian defence ministry.

In Brussels, Foreign Minister Karel De Gucht declared himself overjoyed at the news and thanked the Chadian authorities
"for their understanding in this matter".

When Spain's Leon first tried to land in Ndjamena on Friday, he agreed to have his flight diverted until the ruling came down, and airport authorities said he made a stopover in northern Nigeria, not Niger as initially reported by Spanish national radio.

The mission by Zoe's Ark has been widely condemned as illegal, foolish and amateurish, especially by large non-governmental organisations and UN agencies, but its lawyers want what its members did downgraded from serious crimes of child kidnapping and fraud to less weighty offences.

Under current charges against those concerned or accused of complicity, the suspects face hard labour jail terms if convicted.

Chad is home to about 270,000 refugees from Sudan's war-wracked Darfur region. Camps also house hundreds of thousands of Chadians displaced by ethnic conflict and insurgency in the east of their own country near the border.

Thursday, November 08, 2007

Rebellions Panel Returns 40 Years Later: Milton S. Eisenhower Foundation to Hold Discussions at WSU Law School, November 17

Wednesday, November 7, 2007

Rebellions panel returns 40 years later

Santiago Esparza / The Detroit News

DETROIT -- The reconvened Kerner Commission, a panel that studied the causes of riots that rocked urban America in the 1960s, starts a six-city tour with Detroit next week in an effort to examine poverty and race issues.

It's a move that some hope will stir Americans to take a deeper look at the topics, just as the commission's original report produced discussion and outrage after riots broke out in American cities.

One of the last two living members of the original 11-member commission will visit Detroit, because it was one of the cities hit hardest by rioting. The hearings, which will take testimony from residents, will mark the anniversary of the commission's 1968 report.

Fred Harris, an ex-Oklahoma state senator who served on the initial commission, said some think economic conditions for people of color and race relations have improved. But the new report will likely show that's not true, he said.

"The sad fact is we have a lot more poverty now in the United States than 40 years ago and even 30 years ago," Harris said, citing commission studies. "It is worse for African-Americans and Hispanics. Their poverty rate is about triple (rates) for non-Hispanic whites."

A Detroit News poll on race relations that was conducted this summer along with an examination of economic indicators found blacks had made little progress in some key areas.

By 2000, Detroit blacks had less buying power than they did in 1967, according to The Detroit News' two-day series. In 2000, black median family income was down 6 percent from 1970, while white median income rose 18 percent, according to the report.

The News also found that in 2005, blacks were 2.5 times more likely to be unemployed than whites -- the same gap that existed in 1960.

WSU hosts hearings

The Detroit commission hearings will be held Nov. 17 at Wayne State University. Information from the new hearings will be released to Congress in March.

After Detroit, the 34-member commission will head to Newark and then to New Orleans, Miami, Washington, D.C., and Los Angeles. The commission added New Orleans because of the race and poverty issues that arose during Hurricane Katrina.

Harris, a board member of the Eisenhower Foundation, said the commission will push for more job training and employment. The foundation, which has organized the hearings, conducts studies on race and employment that will be combined in the commission's report.

"We want to come out with a report and get action," said the 76-year-old Harris.

On July 28, 1967, President Lyndon B. Johnson appointed the commission while Detroit was still engulfed in riots. The panel investigated what led to the civil unrest. In its report, the commission found blacks and whites had formed separate, unequal societies.

That report pushed for enforcement of existing Civil Rights laws, the Fair Housing Act and an increase in job training and employment in urban areas.

In Detroit, residents had said lack of job and education opportunities and police brutality led to the civil unrest that resulted in the deaths of 43 people.

Birth of affirmative action

For more than a decade after the commission's report was issued, affirmative action created housing and employment gains, but that growth has slowed, Harris said.

"There has been a great deal of backing off of affirmative action," he said, referring to states such as Michigan where voters last fall approved a constitutional amendment that bans preferences based on race, gender or ethnicity in public university admissions, government hiring and contracting. "Safety nets and health programs are not being funded."

Mike Whitty, a 65-year-old Detroit native and University of Detroit Mercy business professor, was living near the Cass Corridor during Detroit's civil unrest.

He said race is something that is discussed much, but class is often overlooked. He said people living in the upper or lower economic classes often have as little contact as some blacks and whites.

"We have, maybe through economic stratification, created a still rather highly segregated society," he said.

Harris said unless the government does more to address economics in urban areas, it only will worsen. "It doesn't make good economic sense to have so many people without a proper education or not have them living in good health," Harris said. "Those economic gaps are getting worse."

