Floods Aftermath: Zimbabwe Farmers Struggle to Reach Markets

April 3, 2017
Jeffrey Gogo
Zimbabwe Herald

Mrs Marian Mbara had to throw caution to the wind because more than six tonnes of tomatoes had already gone bad due to too much rain.The thought of further loss because of flood-triggered impediments to markets was simply unbearable.

“The roads are bad, impassable even, but we had to sell,” the 43 year old small-scale farmer told The Herald Business.

She farms tomatoes on a one hectare plot at the western border of Rusape and Headlands (Village 9, Lesberry Farm), which she sells to supermarkets and individuals in Harare and Rusape.

“At some point, and for some time, the trucks carrying our produce had to drive through a rock pavement (ruware) for up to a kilometre or more, trying to avoid the bad gravel roads and the flooded narrow bridge at Hande river,” Mrs Mbara lamented.

After seeing off the worst of a devastating flood, small-holder farmers in Headlands now have to contend with tough hindrances to market access, a dilemma faced by many farmers across Zimbabwe, as harvests of maize, sorghum, millet, tobacco and other crops begin.

This is because the flooding of the last three months has left a number of roads in Headlands and elsewhere severely damaged, and bridges collapsed, making it difficult for farmers to deliver produce to markets, mostly to key markets in Harare.

The bill to repair the damage to road networks and bridges countrywide tops $100 million, according to Transport and Infrastructural Development Minister Dr Joram Gumbo.

He said $15 million is available so far to do the work, with additional funding to be secured from the roads authority, Zinara.

But the repairs aren’t coming quick enough in a season of expected plenteous harvest, one seen ending the hunger of the previous years of successive drought.

Mrs Mbara booked over $5 000 in losses from the six-tonne write-off of rotten tomato.

She went on to salvage up to 14 tonnes of the vegetable between December and February, after a hailstorm earlier on in the season had taken down its own share.

Much of the tomato has now been sold, but only because Mrs Mbara had to pay more for transport to get the produce to the market before it turned bad.

If ever they decided to take the plunge, some transporters of cargo inflated charges, she says, as most were unwilling to risk a drive through muddy road networks that could damage their vehicles.

“Often times vehicles got stuck in the mud,” Mrs Mbara said, adding “the cost of transporting the tomatoes to Harare eventually shot to $170 per load (of whatever tonnage) from $150 last year.”

Price volatility

Headlands is a prime farming district in Zimbabwe, receiving lots of rain each year.

Soils are moderately good, with tobacco, maize and a variety of horticultural crops widely grown in the area.

Most small farmers like Mrs Mbara take their produce to markets in Harare and Rusape.

But the flooding of Hande river had cut the link to Rusape while the roads connecting Lesberry Farm to Headlands, then onto Harare had been washed away, although passable by the brave.

Now, with the limit to what got to the market reaching a crescendo in the heavy January rain, restricting harvesting and deliveries, tomato prices doubled to $1,60 per kg.

Charles Dhewa, chief executive at agriculture research firm Knowledge Transfer Africa, believes the increasing unpredictability of rainfall patterns are disrupting the way markets function, and yet farmers are none the wiser.

“Climate change is challenging our predictive capacity such as predicting price trends in the market,” Mr Dhewa said, by email.

He said the volatility in fresh produce prices at Mbare Musika, Harare’s biggest produce market, in January and February resulted from the fact that “no one is sure about rainfall patterns, including the Meteorological Services Department . . . ”

“We don’t have enough information on how much damage has been done to crops in farming areas. Farmers may be bringing to the market what they have salvaged from too much rainfall,” Mr Dhewa said.

“However, farmers who are going to be good at harvesting water will be in business the whole year if they are going to be doing horticulture or livestock.”

As roads and bridges connecting remote rural areas to major markets curved-in, isolating entire villages, this is the time rural councils should step-in and make markets available again to small farmers, says Paul Zakariya, chief executive of the Zimbabwe Farmers Union (ZFU).

“This issue of markets will likely become more a rural district councils’ issue,” Mr Zakariya, whose organisation represents 1,3 million small farmers, told The Herald Business, by phone.

“The councils collect marketing levies from farmers for livestock and other commodities.

“This is where such money could be employed, to fix roads so that farmers can get access to markets on time.”

Mr Zakariya admitted farmers in rural areas “faced difficulty” in delivering crops to markets this marketing season on account of the damage to road infrastructure by heavy rain.

And with Zimbabwean farmers losing over 30 percent of their harvest to poor handling and storage, there are concerns limited market access could put a damper on a season expected to yield too much food.

But negating the vagaries of harsh climates and the attendant impacts, Mrs Mbara, the Headlands tomato farmer, remains hopeful.

“With farming you won’t go wrong,” she said, cheerfully.

God is faithful.

jeffgogo@gmail.com

Zimbabwe Government Warns Cotton Merchants

Mrs Silibaziso Makovere, a farmer contracted by The Cotton Company of Zimbabwe works on her 3 ha cotton field in Vere area in Sanyati recently.

Martin Kadzere
Senior Business Reporter
Zimbabwe Herald

PRIVATE cotton merchants found dabbling in side marketing in the forthcoming season will face the full wrath of the law.Agriculture, Mechanisation and Irrigation Development Minister Dr Joseph Made said the Government was deeply concerned over “poor funding” of the crop by the errant merchants and largely blamed them for the decline of investment in the cotton industry.

Dr Made said the Government would ensure relevant agencies, including the police and the Agricultural Marketing Authority would be on the ground to ensure orderly marketing.

“Let me warn errant companies that we will take action against cheating companies,” Dr Made said in an interview last Friday.

“I will put all instruments to protect, not only Cottco, but companies that have fully funded production of the crop . . . not only seed, but a full input package, which includes all fertilisers and chemicals.”

The Government, through Cottco came up with a three-year free input scheme for cotton farmers, which extends into next season to revitalise cotton sector. Already, there are growing concerns that some private companies might have overstated cotton inputs they gave to farmers to obtain buying licenses during selling season.

According to figures obtained from AMA, cotton companies invested about $45 million into cotton production during 2016/17 cropping season. Five companies funded production, with the bulk of the investment coming from Cotton Company of Zimbabwe.

The AMA report, as at March 16, 2017 showed that apart from Cottco, the funding from other companies was mainly seed. This lends credence to claims by most farmers financed by private players in major cotton producing areas that some of the contractors’ level of funding was very low. Most farmers complained that the input packages by some private contractors were insufficient to guarantee a good yield.

According to AMA, Cottco invested $36 million, or 80 percent of the total investment.

Alliance Ginneries and ETG Parrogate spent $3,1 million each, Olam $1,5 million and Grafax $1,4 million. While Government has moved in to revive the cotton industry through a three-year free input support programme, inadequate regulatory enforcement, particularly during the marketing season remains a threat to the sustainable recovery of the sector.

The cotton industry remains at a crossroads due to the rampant illegal purchase of contracted cotton by unscrupulous non-indigenous merchants. Last year, Government financed the crop to the tune of $26 million but only a bought a third of 30 000 tonnes produced.

Dr Made said his ministry would request names of people funded by cotton merchants for validation purposes to determine the level of inputs support by the companies.

“While we are going to expose and take action against cheating companies, it is very important that Cottco must be on the ground, working with our extension officers while AMA on the other should also be on the ground to enforce rules and regulations,” he said.

In terms of the law, AMA will issue buying licenses to merchants based on the investment made. Farmers are expected to produce at least 110 000 tonnes of cotton this year.

Analysts said there is need for a thorough review of the effectiveness of AMA structures in curbing side marketing and capacitation of the regulator to adequately discharge its functions.

“Unless we choose to get serious about effective regulatory control, the recovery of the cotton industry is not sustainable,” said one analyst.

Dr Made said the cotton industry was critical for revival of the economy considering various spin offs from the value chain. He urged farmers to deliver their crop to Cottco, as this would automatically make them eligible for next year’s Presidential Inputs Scheme.

Zimbabwe Tobacco Sales Top $47 Million

April 3, 2017
Runyararo Muzavazi
Herald Reporter—

Over 18 million kilogrammes of flue-cured tobacco worth $46,7 million has been sold at the auction floors at an average price of $2,61 since the opening of the floors last month. The figure represents a 39 percent increase compared to tobacco sold during the same period last year when 13 million kilogrammes were sold at an average price of $2,48. The average prices are up by five percent as quality tobacco starts to be delivered at a rate of one million kilogrammes daily.

The latest figures released by the Tobacco Industry and Marketing Board (TIMB) show that 243 356 bales of tobacco have been sold, while 19 000 bales being rejected.

Reasons for rejection included overweight, mouldy and badly handled tobacco. The highest price recorded was $6 per kilogramme. TIMB spokesperson Mr Isheunesu Moyo said as of Thursday last week, the figures had doubled that of the corresponding season.

“2017 outputs are overwhelmingly high, we have good prices and high volumes of tobacco delivered as well as seasonal exports,” said Mr Moyo. This year’s marketing season opened with some farmers complaining over the new e-marketing system introduced by TIMB and the payment system, which required them to open bank accounts into which payments would be deposited rather than receiving spot cash at the floors as in previous years.

At least $800 million is likely to be earned by farmers this season.

Horror, Pain and Murder in Zimbabwe: The Story of Sellouts--Part I & II

 MARCH 26--April 2, 2017
Zimbabwe Sunday Mail

THIS is not a horror movie. It’s real so those of a nervous disposition better not read this. Cde Deria Minizhu, whose Chimurenga name was Cde Georgina Chakanaka has a heart-rending story to tell. She joined the liberation struggle when she was 13 years old and the circumstances that led her to join the struggle are just too horrific. Our team comprising Munyaradzi Huni and Tendai Manzvanzvike, say this was one of the most traumatizing interviews they have ever had.

At that young age, Cde Georgina, who was among the first group of female Zanla comrades to receive military training, saw her father being beaten to death by some comrades. She saw her father’s corpse being devoured by wild birds and as if that was not torturous enough, as they fetched water to cook sadza, she was forced to pass through the tree where her father’s decomposing corpse remained tied to a tree. This is not fiction.

SM: Can you give us your brief background, where were you born and when did you join the liberation struggle?

Cde Georgina: I was born on 22 February 1958 in Mt Darwin kuChimbuwe. My mother’s name was Maria Kamhandu and my father was Sunny Minizhu. I am the 6th born in a family of 11 children comprising 10 girls and one boy. Two of the girls passed away. I joined the liberation struggle in December 1972. To be honest, kuhondo handina kuenda nekuda kwangu because I was too young. I was only 13 years when I joined the liberation struggle. I didn’t know what the liberation struggle was all about and I had never met any comrades to know what the war was all about.

I was actually forced the join the liberation struggle. Takaenda takasungwa mbira dzakondo together with my father. Zvakonzerwa nemun’ingina wababa vangu. My father was from Mozambique. So my father’s young brother akatengesa baba vangu kumacomrades. He lied kuma comrades and that’s how we were taken takasungwa mbira dzakondo.

SM: What did this babamunini say to the comrades?

Cde Georgina: He told macomrades kuti mukoma wangu anotuma mwana wake kuenda kucamp kumasoja kunopihwa grocery. This was all a lie because my father never sent me to the camp to collect any grocery. You see, our nearest shops and the camp yemasoja zvanga zvakaganhurwa nefence. My father was a big farmer and so he would write a note and tell me to go to one of the shops to get some groceries. He would write in the note that shamwari ndipewo this and that mari yako ndozokupa mumwe musi but we never got anything from the camp yemasoja. I would go to the shops on my little bicycle. My father was in good books with businesspeople such as Nyamupfukudza, Magreen and Chimimba. So if we wanted anything in the house, my father would write a note and I would go and collect the grocery.

So babamunini vakazvitora nepasipo. I had not even gone to school and I could not even speak English. I could not even speak nevarungu. I was 13 years old but I had not gone to school because baba vangu vaiti mwana wekutanga akaenda kuchikoro the next haaendi saka ini I was 6th ndakanangana nekusaendeswa kuchikoro. The reason why babamunini lied to the comrades was that he wanted kuti mukoma vatorwe ivo vagosara vanezvinhu zvese zvamukoma. So we were taken and baba vangu vakazouraiwa but the same comrades who killed my father came back and killed babamunini ivava after discovering that he had lied to them.

So the comrades arrived at our homestead in the evening. We were actually eating sadza. You know kumusha taidya takaita a circle. Mai nevana vavo vasikana and baba nemwana mukomana. Our homestead had a fence and there were two gates. So the comrades surrounded our homestead. Takangonzwa mudhara avakuti ndimi vanani muri kundisungirei? Ndaita sei? Babamunini was actually there giving directions to the comrades. Baba vakasungwa mbira dzakondo. Then the comrades came where we were seated. I remember we were three. The comrades asked babamunini kuti mwana wacho ndeupi anotumwa and he pointed at me. Ndakabva ndasungwawo mbira dzakondo. Ndakanga ndakabata my little sister, the last born and she was thrown into my mother’s hands. At that time I didn’t understand what was going on. I only got to know that these were comrades after we got to Teresera Base. My mother and the other children were ordered into one room and locked inside. We were taken to Mukumbura River, which borders Mozambique and Zimbabwe. We had our gardens near that river and when we go to the river, we were left under the guard of one of the armed comrades while the other comrades went kunotora murume wasisi vangu. Babamunini had also said mutengesi. So it was now me, my father and babamukuru takasungwa. These comrades went away again and brought severe, sahwira wababa vangu. So all the people who were known to be close to my father were rounded up. They also brought mudhara Chindove and other people.

SM: How many comrades were rounding up all these people?

Cde Georgina: I think there were six armed comrades. I remember there was Cde Ziso because he is the one we later crossed Zambezi River with on our way to Zambia. On our way to Teresera, ndakazosunungurwa but baba vakaramba vakasungwa and he was being tortured all the way.

SM: Comrade, we have spoken to some comrades who told us that during the early 1970s, many people had not yet understood what the liberation struggle was all about and as a result there were many sellouts. Now, we want to understand, what kind of a person was this babamunini who could do such a thing?

Cde Georgina: Babamunini vanga vasina kuvengana nababa but vaida pfuma yamukoma. Even mainini mukadzi wavo akaroorwa nepfuma yababa vangu. Even mombe dzedu vaiwuya vachisunga vachirimisa even without telling my father. My father didn’t have a problem with that. I even remember one day babaminini beat me up thoroughly for no apparent reason but still my father didn’t have a grudge with him. I can even tell you that babamunini ava vakatozoda kubata amai vangu. He actually wanted to rape my mother after my father had been taken away by the comrades. I am told he told my mother that your husband is not coming back so we may as well be intimate, because I am now the father of this house. I was told all this when I came back from the liberation struggle. I didn’t even know his level of education, but I knew that my father had some education because I saw it from the way he practiced his farming. He had not sent me to school but we were very comfortable as a family.

SM: On the way, did these comrades ask you or your father anything?

Cde Georgina: They didn’t ask us anything. All they did was to beat up my father. After seeing that I was crying all the way, the comrades ordered me to be among the people at the front so that I could not see them beating up my father. Ndiri mberi ikoko ndainzwa kumashure kuchitinhwa vanhu vachobova semombe. Those under captivity were I think six – baba, murume wasisi vangu, severe wababa vangu, nemamwe two madhara emuraini. We walked until we got to Mukumbura where we were ordered to take some rest. Some of the comrades went into nearby villages asking for food and they were given. They were also mobilising people to join the liberation struggle. So from here, baba vangu vakatakuriswa bhaghidhi resalt yemabonzo. He was ordered to carry this salt despite the fact that his hands were tied at the back. Babamukuru vangu vanga vakatakuriswa bhaghidhi remapfunde. The torture was just something else. There are no words to explain what they went through.

When we left Mukumbura, I refused walking in front of the group saying I wanted to help my father. You know at one point, baba vakamira kuti handichakwanisi kufamba. Hapana kusiri kufa just kill me now. I said let me help my father honai vari kuramba vachirohwa. All those who were carrying these sacks of food were ordered to put them down. The comrades then started beating my father. They then turned to me saying wati uri kuda kutakura mabhaghidhi aya chitakura tione? I said no that is not what I meant but the comrades would not listen to me. Baba vangu vakapindura vakati ‘regera hako mwanangu. Ini kana dai ndikafa, woziva kuti babamunini vako ndivo vandiuraisa. Ini handina chandakamukanganisira.’ By this time babamunini vakanga vachitoripo. He continued saying ‘mwanangu siya hako ndife ini. Iwe wozonotaurira vamwe kuti ndakauraiswa nababamunini. Saka siya hako mwanangu ndife inini.’ My father even tried to lie to the comrades saying I was not his daughter just to save me but no one was prepared to listen to him (weeping uncontrollably) Babamunini vakati mwana wake hamusikuona kufanana kwavo here? Musamusiya mwana wake.

After this ordeal, vanhu vakazonzi let’s continue and we continued walking with the same treatment. I was crying because I could see that my father was dying slowly. Vakanga vakubuda ropa mumhuno nemumukanwa (weeping uncontrollably. Long and tense pause).

I remember mumwe mudhara wataiva naye he was being accused kuti airara nemukadzi wemwana wake. I don’t even know kuti babaminini zvekune dzimwe imba vaizviona sei. At one point this old man was told to strip naked takatarisa akanzi nyenga pasi sezvawaiita muroora wako. Baba ivavo vakakuya pasi zvamusati mamboona. He was stark naked. The comrades then ordered us to sing baba ava vachikuya pasi. We were told to sing the song “Ndarangarira zuva riya randakasiya vana amai vachingochema.” Baba ivavo vachikuya pasi kusvika mabvi asvuuka. Vakanzi simuka, vakasimuka vakazunza ivhu takatarisa. This was all because of babamunini.

SM: This is so, so touching. Unbelievable. So what happened from there?

Cde Georgina: We walked until we got to Teresera Base. Macomrades vakaridza pembe and many people gathered at the assembly. It was like a parade. The comrades then said pano pauya vatengesi and we want to deal with them. One of the senior commanders at Teresera asked kuti ko kamwana aka mutengesiwo futi here? The comrades lied saying they had brought me just to join the liberation struggle. I remember Cde Mavis was called. She is still alive to tell this story. There was also Cde Tendai. These were the female comrades I first saw at Teresera. Mavis was called and was ordered to take me away. She took me some distance away but I saw vana baba vachiendeswa kumavira zuva. They were beaten again. Ndaivanzwa vachibova. I started crying saying ‘ndava kuenda kumusha kunoedza mai kuti baba vafa. Mavis uya achindibata kuti usaende (weeping controllably and shivering with anger. Long pause). Varoohwaaa kudaaroooo baaabbbaaa vaaanguuu (unable to talk as emotions take over. Weeping uncontrollably) vaiti vakadoonha, vomuka, vakadoooonhhaaaa vomuuuukkkaaaa. Munhuuuuuu anoooonneetsssaaaa kuuuuuuufffffaaaaaaa. (weeping uncontrollably) Vachiiiiibvvvvaaa vasungurirwa pamutiiiiii. Kusungwa vakamira maoko akaiswa kuseri kwemuti. Vachiiiiibvvvvaaa vatanga kurooooohwwwwaaa fuuuttiiiiiii. Vachingorohwaaaa, vachingorohwaaaa! Vachingorohwaaaa! Kusvika vavavavafaaaaa vakasungirirwa kudaro pamuti. Vakafa baba vangu vaaaakaaaadyiiiiwa nemagora vari pamuti ipapo. Shiri dzakavadya. Ukaonawo shiri dzakuda nyama (weeping uncontrollably. Long pause. We had to take a long break as she could not speak due to emotions).