You can reach Santiago Esparza at (313) 222-2127 or sesparza@detnews.com.
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Malcolm X: 40 Years Then and Now

Malcolm X: 40 Years Then and Now

"It’s impossible for a chicken to produce a duck egg… The system in this country cannot produce freedom for an Afro-American. It is impossible for this system, this economic system, this political system, period… And if ever a chicken did produce a duck egg, I’m certain you would say it was certainly a revolutionary chicken.” - Malcolm X (“Not Just An American Problem”)

I thank the spirits for our Ancestors who, after toiling fourteen and fifteen hours under sun and whip, crept with determination to tree stubs or cabins in the wee hours to sit and learn the alphabet in order to read. They managed child care among themselves. Mothers or not, women and girls worried about all the children who would be sold or defiled by the Master. Many, too, managed to sum up all their experiences into a mournful cadence and others still added words and rhythm. All of these are gifts given to each other and handed down to us.

The first Black people to successfully conduct a revolution against the French, British, and Spanish nations lived those days and nights too.

“…The knowledge of one’s own foundation story may be the most consoling, indeed, the most empowering form of wealth there is — a wealth more sustaining over time than all the worldly goods one could conceive of,” writes Randell Robinson (An Unbroken Agony: Haiti, From Revolution to the Kidnapping of a President).

Robinson recalls observing the Haitian people on the street and in rural towns. The way he had been “trained” to see turned the people into objects: He saw clothes and material possessions.

“But what can a cloth suit tell me about the wealth of a soul?”

Altering his perspective, Robinson saw the Ancestors in the people before him and when he did, he was able to recognize why the West, particularly the U.S., held such animosity toward the Haitian people. He writes:

“The Haitians knew their history. The Haitian peasant may have had few material possessions to speak of, but they knew what their slave ancestors had done to the French, to the English, and to the Spanish. They also knew what they had done to liberate all of Latin America, as well as themselves. No matter how poor they were, the Haitian knew these things about themselves, things that made them special to themselves, that made them resilient and independent, that gave them great art, that unsettled, even now, those nations the peasants’ slave ancestors had once soundly thrashed.”

Once these Ancestors united to overthrow their European enslavers, a wave of resistance against enslavement was possible.

In the U.S., we share in that heritage of resistance, of revolution in the Americas. But in the confusion of integration, we have inhaled too much of that ether reeking of the American Dream from which even King had to run.

Some of us have lost our minds — our memory.

We can’t seem to remember that those many, many people who marched and boycotted, who sat at lunch counters, who walked rather than ride buses and walked off low-waged jobs had nothing but the desire for real change. They were at the bottom of the barrel and bosses, business owners, city authorities and the police were an oppressive mob 24-7.

For those able to see and recall with pride our great wealth, our shinning prince, our Malcolm, we have to ask, what would Malcolm tell us now as we are locked out of education and employment, pinned down in prisons throughout this country, suffering from heart attacks and diabetes with no adequate health care?

What course of action can we learn from him as we face people powerful in terms of weaponry rather than numbers, who have always demanded the land and resources of others, and now subject us to “ethnic cleansing,” as William Guerrero reports, in major urban cities throughout this county? (“From New Orleans to Harlem and San Francisco’s Mission District, Gentrification: Bankers and Landlords push ‘Ethnic Cleansing’). Let’s not forget: the waters are rising as the sky is truly falling all around this planet, while King George and Darth Vader plan their quick get-away to an uninhabited island somewhere.

Violence against Black citizens in the U.S., writes Roland Sheppard, did not end with the old form of slavery.

“Terrorism,” he writes, continued with police and Ku Klux Klan activities centered on overthrowing Black Reconstruction and institutionalizing legal segregation (Jim Crow) in the former slave states” (“Historic Role of Police Brutality in the Black Community and in the African American Oppression”). Malcolm knew that white Americans, so dependent on the use of brute force, couldn’t be expected to adopt the idea of democracy or peace overnight. Laws established by force of Black community pressure and international outrage could be violated and even rescinded by white cunning. On February 16, 1965, days before he was killed, Malcolm told us:

"We’re not for violence. We’re for peace. But the people that we’re up against are for violence. You can’t be peaceful when you’re dealing with them.”

They accuse us of what they themselves are guilty of. This is what the criminal always does. They’ll bomb you, then accuse you of bombing yourself. They’ll crush your skull, then accuse you of attacking him. This is what the racists have always done — the criminal, the one who has criminal processes developed into a science. Their practice is criminal action. And they then use the press to make you victim — look like the victim is the criminal, and the criminal is the victim…

They make it appear that the role of crime in the Black community is higher than anywhere else…

This keeps the Black community in the image of a criminal. (“Not Just An American Problem”)

Black faces in mug shots, “images of a criminal,” conceal the fact that this country is the biggest drug dealer and gun supplier in the world and that it is engaging the practice of slavery (at plantation-like prison sites) for the benefit of corporate interests. A third of those who fought the California fires in October, Rev. Jesse Jackson announced, were prisoners who, on release from prison, will not be able to secure work as firefighters!