SM: So, eehh…

Cde Georgina: Varohwa vese vachibva vafa. Babamunini vaya when all this was happening vakabva vatotiza kudzokera kumusha.

SM: You mean all the five who were under captivity were killed?

Cde Georgina: I mean vose. All of them vakafa vakasungirirwa pamiti ipapo. They were beaten to death. Babamunini returned kumusha vakanotora mabhunu and started saying macomrades atora mukoma wangu. Handei ndinokuratidzai kwavaenda.

SM: You mean babamunini went to the Rhodesian soldiers to report that macomrades had taken his brother?

Cde Georgina: Yes, he did that. The Rhodesian soldiers came and raided Teresera Base. They even came with a helicopter which threw bombs on the base. So there was masvikoro, Sekuru Chipfeni vaifamba nemacomrades. Vakasvikirwa vakati vakomana mudhara uya akuuraisai vanhu ava aripi? Ndipo pavaka patika macomrades. They started looking for him but they could not find him. Unknown to them he had returned back home and was coming back nemabhunu to raid this base. But just before this raid, macomrades said vasikana zadzai mugomo mvura tibike sadza. This was very early in the morning. Patiri kuenda kumvura, mudhara wangu akafa ari pamuti nhunzi dziri kupinda muromo nemukanwa kuteera ropa. Magora ava kutotenderera kuda nyama. As we were going to fetch water, we were supposed to pass through where my father’s decomposing body was still tied to the tree. Ndakatadza kuti ndopfuura baba vangu sei. Mavis actually pushed me so that I could stop looking at the decomposing bodies. She pushed me three times. Ndipo pandakakwanisa kufuratira mudhara and from them on I went up and down to fetch water passing through the decomposing bodies. Kuona kuti baba vangu vakafa avo and vava kudyiwa nemhuka dzemusango.

SM: You mean you were actually passing through …

Cde Georgina: Yeeesss, that’s what I am talking about. Ndaienda maup and down ndakatakura mugomo pamusoro, seeing my dead father there. So zvinondibata macomrades. Ndakarwadziwa and up to this day the pain is still fresh in my mind. I had nowhere to go. Ndakati even if I go back kumusha ndinonowana ani? I didn’t know what to do. At one time, I thought of escaping and going back kumusha but there was no way I could do that. At one time I wanted to die. I had no reason to live. Ndakazongoti mwari ndiye anoziva.

SM: You said Mavis was pushing you as you passed through your dead father. Why was she doing this?

Cde Georgina: She was saying to me shinga. She was doing it out of love so that I would have the courage to carry on. If it wasn’t for her, I think I would have broken down. When she pushed me ndikafuratira baba, ndakabva ndatoziva kuti ndizvo zvazvatove. I would still cry, but I knew this was the situation and there was nothing I could do about it. All I wanted was my mother to know what had happened and that babamunini was to blame. I however failed to do this until after the attainment of independence. I only met my mother during campaigns before the 1980 elections. That is when I told my mother that baba vakafa.

SM: Comrade, you are talking about seeing your father dying and you are talking about seeing your father’s corpse being eaten by animals. How does a human being go through such an ordeal?

Cde Georgina: That’s why you see me crying. And ndatoona kuti nhasi ndawana vekuchemera kundibvunza kwamaita. Zvinondibata and ndinorwadziwa. The pain is just unbearable. And handina chandakawana. Can you imagine I came back from the liberation struggle and ndikawana mai vachigara muKeep. I later managed to build a descent hut for her. I really don’t want anyone talking about kuenda kwangu kuhondo. Handidi hangu. Maybe that’s why ndakazokosheswawo because when I came back from the liberation struggle I was staying at the President’s residency. Ndakagara kumba kwaPresident Mugabe that’s why I say zvese ndakaitiswa naMai Sally Mugabe. The President and Amai Sally Mugabe knew about my tortured background. Handigone kutaura nyaya iyi kuvanhu. I have not even told my relatives about what I went through. I just told them kuti baba vakafa. You know when I came back from the liberation struggle, we were told to go and campaign in our rural areas so that people could easily understand what the war was all about. I went to Mt Darwin together with people like George Rutanhire and others. When I arrived in Mt Darwin, I saw my young sister’s husband. He was driving a lorry that had brought food at the rally. There was also a teacher from our home area who saw me akandifananidza. He asked me where I was from and I told him that ndini mwna wekwaMinizhu. He is the one who told me that my young sister’s husband was seated, resting in the lorry. I approached babamunini and at first he was not sure what to say. I then identified myself and that’s when he opened up saying he was indeed my young sister’s husband. This young sister was called Particia. I then told him kuti munowudza Patricia kuti sisi vako vakaenda kuhondo vauya. So after the rally, we were at a service station waiting to drive to Bindura where we were booked. While at the service station, my young sister who was heavily pregnant then, came running towards me. Behind her was my little brother. We hugged each other and rolled several times. It was like a film. Teurai (Joice Mujuru) together with vana George Rutanhire vakamira nekushamisika. They then told me kuti hauchadzokera kuBindura kuhotel chisara nemun’inina mumbonotaura. I went to my young sister’s house. My young sister started calling my other sisters. As these other sisters came, on arrival at the gate, vairidza mhere zviya zvinoitwa pafuneral. Vari mumbawo vaibva vadaira kuchema. After this I would just tell them kuti haaa, vese vakafa kukasara ini chete.

SM: Let’s go back a bit comrade. These comrades who did this to your father and the other four villagers, you forgave them?

Cde Georgina: Yes, I forgave them. Wandakasara ndakatsamwira was babamunini. He is the one who caused all this. Ndivo vaiva Capricorn, ndivo vaiva mutengesi. The comrades who did this, when mabhunu came to raid Teresera Base like I told you, most of them died. Only two of them survived. Kwakasara Cde Ziso naCde Hondo. Earlier on I told you that the comrades had said we should fill some drums with water because they wanted us to cook sadza. So takanga tavesa moto. I think this is how the Rhodesian soldiers noticed exactly where we were because right pamoto ipapo ndipo pakakandwa the first bomb. One of the comrades shouted “macomrades hondo yauya, marecruits tizai! Hondo, macomrades, hondo pano!” So we just started running together with Mavis and Tendai. Mavis had a little brother. I think this boy was five years or so. I think now he is at the President’s Office. So takatiza tiri four, myself, Mavis, Tendai and this little boy. You would run for some distance then suddenly see mabhunu mberi you turn in another direction. There was serious chaos and confusion. Miti yakachekwa kurembera kuona kuti bhunu rakatitsitsa padoor rehelicopter shooting down. They attacked until they got satisfied that macomrades had either died or ran away. Some of the helicopters actually landed at the base.

You asked me about forgiveness. I told you ndakatsamwira babamunini but I blame these comrades because during these early days, they would not verify any information that they were given. If they had taken time to ask other villagers, they would have been told the true story. They would have seen that baba vangu vakanga vasina mhosva. Maybe ndaizoendawo kuhondo just on my own sacrifice. Ndakatozopinda muhondo ndatovako after realizing that this was my only option. Vamwe vese had died and I was the only survivor from our village.

SM: These comrades had spared you and after the attack by the Rhodesian forces, you also survived. What do you attribute this to?

Cde Georgina: Up to this day, I really don’t know how we survived the attack. In the confusion, we found ourselves running and coming back to this base about twice. We didn’t know where to go. I was putting on a yellow dress and so Mavis and Tendai when we took cover they would cover me with green leaves so that the gunman in the helicopter could not see me. But then you know sometimes the helicopter would fly a bit low and those leaves obva. I was then told kuti kurura dress iro. I removed the dress and was left naked, but still ndaiva mutsuku so Mavis and Tendai vakandizora madhaka kuti ndisaonekwe.

I don’t know how, but after running for quite a while we found ourselves in the middle of, I think it was a game park. There was a thick forest and we sat down to rest. After a while, takanzwa slogan yakaitwa nemamwe macomrades. It was either a slogan or a password wobva waziva kuti uyu ndewedu. When the comrades made the slogan, we responded and they came where we were. One of the comrades akanga arohwa ruoko and ruoko rwangosara rwakarembera neganda chete. By this time ndakanga ndamonera chizambia. The other comrade was Cde Ziso. He then said lets walk to Zambezi River. We walked to the river for several hours. When we got there, these comrades put up a fire. It was almost dark. Muhuni dziya dzaveswa makabuda chinyavada chakaruma kahanzvadzi kaMavis kakachema zvisingaite. One of the comrades said “better tiuraye this little boy anotibatisa.” Mavis akabata muromo wehanzvadzi yake ikaita seichaputika nekuchemera mudundundhu. The little boy sweated and I thought he was going to die.

The next day, the villagers who had zvimwadiya came and we crossed Zambezi into Mozambique. We walked until there were blisters all over my feet. While walking, vana Mavis and Tendai ndivo vanga vava vasikana vakuru so they are the ones who were doing most of the talking. They were comforting me all the way because they knew kuti ndaurayirwa baba ndakatarisa. I was crying all the way. At one point when I was crying, one of the comrades actually came to me and said “iwe mwana wemutengesi nyarara manhi unotitengesa.” Up to this day, with what I saw, I don’t think nyika ichandigutsa kuti ndigozorora. I don’t think so.

SM: These comrades who killed your father, later did you have the opportunity to talk to them about what they had done?

Cde Georgina: I spoke to Cde Ziso about it. We spent quite some time talking about it. He said to me “pakaita hutengesi.” I told him that I would never forgive him. He said ‘ndiyo inonzi hondo.” Kana vanhu vatengesana tinongofunga kuti ndizvozvo. I still failed to understand him. At one point vakatondipukuta musodzi. I can’t even remember how many days we walked but we ended up at Chifombo Base. I spent almost two months unable to walk in bandages. The pain was just unbearable. It was at Chifombo that I was given the name Georgina by Cde Mayor Urimbo, I think he was the chief political commissar at that time. He said because of what I had gone through he wanted me to be like his daughter. I had narrated when we arrived what had happened and Cde Mayor Urimbo was touched. He had asked because at this time ndakanga ndisina kana breast. Ndisina kana zamu zvaro so he wanted to know how such a young girl had joined the war. I had not even gone for my menstrual periods.

SM: Who are some of the comrades you found at Chifombo?

Cde Georgina: There were 13 female comrades. So we were now 16 female comrades. I later accepted what I had gone through because I became part of the first female Zanu comrades to receive military training. Some of the comrades, like Cde Norman Bethune sat down with me and gave me serious orientation. They explained to me that hondo kushupika and kurwadziwa. Ndakazvigamuchira ndikazvinzwisisa. So in no time ndakabva ndaita gandanga chairo. My background and my experiences gave me the courage and power to train even harder. I said to myself, my father died for this country and I must make sure that we free this country.

SM: Didn’t you think of going back to Rhodesia after receiving military training to deal with your babamunini? Sort of revenge?

Cde Georgina: The first thing I wanted was to go and tell my relatives that babamunini had caused my father’s death. Sometimes I would think of going back to revenge, but muhondo hamunzarwo. You know ndichiri kuhondo, some of babamunini’s children came to join the liberation struggle. About two of them. They looked for me vakandiwana. This was way after my training. When they came, I understood that these were just children like me. They didn’t know anything and they were not to blame. Their father was the problem not these two. Up to now, I am still in good books nevana vababamunini ava. I don’t have a problem with them. One of them is in the President’s Office.

SM: From your perspective, what does forgiveness mean? Is there such a thing?

Cde Georgina: Yes, there is forgiveness. Like I told you, I spoke to Cde Ziso about what they had done to my father and he explained things to me and I understood. The only problem, my only issue with comrades during these early days of the liberation struggle was that vanhu vaiti vakatengesana, they would not verify to get the truth.

SM: So what happened to this babamunini?

Cde Georgina: When I met my mother during campaigns before the 1980 elections and told her what had happened, she then told me kuti baba munini vakazofa chimbwa chaicho. She told me that babamunini vakazenge vogara mumuti as some comrades were hunting for him.

Next week, Cde Georgina will continue narrating this draining horror story which sounds like an episode from a Stranger than Fiction novel. She will explain what she means exactly when she says “babamunini vakazofa chimbwa chaicho.” She will explain how she later went for military training, her roles during the liberation struggle and the ever-flowing love she received from President Mugabe and Amai Sally Mugabe. Make sure you get your copy of The Sunday Mail next week as history is being written directly from the source.


The Gruesome Killing of a Sellout, Part II

LAST week, Cde Deria Minizhu, whose Chimurenga name was Cde Georgina Chakanaka narrated how her father and five other villagers were killed at Teresera Base after her father’s young brother lied to the comrades. She narrated how her father was beaten to death and how this babamunini later came with some Rhodesian forces who bombed Teresera Base leaving many comrades dead.

In this interview with our team comprising Munyaradzi Huni and Tendai Manzvanzvike, Cde Georgina narrates how some comrades later hunted down this babamunini and killed him in gruesome ways that will leave many speechless. Despite, all the horror, torture and pain that she went through, Cde Georgina later became “simbi yebasa” during the liberation struggle. Read on …

SM: Comrade Georgina, let’s continue your gruesome story. You said after causing the death of your father through lies and bringing Rhodesian forces to bomb Teresera Base, your babamunini was killed like a dog. Explain how he died.

Cde Georgina: When he was being hunted nemacomrades, babamunini vakanga vakugara vakahwanda mumuti kusvika vanhu vemuraini vati munhu wamuri kutsvaga mumba anotiza okwira mumuti. The comrades would come to the homestead ransack the house looking for babamunini and for quite a while they were failing to locate him. One day, some villagers tipped the comrades that munhu wamuri kutsvaga anorara mumuti. One day the comrades came during the middle of the night and they found him right up the tree. They ordered him to come down.

SM: Who was telling you all this?

Cde Georgina: I was told all this by mother and other villagers after returning from the liberation struggle. I was told kuti baba vako vakafa zvakanaka panefiro yakazoita babamunini. Babamunini vangu vakazofa vachipamhurwa sembudzi. Zviya zvekudimburwa musoro, kubviswa ruoko, gumbo and so on. Mainini vakatama vakanogara mumaraini because her husband’s body parts were strewn all over the yard. Musoro wababamunini wakagadzikwa padoor remba maziso akabuda kunze. One of his legs was in one corner of the yard, maoko in another corner. The body parts were left in the open like this for two days. After two days, macomrades then came nemujobo vachijobora maparts ababamunini vaya vachiisa musaga. These body parts were then thrown into Mukumbura River. That’s how this babamunini died. When I was told this, I didn’t feel much for him because he had lied to the comrades who killed my father and in addition he also brought Rhodesian soldiers who massacred many people at Teresera Base.

SM: Comrade Georgina, listening to you one gets the impression that these comrades were now tormenting the people they were supposed to free.

Cde Georgina: Like I told you, these comrades later discovered that babamunini had lied to them about my father and as a result the comrades had killed my father and five other villagers. In addition, babamunini had brought Rhodesian forces who bombed Teresera Base leading to the deaths of many comrades. What did you expect them to do to such a person?

These comrades wanted to free the country and free the people but babamunini had to be dealt with that way because he had caused the deaths of many innocent people.

SM: Now, let’s go back to your journey. After the bombing at Teresera Base, you said you went to Chifombo. How long were you at Chifombo and what exactly where you doing there?

Cde Georgina: Like I told you, when we got to Chifombo I was very sick after days of walking. My legs were swollen but after some weeks I was fine. I received treatment. Later, I joined other comrades carrying materiel (ammunition) from Chifombo to Zambezi River. We were the first female comrades to carry materiel from Chifombo to Zambezi River where vana mukoma would then take the ammunition and distribute it to other comrades at the front. You know sometimes we would get shoes, but walking from Chifombo to Zambezi and back waidzoka usisina bhutsu yapera yese. Taikwira makomo ainzi Makwira Wadya. Waiti mukadzi ukakwira uri mberi, murume ari mumashure aiwona zvese zviri mukati mehembe yako. Taiva simbi dzebasa. I remember some comrades who were coming from Tanzania after military training, they would faint along the way isu tichienda. Sometimes, we would be instructed to go ahead of the group so that we would find time to cook for the comrades.

SM: You went to the struggle when you were 13 years, you didn’t volunteer to go to the struggle, your father had been killed while you watched and as you were walking to Chifombo you got very sick. Now you are saying makanga mava simbi yebasa. Where had you gathered the courage to do this? It’s as if the past didn’t matter anymore?

Cde Georgina: I told you that kuhondo taigarwa nesu pasi tichidzidziswa. I had been told that this was part of the war and there was no reason to keep mourning. I told you that Cde Bethune was one of the comrades who sat down with me and explained things to me. Taigariswa pasi everyday and they would give us political orientation. With time I understood that ndatova comrade and my duty was to fight for my country. So as we carried materiel, I told myself kuti macomrades who were kufront havafanirwi kushaya mabullets to fight the enemy. This is what gave me the strength. During this time, everything to do with how my father had been killed went to the back of my mind. We now had a task ahead and there was no time to continue crying.

I can’t remember exactly how long I was at Chifombo. From there, together with other female comrades we were taken to the Zanu farm in Lusaka. Kwakanzi we needed rest. From the Zanu farm that’s when I later went for military training.

SM: Who are some of the female comrades you were with at Chifombo?

Cde Georgina: I remember there was Cdes Dadirai, Chisungo, Mationesa (she later died), Mavis, Tendai, Muchaneta, Steria and many others. Like I told you when we got to Chifombo, there were 13 female comrades and we joined them. Now we were 16 but other female comrades kept coming. At the farm, there were so many farming activities. While at the farm, it was announced that kuri kudiwa the first female comrades to go for military training. I was among this first group that was taken to Nachingweya Camp in Tanzania. I think we were around 74 female comrades in this group. I can’t remember the exact figure. I remember one of the female comrades got pregnant and she was taken back to Lusaka. I actually think this comrade joined us when she was already pregnant.

SM: What was the name of this female comrade?

Cde Georgina: I can’t remember exactly her name. I think our instructors, Cde Khumalo and Cde Elias Hondo can remember her name. I also remember another female comrade got sick and passed away. We received military training at Nachingweya. Like I said, we had two Zanla instructors, Cde Khumalo and Cde Hondo. There were also two instructors, a male and a female, from Frelimo.