Malcolm understood how language is used to control a people’s ability to defend its community. Behind these concocted images of crime in the U.S., babies in Iraq are massacred by the same “good” people urged to feel “safe” from Black youths who are incarcerated in ever-higher numbers. The “good,” dressed up in black, carrying massive weaponry, fly off to black sites to fight “terrorism.” These mercenary types, Malcolm told us many, many years ago when he spoke about this government’s aggressive action in Vietnam, are “hired” killers... who kill, who draw “blood for money, anybody’s blood.” They “kill a human being as easily as [they] kill a cat or a dog or a chicken…” (“Not Just An American Problem”). Black children, in gangs or not, are incarcerated while these serial killers get rich on killing!

Oh, gather up those photos of Britney and Lohan. Elvis has arisen, again!

The continuous engagement in mass violence by this government, said Malcolm, is labeled “humanitarian, an act of humanitarianism” (“Not Just An American Problem”). “In the name of freedom” is the slogan used to continue engaging in violence. “All kinds of high-sounding slogans” are used, Malcolm explained, “but it’s cold-blooded murder, mass murder.”

Profiteers of violence!

Malcolm was the “most honest” man I ever encountered, said Roland Sheppard, who knew and worked with Malcolm. At the time of his death, Shepard said, Malcolm was “calling for the organization” of Black people in response to the campaign of violence (escalating prison time for Black youths, for example) waged against Blacks within the U.S. and without, for ultimately the call to Black Americans urged awareness and participation in a world-wide campaign against Euro-American capitalist interests. What did Malcolm say when, forty years ago, he witnessed the writing on the wall? Organize for self-defense!

Whites can help, but they can’t join us.

There can be no black-white unity until there is first some black unity.

There can be no workers' solidarity until there is first some racial solidarity.

We cannot think of uniting with others, until after we have united among ourselves.

We cannot think of being acceptable to others until we have first proven acceptable to ourselves.

An agenda of solidarity among Black people has always been perceived as a threat! Black people, as a whole, are a threat because we still exist! If Democrats, Senator Feinstein, for example, (see Gang Abatement and Prevention Act 2007, S. 456), have their way, five young Black people standing together will be a crime! We have committed the crime of surviving white supremacy and we are thus criminals in the face of this ideology. Would an agenda of Empire, naming crime where there isn’t any and naming criminals were there aren’t any, be more suitable?

When do we begin to fight against this terrorism?

Dr. Abdul Alkalimat believes “All politics is local.” He is the Director of Africana Studies and Professor of African Studies and Sociology at the University of Toledo. Our organization could “lay the bases for community efforts and certain kinds of politics.” We should look to where there are already “efforts to change taking place in the Black community,” Alkalimat said. Then we need to consider “what are the interests of this community.” I would think that this organization should center on the interests affecting the majority of the Black population.

Community newspapers and newsletters were an important component to organizing the people in Malcolm’s day. “The people who worked with Malcolm,” said Sheppard, “defended him” in The Militant as well as helped publish Malcolm X Speaks. The Militant would actually “publish what he said.” Community newsletters and electronic journals like The Black Commentator serve to combat the linguistic campaign of violence against Black people.

On the other hand, as Alkalimat stressed, “If you had a newspaper, you had feet on the ground.” Thus, considering the interests of the people means having a space and a forum in which people are heard, ideas are shared and discussed, and collective actions are conveyed. If we speak and act collectively, the world will respond, once again, to our story of struggle here in the U.S.

For Malcolm, Sheppard reminds us, the Black struggle was an “economic and social struggle for human rights” (“The Assassinations of Martin Luther King, Jr. and Malcolm X”). As Malcolm said, “As long as you call it civil rights, it’s a domestic problem within the jurisdiction of the United States government.” (“Not Just An American Problem”).

We begin where we are and remember how we, men, women, and children, came together in the clearing and formed a circle in which all of us where included and in which nothing was done individually or in excess. Every individual was important to the well-being of the communal; “privatization” of the scarce resources available to them was frowned upon. Life was valued despite living among people intimidated by peace. Acts of compassion meant more than the hatred that surrounded them.

Our Ancestors did not stop at singing the Blues. These people of the Clearing, our Ancestors, accomplished the impossible together — as a collective. They accomplished the impossible together, focused on the collective interests of gaining their human rights.

We are those people and they are us, Malcolm would tell us. We know enough. Let’s move!

To listen to Malcolm X speak, see brothermalcolm.net. Also, read Roland Sheppard’s essays on his Website.

BlackCommentator.com Editorial Board member Lenore Jean Daniels, PhD, has been a writer, for over thirty years of commentary, resistance criticism and cultural theory, and short stories with a Marxist sensibility to the impact of cultural narrative violence and its antithesis, resistance narratives. With entrenched dedication to justice and equality, she has served as a coordinator of student and community resistance projects that encourage the Black Feminist idea of an equalitarian community and facilitator of student-teacher communities behind the walls of academia for the last twenty years. Dr. Daniels holds a PhD in Modern American Literatures, with a specialty in Cultural Theory (race, gender, class narratives) from Loyola University, Chicago.