While at Nachingweya, we later discovered that this is the camp where former Mozambican President Samora Machel was staying. During our pass-out parade, there was vaMuzenda together with Samora Machel among the top dignitaries. I remember during our parade, Samora Machel took it upon himself kutimachisa because he was very proud of us. He told our Zanla leaders that takanga tamudadisa so he wanted to show them how good we were with all our drills. If you talk to any of the female comrades who were there on this day, they are still very proud because takadadisa. Hapana chaunondiudza about pfuti up to this day. I can assemble any gun with my eyes closed.

You see, Samora Machel was saying we were going to train other female comrades so we were supposed to be very good and we excelled. Samora would tell us you are going to be the instructors so ndinoda kuti mubve makanyatsobikika.

At Nachingweya were taught political orientation, mass mobilisation, how to assemble different types of guns and how to use the guns. This was a rigorous exercise. We received training just like our male counterparts. The training was for about six months.

SM: After receiving military training, where did you go?

Cde Georgina: From Nachingweya, takaiswa at different bases as instructors. I became a member of seguranza, meaning security intelligence. My job was to make sure that I detect sellouts with the recruits. Ndakatobata quite a number of people vakanga vatotumwa naSmith. These people would come pretending as if they wanted to join the struggle yet there were spies. I remember a group of comrades who came with bags filled with clothes. When I saw them, I quickly sensed that there was something wrong. These comrades were so smart as if they were going for some holiday. Kuhondo kwaisaendwa like that. So our commanders vakanditi chimbotamba navo tione.

I was still a cute little girl. So ndakenda and started mixing with these comrades. One of the comrades akabva andinyenga. He started saying musikana akanaka sewe so anogara musango sei? Ngatidzokere kumusha unogara muSalisbury uchidya zvinonaka.

SM: When this comrades proposed did you say yes?

Cde Georgina: Yes, ndakatoti ndinokuda and the comrade became very comfortable with me. He told me everything and I was busy reporting back to my commanders. I remember one of the commanders actually went to Lusaka to buy me a mini-dress, kuti zvidya zviende panze so that vakomana vadyire. At one time, this comrade told me kuti ngatisangane kumatoilets avarume in the middle of the night so that we could sneak out and go back to Rhodesia. I remember my boss kusecurity at that base was Cde Takawira. I told him kuti ndava kuda kuendwa neni back to Rhodesia. He told me to go to the toilet and wait for this comrade. This comrade came with his friends and just as he was about to grab my waist kuti handei, the other comrades who were laying in ambush vakabva vati “hold!” Takabva tasungwa tese. Ndaiva nenhamo yekusungwa because this had to look real.

After this we were taken to a parade where the commanders said tabata vatengesi ava. Some comrades who knew me were surprised. Later this comrades were taken to our cells ataiti mapidigu. Raiva jeri repasi that we dug. Muma pidigu ndimo mataiisa vatengesi.

I later became company commander, then battalion commander in charge of security. Later I became a member of the General Staff. When I became a member of the General Staff I had a secretary who would write down things for me. Most comrades knew that I had not gone to school so they made sure they assigned a secretary to do the writing for me. Sometimes when they wanted my signature, I would just put an X. Of course later I went to night school and now I can write very well.

Because of the nature of my job, I was assigned to many bases in Mozambique. I could not stay at one base for a long time. I ended up at Chaminuka Base, which was responsible for security. Chimoio Camp was bombed while I was at Chaminuka Base. Handiti you know kuti Chimoio camp had many bases. So Chaminuka was one of the bases in charge of security.

SM: You are saying when the bombing at Chimoio happened while you were there. How did you survive?

Cde Georgina: I don’t really know how I survived because I have never seen such kind of bombardment. I got shot during this bombardment (showing the scars on her body). I remember taking cover under a thick forest while bleeding profusely. While in that position, I saw a very big snake coming in my direction but I didn’t move. Nyoka iyi yakafamba nemukusana kwangu ichiita seiri kuda kupfuura. It then turned and looked at me. After a short while, yakaisa musoro wayo pasi and I knew it was giving me a message no to move from this position. I knew kuti mudzimu waindiudza what to do because the commotion at the camp was just something else. I remained in this hiding place until very late in the evening. That snake was in that position the whole day. In the evening, yakatanga kumononoka and it went away. I knew it was time for me to move. As I started walking, I met some comrades and one of the comrades used his shirt to bandage my wound.

SM: So after the massacre at Chomoio, where did you go?

Cde Georgina: I was taken to hospital in Chimoio town and was admitted for several weeks. After this I was taken to Tembwe. Tembwe was also attacked ndiripo. I survived again. Later, I was taken to Maputo and attended rufu rwaCde Tongogara. We used to call him Cde Tongo Mukono waidzvova. I tell you when that comrade died, it really affected many comrades.

After attending rufu rwaCde Tongo, a few months later, we were flown into Zimbabwe during the time of ceasefire. I came together with Cde Muzenda, naiye Teurai uyu (Mai Mujuru) and many others. We were taken to Mushandirapamwe Hotel in Highfield. Later we were taken to Highlands until Cde Mnangagwa came. He took me kuimba yaPresident Mugabe yekuWaterfalls along Derbyshire Road. Sometimes the President would come to this house, especially during weekends. He would say “ndati ndimbozorora Georgina ndiri kuno kwako.” Later, I was moved to State House. I got very close to Amai Sally Mugabe during these days. Both President Mugabe and Mai Sally understood my history and they welcomed me into their life as if I was their own child. While others went to Assemble Points, I didn’t and handidi kunyepa, ndakambochengetwa navaMugabe and Mai Sally. I am forever grateful.

We later were sent to go for campaigns in Mt Darwin and I went together with Teurai (mai Mujuru), Cde George Rutanhire and other comrades. The party said as comrades we were supposed to go and campaign in our home areas so that povho could easily understand why they had to vote for Zanu.

SM: Comrade Georgina, there is an issue that many female comrades talk about that people don’t understand. The issue about menstrual periods. How far true is it that some women, especially the first groups stopped having their menstrual periods during the liberation struggle?

Cde Georgina: I can tell you that I went for something like two to three years, without having menstrual periods. I had my first periods when I was 14 years that is one year after I joined the liberation struggle. But I just had the periods once and it stopped for years.

SM: How did this happen?

Cde Georgina: I was taken kunaMbuya Nehanda. By this I mean homwe yaMbuya Nehanda. Together with other female comrades, takapihwa mushonga wechibhoyi and we drank. Takapihwa tumidzi twataka tsenga tikamedza nemvura. After this ritual we all stopped going for our periods. This is when I started believing kuti hondo yaitungamirirwa nemasvikiro.

Of course, after some years some of us started having menstrual periods and I tell you it was a nightmare. There was no cotton and waisvika pakutora dhende woisa pakati kuti ubatsirike.

Herbert Chitepo: The War Will Go On

Phyllis Johnson
Reprinted from the Zimbabwe Sunday Mail

“There will be no talks, no negotiations, no discussions involving our movement until Mr Smith recognises the right to immediate majority rule. That is not majority rule tomorrow, next week, next year or whenever. It is now. Until we hear that man, the rebel leader of the rebel regime, speak those words, our war goes on and it will continue until we have liberated every acre of our country.” (Lusaka, 1974)

Herbert Wiltshire Chitepo was a brilliant scholar, endowed with a clarity and strength of intellect which he further developed through his studies, but his vision and his life work was the liberation of Zimbabwe from colonial rule.

Born into a peasant family at Bonda near Nyanga on June 15, 1923, his parents died when he was a child and he stayed at St Augustine’s Mission School near Mutare for his primary education.

The young Chitepo was always at the top of his class, and he went to South Africa for secondary school and for a Bachelor of Arts degree in English from Fort Hare College.

He studied law in London and was called to the bar at the Middle Temple.

He was the first black lawyer and advocate in Zimbabwe, then called Southern Rhodesia, and the first Director of Public Prosecutions in independent Tanganyika (now Tanzania).

He was very clear about what he was fighting for.

“I could go into the whole theories of discrimination in legislation, in residency, in economic opportunities, in education. I could go into that, but I will restrict myself to the question of land because I think this is very basic,” Chitepo said in Australia in 1973.

“To us, the essence of exploitation, the essence of white domination is domination over land. That is the real issue.”

Chitepo was a founder member of the National Democratic Party in 1960 and of the Zimbabwe African People’s Union (Zapu) in 1962, before leaving to form the Zimbabwe African National Union (Zanu) in August 1963.

He supported unity of the liberation movement towards freedom and independence, but differed in the tactics and timeframe. He wanted independence now, “not tomorrow, next week, next year or whenever. . .now”.

At Zanu’s first Congress held in Gweru in May 1964, he was elected National Chairman. The Congress decided that Zanu would not send any more delegations to London to plead for freedom. The guiding spirit behind the new party was, “We are our own liberators”.

Many nationalists were arrested soon after, including Robert Mugabe, and served a decade in prison, while those outside the country organised the military response to take back their land, led by Chairman Chitepo until his death in 1975. Chitepo had defended many nationalist figures in Southern Rhodesia in the late 1950s and early 1960s, including Mugabe, the Zanu Secretary-General, who was arrested in December 1963, on return from travels that included an address to the United Nations.

“The court was crowded for Mugabe’s appearance in the dock and many had to wait outside,” the Rhodesian Herald reported.

“In a locked courtroom, the chief prosecutor, Mr C. Cockerton, asked for a remand until January 22. But this was opposed by Mugabe’s defence counsel, Advocate H. Chitepo, who is the Director of Public Prosecutions in Tanganyika.”

The newspaper said further that Advocate Chitepo had arrived in the country on a family visit. Chitepo was a man of contrasting images. He was a warm and compassionate family man whom his Rhodesian adversaries regarded as the “brains” behind the guerrilla war and whom his comrades described as the “architect” of the Second Chimurenga, the struggle for freedom and independence.

He had met his wife, Victoria, when they were studying at Adams College near Durban, South Africa in the 1940s and they married in 1955.

She was at his side through the liberation struggle and became a Government minister in her own right after independence.

Of her husband, she said he was an inspiration. It was Victoria Chitepo who travelled from Dar es Salaam into the bush in Southern Rhodesia to meet the detained Zanu leaders at Sikombela to carry a message from her husband and consult on the way forward. The nationalists could see that they were in for a long time in prison, as the Rhodesian Front had come to power and replaced its leader with Ian Smith. The Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) was imminent, eventually declared on November 11, 1965.

The message from prison just before UDI resulted in Chitepo moving to Zambia in 1966 to devote himself full-time to advancing the armed struggle. It was a decision that separated Chitepo from many of his contemporaries who sat out the struggle in academic institutions and comfortable jobs, and it was a role that radicalised his views. Chitepo insisted that the only language the Rhodesian Prime Minister would understand was violence.

“Zimbabwe was taken from us through bloodshed. Only bloodshed — a bloody chimurenga involving four-and-a-half million of us — can restore Zimbabwe to its owners.”

The war thereafter had three phases.

That first phase from 1966-1968 was marked by the Battle of Sinoia (Chinhoyi), the first organised act of armed confrontation since the First Chimurenga of the 1890s following the settler occupation of the land, and by the Zapu battles in the north-west of the country. Chitepo was Zanu’s most senior leader at liberty and under his guidance, the party shaped its military wing, the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (Zanla), under the command of Josiah Tongogara. During this period, two key partnerships were forged that changed the course of the liberation war. The first was strengthening the relations with the People’s Republic of China who provided training and logistical support, and shared the methodology of mobilisation that was used to win the liberation war in China in 1949. The second was the approach for collaboration with the the Front for the Liberation of Mozambique (Frelimo) to allow Zanu access into north-eastern Rhodesia via Tete province, which Frelimo had liberated in 1968.

Frelimo leader Samora Machel agreed in May 1970 and a team was sent to Tete for liaison. The third and decisive phase of the war followed, based on mobilisation of the population and launched in the north-east on December 21, 1972.

This phase involved political and seven years later to the day, on December 21, 1979, a peace agreement was signed after negotiations in London, democratic elections were held in February 1980, and independence regained on April 18 1980.

Herbert Chitepo was a tireless worker and leader who devoted his life to achieving this goal, and ultimately he died for it.

Chitepo’s fiery language and his role in developing Zanu’s new military strategy inevitably made him a target for assassination by the Rhodesian regime. On March 18, 1975, an explosion shattered the morning at 150 Muramba Road in Chilenje South, Lusaka.

In the wreckage of his pale blue Volkswagon lay the body of Herbert Chitepo, 52, National Chairman of Zanu and leader of the Dare reChimurenga, the war council that was directing the infiltration of guerrillas into Southern Rhodesia.

In 1985, 10 years after Chitepo’s death and five years after his goal of independence had been achieved, came the first revelation of the facts surrounding his assassination, which had been the subject of a deliberate disinformation campaign by Rhodesian CIO that caused considerable confusion.

Brigadier Dudley Coventry, who was still serving in the new Zimbabwe military and training the special forces, provided the names of the late Chuck Hind and Ian Sutherland (by then relocated from Zambia to South Africa) and other details to two well-known journalists. Sifting fact from rumour, bias and folklore, and seeking information from those who did not want to talk as well as those who would, this story was told by my late husband, David Martin and myself in our 1985 book, The Chitepo Assassination.

David Martin and Phyllis Johnson, The Struggle for Zimbabwe, 1981; The Chitepo Assassination, 1985

Kasukuwere Faces the Axe in Zimbabwe

 Sunday Mail Reporters

The Zanu-PF Mashonaland Central provincial executive wants National Political Commissar Cde Saviour Kasukuwere fired for “plotting to topple” President Mugabe.

Also in the firing line is Mashonaland Central provincial chair Cde Dickson Mafios, who is Cde Kasukuwere’s step-brother, for allegedly undermining Zanu-PF’s constitution.

A demonstration has been lined up for Bindura tomorrow, with other provinces open to the idea of passing a no-confidence vote on Cde Kasukuwere.

Members of the Mashonaland Central provincial executive met in Bindura yesterday and resolved to stage the demonstration and then move to have the brothers kicked out of office.

Cde Kasukuwere cut his mobile phone when The Sunday Mail tried to get his comment last night, but it is understood that he spent the better part of last week seeking audience with President Mugabe to plead for mercy.

It could not be established by the time of writing if the meeting took place as Presidential spokesperson Mr George Charamba was not reachable for comment.

It is understood some characters linked to Cde Kasukuwere went around Bindura last night intimidating party supporters to prevent them from participating in tomorrow’s demonstration.

Nonetheless, Zanu-PF Central Committee member from Mashonaland Central, Advocate Martin Dinha, told The Sunday Mail, “The provincial leadership has already rejected Kasukuwere and Mafios. What remains now is due process.”

Cde Kasukuwere is accused of “capturing party structures” via candidate impositions with the ultimate objective of advocating for an Extraordinary Zanu-PF Congress ahead of next year’s harmonised elections to replace the party’s President and First Secretary, Cde Mugabe.

He has also courted the ire of Women’s League members for allegedly trying to block their countrywide demonstrations against their Deputy Secretary Cde Eunice Nomthandazo Moyo and Finance Secretary Cde Sarah Mahoka.

Cdes Nomthandazo Moyo and Mahoka face disciplinary action for undermining the authority of Women’s League secretary and First Lady Amai Grace Mugabe, with their fate possibly coming up for discussion at this week’s Zanu-PF Politburo meeting.

Chipadze district political commissar Cde Moses Mazema said: “Our party is being destroyed by this family. Whoever crosses their path will be fired. We all know Mashonaland Central as the backbone of Zanu-PF, but that is no longer the case because Tyson (Cde Kasukuwere’s nickname) and his gang have alienated the party from the people.

“The party has almost become their personal fiefdom. Because of their actions, people are turning against the party. The only way to stop this mess is for the President to fire Kasukuwere.”

A senior member of the Mashonaland Central provincial youth wing added: “We are fed up with Saviour! He is a bully who is always intimidating party members especially those who go against his wishes. It is known that as PC, Kasukuwere has fired more people from the party compared to those he has recruited…

“They have now established what we know here as the ‘Matope Brothers’. The Matope area is where Saviour and Mafios come from, and their clique is terrorising people here. Cases of violence against fellow party members is rampant in his constituency.

“People in the party are living in fear all the time. He is bringing the party down everyday. His brother, Mafios, has some personal issues that people here do not agree with.”

Cde Mafios last year tried to get Zanu-PF’s constitution changed to strip President Mugabe of the power to appoint his own deputies in the party, a move that no province – including his own – or party structure supported.

He is also accused of stalling construction of Zanu-PF’s Mashonaland Central provincial headquarters.

The party is renting offices, and this has angered some party members who claim donations have been made towards the completion of the provincial HQ.

Zanu-PF Mashonaland West provincial chairman Cde Ephraim Chengeta said the anti-Kasukuwere lobby was yet to formally reach him.

“We will give you more details as soon as anything comes up, but let it be known that anyone who messes with the President and the First Lady will be sent packing and there are no two ways about it. We were fully behind the Women’s League countrywide protests against Cdes Moyo and Mahoka as we don’t want anyone who goes against (Amai).”

In Mashonaland West, Cde Kasukuwere’s alleged proxy, Cde Mahoka, allegedly engineered votes of no confidence on several Women’s League provincial executive members as part of the plan to “capture the province”.

Women’s League Mashonaland West provincial chairperson Cde Angeline Muchemeyi said: “Mahoka was imposing candidates, saying this is what the First Lady wanted. She also wanted to remove me from my position. It was only after we had our meeting with the First Lady that we realised that she had been lying to us.”

Zanu-PF candidate in the Norton by-election Cde Ronald Chindedza is said to have lost to Mr Temba Mliswa, an independent, after having been imposed by Cde Kasukuwere.

Cde Kasukuwere has reportedly been working through Cdes Moyo, Mahoka, Kudzanayi Chipanga (Youth League secretary) and Shadreck Mashayamombe (Harare provincial political commissar) to achieve his alleged objective of an Extraordinary Zanu-PF Congress.


Kasukuwere torments Mudzidzi Wimbo

April 3, 2017
Mudzidzi Wimbo
Herald Reporter—

EMBATTLED Zanu-PF national political commissar Cde Saviour Kasukuwere has been accused of being the brains behind problems afflicting Mudzidzi Wimbo of the Vadzidzi VaJeso church after the cleric refused to make a false prophecy that Cde Kasukuwere would succeed President Mugabe. Mudzidzi Wimbo (Mr Aaron Mhukuta) is famed for making a popular prophecy in 1957 predicting that President Mugabe would be the first black leader of independent Zimbabwe.

He is now staying at his shrine in Madziwa, Mashonaland Central, where he is helping several people spiritually after voluntarily leaving his ancestral home on July 1, 2015.

One of his sons, Mr Zvadashe Gomo, told The Herald over the weekend that Cde Kasukuwere, working with a few individuals, was fomenting claims that his father was kidnapped by four of his assistants.

Mr Gomo said Cde Kasukuwere and his clique were the ones who wanted to force his father to return to his village home where they wanted to force him to make a false prophecy anointing him as President Mugabe’s successor.

He said he had been forced to let the cat out of the bag after reading several misleading stories in the private media claiming that his father was kidnapped by his four lieutenants.

The four are Messrs Ishmael Magodi (national leader), Shephard Chingwena (secretary-general), Zex Pamacheche (first committee member) and Edison Mukohwa (second committee member).

“I want to make it very clear that my father was never kidnapped as alleged in the private media,” he said.

“Everyone else knows that my father made a prophecy in 1957 predicting that President Mugabe will be the first black President of an independent Zimbabwe. Now, Cde Kasukuwere, working with some of my brothers and his Zanu-PF loyalists, wants to force my father to go back to that home and make a false prophecy anointing him as the next President.

“They know that Mudzidzi Wimbo is well respected, and they now want to take advantage of his advanced age to fulfil their political ambitions. They are the ones who are behind the stories claiming that Mudzidzi Wimbo was kidnapped, which are not true.

“I can tell you that when Mudzidzi Wimbo left our village home, one of my brothers is the one who was driving the truck that carried his luggage to this shrine. He asked my brothers to join him if they were interested but they refused.”

Mr Gomo continued: “For the record, Mudzidzi Wimbo is the one who prophesied some time back that he would want to stay at this shrine where he would build his sanctuary with many facilities including a school.

“In any case, my brothers were being violent and it was now difficult for him to do the work of God at that home as his followers were being harassed on a daily basis.

“He is the one who anointed his assistants who are now being persecuted in the media on false allegations that they kidnapped him. The commissioning of the four assistants was done in full glare of everyone.

“Mudzidzi Wimbo is the one who called them to the shrine after they were expelled from our village home by my brothers. The other problem is that my brothers think that Mudzidzi Wimbo’s assistants are making a lot of money from the church, and they are smearing them to force them out of the church.”

Mr Gomo said contrary to reports that Mudzidzi Wimbo was kidnapped, he was steering several developmental projects at his shrine that were transforming the Madziwa area.

He said, surprisingly, the private media chose to turn a blind eye on the projects.

Among other projects he said, Mudzidzi Wimbo oversaw the construction of a boarding school at the shrine that was officially opened by Primary and Secondary Education Minister Dr Lazarus Dokora.

He said Mudzidzi Wimbo also participated in the Government specialised maize production scheme Command Agriculture under which he utilised 60 hectares of land.

“In your view, do you think that someone who is in captivity can do such developments? We are tired of these false stories and interference by politicians. When President Mugabe came to Bindura last year, I wanted to expose this whole plot but Cde Kasukuwere chucked me out of that meeting. Why is it that when they talk about Mudzidzi Wimbo’s children they don’t talk about me? They know I will expose them,” he said.

Mr Chingwena, who is one of Mudzidzi Wimbo’s assistants, said: “We are serving at the pleasure of Mudzidzi Wimbo because he is the one who commissioned us to be his assistants. Our church is not a family organisation after it was founded by Johanne who came from Rusape in 1931. He was not related to Mudzidzi Wimbo or even his successor.”

Efforts to get comment from Cde Kasukuwere were fruitless as calls were not going through.


High noon for Kasukuwere

April 3, 2017
Herald Reporter—

THE demonstration against Zanu-PF national commissar Cde Saviour Kasukuwere is on today in Bindura after several members of the provincial executive recommended his expulsion from the ruling party on allegations of plotting to unconstitutionally unseat President Mugabe. Other provinces are also reported to be open to the idea of passing a no-confidence vote on Cde Kasukuwere whose presidential ambitions are now in the public domain.

He is accused of trying to capture party structures via candidate impositions with the ultimate objective of advocating for an Extraordinary Zanu-PF Congress ahead of next year’s harmonised elections to replace the party’s President and First Secretary, Cde Mugabe, who has since been endorsed by provinces as the party’s sole candidate.

Cde Kasukuwere also invited the wrath of Women’s League members for allegedly trying to block their countrywide demonstrations against their deputy secretary, Cde Eunice Nomthandazo Moyo, and finance secretary Cde Sarah Mahoka.

The league resolved to fire Cdes Nomthandazo Moyo and Mahoka for undermining the authority of Women’s League secretary and First Lady Amai Grace Mugabe, with their fate possibly coming up for discussion at this week’s Zanu-PF Politburo meeting.

Cde Kasukuwere yesterday tried to pre-empt today’s demonstration by organising a solidarity march for President Mugabe, but the application for the march was turned down by the police.

According to police officials, party members loyal to Cde Kasukuwere wrote a letter to Bindura police requesting permission to hold the march, but the request was dismissed because of another programme which had already been approved.

Cde Kasukuwere was also accused of deploying members of the provincial Youth League on Saturday to intimidate people against participating in today’s demonstration.

The youths include Cdes Isaiah Karina, who is Mashonaland Central Youth League chairman, and Cdes Caleb Mandaza, Helen Mashongonyika, Shumba Nyamangara and an official from the President’s Office identified as Ndawara.

Sources in Mashonaland Central said at least three quarters of the Members of Parliament in the province had also endorsed the anti-Kasukuwere demonstration.

“People here are fed up with Cde Kasukuwere and his brother (Cde Dickson Mafios’) leadership. At first, people thought this was going to end, but they have realised that these brothers are up to something,” said a member of the provincial executive.

Zanu-PF Central Committee member Cde Ephraim Mavhangira told The Herald in an interview that people in Mashonaland Central were fed up with Cde Kasukuwere’s style of leadership.

He added that he had resisted attempts to force him not to take part in today’s demonstration.
“They tried to intimidate me but I stood my ground,” he said.

“Cde Kasukuwere has been working against the President and it is not the first time that I am saying that. They (youths loyal to Cde Kasukuwere) confronted me but I stood my ground.

“You (The Herald) are doing a great job because these guys have become a problem, especially for people in Mashonaland Central.”

Cde Shantel Mbereko, who was forced out of Mashonaland Central provincial structures for refusing to pander to Cde Kasukuwere’s whims, said she had received threatening messages.

“I received text (Short Message Service) messages from people threatening to beat me up if I participate in Monday’s demonstrations. One of the messages were sent by a person that identified himself as Nickson and another one who identified himself as Honourable,” she said.

A member of the Zanu-PF Mashonaland provincial executive who declined to be named said: “He (Cde Kasukuwere) is refusing to go down alone. He has employed the services of provincial member Cde Concilia Gonzo and one Jacha to intimidate people not to attend the demonstration. But I can assure you that there will be a huge turnout because people are fed up by Cde Kasukuwere and Cde Mafios’ leadership.”

Cde Mafios last year tried to smuggle a resolution to amend the Zanu-PF constitution to bar President Mugabe from appointing his deputies.

Cde Kasukuwere, who has in the past refused to talk to The Herald, could not be reached on his mobile phone until late last night.


Kasukuwere’s woes mount

April 1, 2017
Herald Reporter—

Zanu-PF members in Mashonaland Central Province are pressing for the ouster of the party’s national political commissar Cde Saviour Kasukuwere, accusing him of trying to sabotage recent Women’s League demonstrations.Cde Kasukuwere, who is also Local Government, Public Works and National Housing Minister, was not reachable for comment yesterday.

Women’s League members countrywide demonstrated against the organ’s two senior members — Cdes Eunice Sandi Moyo and Sarah Mahoka.

Apart from accusations related to the demonstration, party members from Mashonaland Central, where Cde Kasukuwere hails from, are accusing him of fanning factionalism by setting up parallel structures and incessant interference in provincial affairs.

Cde Kasukuwere was also accused of trying to grab mines owned by members of the party’s Women’s League for personal benefit.

Zanu-PF members who spoke to The Herald in Bindura yesterday said Cde Kasukuwere’s leadership style as the party’s commissar was below par, compared to his predecessors, as he was dividing the party.

Cde Shantel Mbereko, who was forced to resign from the Mashonaland Central provincial structures after she allegedly refused to hand over women’s mining claims to Cde Kasukuwere said: “We were so surprised by the behaviour of the national PC (political commissar) because on the day of the demos people were barred from taking part.

“After women were mobilised to take part in the demonstration, an instruction then came from the national PC saying people should not attend it as there was a rice distribution programme on that same day.

“It was later changed to say we should go to Kitsiyatota where we would be given mining claims. As a result, there was a low turnout in Mashonaland Central for the demonstration.

“We then started to ask questions to say, all along we thought Cde Kasukuwere and his team were working together with the First Lady and President Mugabe, yet they are working against them.”

Cde Mbereko said the party should censure Cde Kasukuwere, together with his half-brother and provincial chair Cde Dickson Mafios “for such betrayal to our First Lady and leader of the Women’s League”.

She said Cde Mafios was the one coordinating Cde Kasukuwere’s instructions in the province.

“Another area of concern, is the way he (Cde Kasukuwere) is interfering in the affairs of the province and going down at constituency level here in Bindura,” said Cde Mbereko.

“We have our legislator Cde Kenneth Musanhi, but he has been rendered irrelevant by Cde Kasukuwere who is running the show here.”

Cde Diston Wadi, who is a Zanu-PF district member in Bindura’s Chipindura district said: “We are not happy with the way the provincial chairman is operating and remember, he is half brother to the national political commissar.

“He (Cde Mafios) is poor and he just takes orders from the national political commissar. I think the mistake that we made was to allow confirmation of an acting chairman who was not elected by the people. A chairman should be voted by the people for him to serve their interests.

“As it stands right now, the chairman is serving the interests of the national PC, who is also his half brother.”

Another district member from Bindura urban, Cde Lucky Mabheka said: “I think when it comes to leadership, the national PC and his brother, who is our provincial chairman, have failed.

“As such, we are appealing to the national leadership to take measures against them. They have destroyed not only our livelihoods here in Bindura, but also the party.

“Cde Kasukuwere is literally running the province and district structures. We have never seen such kind of leadership in Zanu-PF. What is clear is that he is setting up parallel structures with a sinister motive. We want the two to be removed from their positions if we are to rebuild the party in a way that guarantees victory in next year’s elections.”

Commenting on Cde Kasukuwere’s interference in Women’s League affairs, Zimbabwe Liberation War Collaborators Association (Ziliwaco) chairperson Cde Pupurai Togarepi said: “Ziliwaco supports the Women’s League position that they don’t want interference by men.

“The secretary for Women’s League (Dr Grace Mugabe) is a capable leader and allowing her to give direction to the league is most ideal for the stability of the party.
“The Women’s League is a critical wing of the revolutionary party which should be kept stable for the good of our great party. If there are men who are doing that we demand that they desist forthwith.”

During the demonstrations against Cdes Sandi Moyo and Mahoka in Harare, some members of the Women’s League revealed that Cde Kasukuwere had tried to influence them against the act through his side kick and Harare provincial commissar Cde Shadreck Mashayamombe.

Women’s League executive members who met in Harare last week also called for action against Cde Kasukuwere’s actions.

ZANU-PF Political Commissar Kasukuwere Lives Like the One Percent

Brian Chitemba
Zimbabwe Sunday Mail

TIME magazine photography editor Myles Little held an exhibition in 2015 dubbed “One percent: Privilege in a Time of Global Inequality” which showed real but shocking discrepancies between the haves and the have nots.

Commenting on Little’s photos of the world’s wealthiest one percent, author Hatje Cantz aptly said, “. . . The extravagant pleasures of the wealthiest one percent of the earth’s population represent an extreme contrast to those of the remaining ninety-nine.”

Research has shown that just one percent of the world’s population owns 50 percent of global wealth.

Mexican billionaire Carlos Slim is said to be super rich such that the interests he gets from his money are equivalent to the average annual salaries of 400 000 Mexicans.

The serious wealth discrepancies in society explain why the majority of people who are not part of the one percent endure a five to six-hour drive from Harare to Bulawayo. If they have a bit of money, they can spring about US$200 for a return ticket aboard Air Zimbabwe.

But if you are part of the one percent, one can afford to pay around US$5 000 to fly on a private five-seater plane from the capital to the City of Kings.

Which is what Zanu-PF National Political Commissar Cde Saviour Kasukuwere recently did at a cost of about US$4 800.

It is said Cde Kasukuwere was in the company of Hurungwe West legislator Cde Keith Guzah.

Cde Kasukuwere — who is also Local Government, Public Works and National Housing Minister — was pictured after disembarking from a private plane hired from Halsteds Aviation Corporation.

In the picture, the minister is seen in the company of Zanu-PF Central Committee member and Mpopoma legislator Cde Joseph Tshuma, Zanu-PF Youth League Bulawayo provincial chair Cde Anna Mokgohloa, Women’s League National Executive member Cde Rossy Phiri, Cde Lista Ngwenya (Youth League deputy secretary for legal affairs), Cde Butho Gatsi (main wing secretary for finance), Cde Borniface Muture (national youth political commissar), Cde Maqhawe Sibanda (Youth League secretary for transport) and Cde Dean Hlomani (secretary for production and labour).

Apparently, Cde Kasukuwere had travelled to Bulawayo to meet party youths after 12 Zanu-PF Bulawayo youth affairs executive members had resigned over alleged imposition and co-option of officials against the will of the majority.

Those who resigned included Cdes Davis Muhambi and Munashe Mututsa who were victims of the ruthlessness of under-fire Women’s Affairs deputy secretary Cde Eunice Sandi-Moyo.

Although Cde Kasukuwere flew on a private plane to Bulawayo, the sticking issues remain unresolved.

The minister’s travel on private planes is indeed a show of privilege in a time of global inequality where many in Zimbabwe are struggling to make ends meet as a result of economic challenges caused by recurring droughts in recent years.

Flying on private planes is now trendy, with some prominent figures such as Messrs John Bredenkamp, Andrew Dawnson, Bob Hensen, Billy Rautenbach and Isaac Levy owning helicopters and private jets.

However, all the aforesaid are successful millionaire businessmen who have toiled for many years to achieve what they possess.

SACP Media Statement on Discussion With the ANC

30 March 2017

The Augmented Central Committee last year mandated the SACP to convene a National Imbizo as part of our ongoing process to interact with motive forces of the National Democratic Revolution to deeply appreciate the challenges confronting our revolution. We wish to announce that we will be convening the National Imbizo from the 22nd to 24th April, in Gauteng. We extend an invite to all progressive organisations, both political and non-political, with a vested interest in the successful execution of the second more radical phase of our National Democratic Revolution.

Alliance partners, civil society organisation like the South African Council of Churches and other MDM forces have already been issued with an invite to participate in the National Imbizo, including the veterans of the movement and the MK MVA. We invite organisations with an interest to serve in the steering committee to make contact with our offices for necessary discussion and consideration.

Political Discussion between the SACP and the ANC

The SACP and the ANC have been engaged in political discussion in a bilateral sessions aimed at addressing the challenges facing our revolution broadly and our movement specifically. Since last year we have held three official bilateral discussions in various forms.

This last Monday our discussions continued. At the core of our discussions are the strategic questions facing our revolution, the revitalisation of the National Democratic Revolution, rebuilding our connection with the key motives forces of the revolution and dealing with subjective organisational challenges impeding our leadership role in society. It is in this context that the SACP is calling the broader National Imbizo.

Whilst we are committed to creating an enabling climate for our discussions, certain unfortunate events have taken place placing the SACP in an untenable situation wherein it is called on publicly to set the record straight regarding confidential discussions. There has been selective and factional leaking of our discussions breaching the confidentiality that usually accompanies such.

The SACP wishes to state that as the norm, the President informed us of his intention to effect a Cabinet reshuffle, replacing both the Minister and Deputy Minister of Finance. We recorded our objection to the intended reshuffle. However after the meeting an unfortunate selective leak to various media houses has distorted the facts, sought to create a public impression the SACP is firstly responsible for the leaks but secondly has agreed to the intention.

The constitution of the country accords the President of the country a responsibility to appoint Cabinet. The President of the country however is a deployee of the ANC and has to implement ANC mandate. The ANC is in alliance with the SACP, COSATU and SANCO and therefore has an obligation to consult its alliance partners in exercising political power collectively struggled for. The SACP rejects this emerging paradigm on presidential prerogative devoid of political collective oversight. The collective oversight demand of us to be frank with each other since we required to discharge our responsibilities not merely as friends and acquaintances, but as revolutionaries with a purpose to serve and change the lives of our people for the better.

Abuse of state security organs

The SACP is gravely concerned by the growing abuse of state security organs and their meddling in daily political life of the country. We are ware of a rogue intelligence unit that in our view gathers data illegally, produces false reports and feeds them into the political and public domain to smear comrades. We have laid a complaint with the Inspector General and the Minister of State Security who thus far have treated our complaint flippantly. In this regard we have noted a rising apartheid era style intimidation and harassment of activists, SACP members and other ANC members.

A series of suspicious events have been taking place with the latest being a reported harassment of Cde Makhosi Khoza. It appears those with other motives than that detailed in our revolutionary programme wont stop at anything. We have a responsibility not to allow ourselves to be run by gangsters nor degenerate into a gangster state wherein public office bearers and officials cannot discharge their responsibilities without fear or favour.

Issued by the SACP

Contact

Malesela Maleka - Acting SACP Spokesperson

On the below listed contact details

ISSUED BY THE SOUTH AFRICAN COMMUNIST PARTY: THE SACP

FOR GENERAL ENQUIRIES ON SACP STATEMENTS

CONTACT:

ALEX MOHUBETSWANE MASHILO: NATIONAL SPOKESPERSON, HEAD OF COMMUNICATIONS
SKYPE: MASHILOAM
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OFFICE: +2711 339 3621/2
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ANC Statement on the Changes in the Cabinet

31 March 2017

The African National Congress has noted the reshuffle of the National Executive by the President of the Republic, Comrade Jacob Zuma. According to the Presidency, the decision is taken to to improve effectiveness and efficiency. This has led to members of the National Officials expressing varying opinions on the reshuffle. The ANC is confident that the National Officials of the ANC will meet soon to further appraise each other on this matter and collectively give guidance and leadership to the organisation.

South Africans have bestowed upon ANC the leadership responsibility to make a success of the country. This requires committed and focus action amongst members and leaders of the organisation, working hand in glove, with all societal partners. It further calls on the movement to unite all our people in a common cause - pushing back the frontiers of poverty, reducing inequality and reversing the tide against unemployment. The ANC therefore at all times should focus on common and national challenges in the interest of the people and to advance their aspirations.

Accordingly ANC calls on its members and leaders to display unity of purpose at this time. From time to time there shall be divergent views on the nature and means to achieve the type of society we wish to construct. This is an inalienable characteristic of the broad church that defines the character of the African National Congress. Diversity and plurality of views does not mean division but robust and necessary engagement within our movement in our quest to deliver on our responsibility to our people.

Members and leaders of the organization are expected to focus more on what contributes to unify the nation than what divides us. Members of the Executive are as always expected to display the highest levels of integrity, selflessness, trustworthiness, honesty and commitment to serve our people in the execution of their duties.

Issued by the African National Congress

Enquiries
Zizi Kodwa 082 330 4910
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Khusela Sangoni 072 854 5707
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